A History of the Military Transactions of the British Nation in Indostan/Volume 2/Book 8

by Robert Orme

BOOK VIII.

1757
February. THE presidency of Madrass received no intelligence concerning the success of the armament to Bengal, before the 15th of February, between which day and the 22d, advices arrived, by various vessels, of the re-capture of Calcutta, the attack of the Nabobs camp, and of the treaty made with him on the 11th of that month, in which conjuncture Colonel Clive gave hopes that he should soon return with a great part of the troops. On the 21st Admiral Pocock arrived, as we have said, from Vizagapatam, landed the remaining soldiers of the Company's troops, received 100, the same number of sailors, and sailed the next day to rejoin the squadron in Bengal.

According to the principle adopted on the departure of the armament, the presidency had continued to avoid all hostilities in the Carnatic; but the failure of lieutenant Rumbold's negotiation with the jemautdars of Madura, in November, raised no improbable apprehensions, that the influence of the government of Pondicherry would, if it had not already, soon insinuate itself into their councils, unless immediately interrupted by some exertion; and the dangerous consequences which would ensue, determined the presidency to revoke the restraint they had laid on Captain Calliaud not to engage in any military operations from Tritchinopoly; and in the end of the year, they allowed him to employ such means as he should think expedient, for the reduction of Madura, and permitted him to command the expedition in person; they likewise sent several officers, with some stores and ammunition, which the garrison of Tritchinopoly could not spare without diminishing its own complements: they went by sea to Devicotah, from whence they were to proceed through the Tanjore country.

Captain Calliaud, whilst waiting for these supplies, went to Tanjore, as well to obtain troops from the King, as to make peace between him and Tondiman; for Monacjee in the beginning of the year had taken the fort of Killanelly, which had been so long the object of contention between them; but found the difference, as before, irreconcilable; nevertheless, both proffered every assistance in their power. On the 23d of March, he set out from Tritchinopoly, with 150 Europeans, including artillery-men, 500 Sepoys, and two field-pieces, and on the 25th arrived at Anawashul, a town belonging to Tondiman, 20 miles from Tritchinopoly, where they were joined by 1000 of his horse, and 100 of his Colleries. On the 29th they arrived on the frontiers of the lesser Moravar 's country, who being likewise frequently called the Nellicotah Polygar, we shall in future distinguish him from the greater Moravar by that title. Here they expected 500 horse from Tanjore; but none were arrived, or near. Scouts sent forward reported, that all the roads and paths in the country before them were obstructed with trees fresh cut down and strewed across the way, and that numbers of Colleries were every where ready to dispute the passage. Messengers were sent to enquire the reason. The Polygar said, that being at enmity with Tanjore, and knowing that Calliaud had asked the king for a body of horse, he had barred his woods, being determined not to admit any Tanjorines into his country. Calliaud, being by this time convinced that the King, notwithstanding his promises, did not intend to send any, made a merit of rejecting what he was not likely to obtain, and assured the Polygar he would not accept of their assistance; on which all obstacles were removed, and the troops, after a halt of three days, entered his country on the 4th of March. In seven days more, of which they halted during the third at Mangalum, they arrrived at Parcdachy, the last town they had to pass in the districts of the greater Moravar, having received every kind of hospitality in the countries of both Polygars. Excepting the feet of a few missionaries, this track had never before been trodden by any Europeans. At Mangalum, Calliaud met the brother of the Nellicotah; and at Paralachy, the principal man of the greater Moravar: and learnt from them that the two Polygars and Tondiman had entered into a league to attack the king of Tanjore with all their forces united, on the very next attempt he should make against the territories of either of the three. The troops having halted a day at Paralachy, continued their march to Tinivelly, through the open country, in districts belonging to this government.

