What I saw in Russia/99

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APPENDIX

oath taken by the red army on enlistment
and renewed on may day each year


Before the working classes of Russia and of the whole world I swear to bear my calling honourably ; to perform my training conscientiously ; and zealously to guard public and military property from damage or loss.
I swear straightly and unflinchingly to observe revolutionary discipline, and unhesitatingly to obey all the orders of the commanders appointed by the Workers’ and Peasants’ Government.
I swear to abstain myself and withhold my comrades from all actions lowering to the dignity of a citizen of the Soviet Republic ; to direct all my actions and thoughts towards the great aim of the liberation of all the workers.
I swear, at the first call of the Workers’ and Peasants’ Government, to come to the defence of the Soviet Republic against all perils and attacks by any of its foes, and, in battle for the Russian Soviet Republic, for the work of Socialism and the brotherhood of the peoples, to spare neither my energies nor my life itself.
If by malicious intent I break this my solemn promise, then may universal contempt be my lot, and may I be punished by the stern hand of the revolutionary law.


THE THIRD INTERNATIONAL

Since my return to England there has been much discussion in Socialist and Labour cireles on the question of violence and the Third International. I discussed both these pomts with Lenin rather fully. He knows I am a pacifist and said to me; “ You are a Christian, I am not ; I am an Atheist. You think you can accomplish the revolution without violence, I think you will not be able to do so. If in England you are able to do this, well and good. No one wants bloodshed merely for bloodshed’s sake, but it is necessary that the workers must arm in order to obtain the revolution. The workers must arm to protect the revolution because I do not believe the capitalist class will give in without a fight.”

On the question of Parliamentary action on lines such as obtain in England, I argued that we had all the machinery of government and administration ; that we had our great trade union and co-operative movement and friendly societies ; that all these organisations, national, municipal and voluntary are training men and women for the work of administration, and that it would be quite easy for us to take over whenever the workers really desire to do so. I gave as an instance of what I meant the Poplar Borough Council, where we have an almost solid representation made up of Labour men and women—people who actually work with their hands. I asked him whether we ought to give up all this work, and most emphatically he replied “ No ” ; that we should all remain in every organisation, learn all we can, and use them, of course, as means of propaganda and experiment.

As to my pacifism and my hatred of violence, he said he could understand it and could appreciate it, and what he was anxious to know was on which side should I be in the event of a revolution. My reply was that always I should be on the side of the workers.

I did not gather that because I was a pacifist I should be excluded from the Third International—in fact, I understood both from Lenin, Fineberg and Zinovieff that I should be accepted as a member although I could not accept the policy of armed revolution.

I think that I should emphasise the fact that Lenin most definitely is of opinion, not that the workers want to fight or that he and his friends want to fight but that the capitalists will make them fight ; and always he gave as an instance the fact that in Britain Sir Edward Carson was allowed to raise and equip an army of over one hundred thousand men and was supported by all the leading Tories. By so doing he was able to defeat an Act of Parliament which had not only passed the legislature but had received the signature of the King.