The Pulitaver, with the Polygars of his alliance, had taken the field in the middle of January, as soon as Maphuze Khan arrived at Nellitangaville; their force amounted to 10,000 men, and the cavalary of Madura under the command of Berkatoolah, to one thousand. This army moved by slow stages to the eastward, the Colleries plundering day and night on either hand, and at length encamped before Panialumcrutch, at this time the principal residence of Catabominaigue, the chief of the eastren Polygars, and demanded his assistance; who, dreading the destruction that would follow his refusal, complied, and joined them with 3 or 4000 men. But the Polygar of Etiaporum, the next in importance, made some pretence to withhold his troops, for which the Pulitaver was not sorry; and the army marched from Panialumcrutch directly to Tinivelly, Still plundering all the way; but were deterred from attacking the town itself, by the activity of the Company's Sepoys stationed there under the command of Bussiponaigue. Returning with their plunder to the northward, they ravaged all the accessible and cultivated districts bolonging to Etiaporum in revenge for his neutrality; and from hence sent off a detachment with their booty, amongst which were 5000 beeves, to Nellitangaville. In this while Mahomed Issoof the commandant, and Moodilee the renter of these countries, not being certified which way Calliaud would direct his march, expected that he would come in somewhere near Madura, and remained at Chevelpetore, under the hills to the west, until they received intelligence that the enemy were marching from Panialumcrutch towards Tinivelly; on which they moved to intercept their return, and besides other Polygars of less note were accompanied by Vaniah of Sevagherry, a very large Collery fort situated at the foot of the hills about 20 miles south of Chevelpetore; but the enemy had followed their plunder from Etiaporum, and were arrived at Nellitangavelle before Issoof could intersect their return: he nevertheless, when thus far, remained in the districts mid-way between Chevelpetore and Tinivelly, as the best position to watch their future movements, until he received orders from Captain Calliaud to repair to, and wait for him at this town; in consequence of which, he proceeded and arrived there on the 28th of February. The enemy no sooner saw him removing to a greater distance, than they again came out, and proceeded to Alwar courchy, a town about 20 miles to the westward of Tinivelly, where Moodilee had lately thrown up a mud fort, on which he had mounted three pieces of cannon, and placed in it 150 Peons and Sepoys under the command of his nephew, Algapah. The enemy attacked the fort, which, after more resistance than might have been expected, surrendered, and Algapah was sent a prisoner to Nellitangaville. Intelligence of this loss was brought to Tinivelly on the 4th of March, in the evening, and at 8 o'clock, Mahomed Issoof marched with the greatest part of his own force, and all of the Polygars his allies. At 7 the next morning they came in sight of Alwar courchy, and were surrounded on all sides by the enemy's army, of which the cavalry of Madura were most to be apprehended. The fight continued in a variety of skirmishes, until the evening, when the enemy quitted the fort and the field. The Polygar of Outamalee had both his legs struck off by a cannon ball, and the general of the Pulitaver's men was likewise killed; of their troops 2 or 300 were supposed to be killed or wounded; of Mahomed Issoof's only six Sepoys were killed and 30 wounded; however, the action was esteemed a complete victory, and to fix it as such in the opinion of the country, he marched forward to Shenganpetty, a fort in the hills belonging to the Polygar of Vadagary, situated about 16 miles to the north-west of Alvar courchy. The guard abandoned the fort before it was attacked; and Mahomed Issoof, leaving 100 Sepoys to garrison it, dismissed the Polygars, and returned with the renter's and the Company's troops to Tinivelly where Calliaud with his detachment arrived on the 17th.

The force now assembled at Tinivelly was formidable, but could not proceed to action for want of money, which the renter Moodilee, from whom it was expected, was not able to furnish; and the shroffs had for some time been deterred from supplying him by their apprehensions from the animosity which existed between him and Mahomed Issoof. Captain Calliaud with much difficulty reconciled their differences, at least to appearance, and so far as to induce the shroffs to lend 200,000 rupees, which were immediately disbursed in discharging the arrears due to the troops, and other military expences. The Polygar Catabominaigue was at this time celebrating a great wedding in his family at Panialumcrutch; to which, as usual, the whole country round was invited, and Moodilee as a principal guest. He went, and having long been in habits of acquaintance and business with the Polygar, fixed him in the interest of the company, and concluded an alliance with him against the confederates with whom he had lately united, as well as all other enemies. In return, the Polygar requested that some compensation might be made to his dependant of Etiaporum, for the ravages which his country had lately sustained in consequence of his refusal to join the rebels; and Calliaud, having seen the effects as he marched through, remitted a part of the fine due on the hostages of Etiaporum, who still remained unredeemed with Tondiman. Whilst these affairs were adjusting, the southern monsoon setting in on the coast of Malabar, broke over the western range of mountains with the utmost violence, and descending, with the cataracts it had formed, into the plain, deluged the whole country to the eastern sea: the storm, rain, and inundation, continued without intermission for two days and two nights: the harvests, just ripe, were swept away, and with them the habitations of the cultivators: the rains continued several days after the winds had abated; it required many days labour and sunshine to drain and dry the ground, and more time to repair the devastation which the agriculture of the country had suffered; during which an epidemic sickness broke out, and carried off many of the distressed inhabitants by sudden deaths, which the patient simplicity and superstition of their character imputed to the visitation of a goddess, Lacheme, coming, they knew not whence, from the North. The shroffs, who had lent money to Moodilee on the mortgaged harvest, would not suffer him to depart until they saw the country recovering; which obliged Captain Calliaud to remain at Tinivelly some time longer, in order to superintend and encourage the various operations which were necessary to restore the cultivation.

The Presidency, whilst waiting the result of this expedition, had, howsoever unwilling, been obliged to engage in hostilities in the Carnatic. The Nabob, in the beginning of the year, had demanded of his brother Nazeabulla, the governor of Nelore, a subsidy of 100,000 rupees above the usual tribute; which the country could afford to pay, having suffered little from the distresses of the war, to which the rest of the Carnatic had so long been exposed; but Nazeabulla equivocated and apologized. Ichlass Khan, the brother of the Nabob's buxey or general, marching at this time with 500 horse, and other troops, to collect the tributes of the northern Polygars, advanced as far as Serapely, a fort 12 miles south of Nelore, and proposed an interview with Nazeabulla, who accepted the visit, giving his oath on the Koran; but requested Ichlass Khan to come with few attendants, lest quarrels should arise between them and his own. The visit produced no change in Nazeabulla's excuses for not paying the money, and Ichlass Khan left the city in the evening without harm; but, after it grew dark, his escort was attacked by an ambuscade of matchlock-men in the bushes near the road, and one of them was killed. The Nabob imputed this outrage to the instigation and example of his other brother Maphuze Khan at Madura, and of an adventurer Meersaeb, who was in possession of Elavanasore, and plundering wherever he listed. The anguish which the Nabob expressed at this second rebellion rising in his own family, determined the presidency to comply with his earnest request to reduce Nazeabulla; but his troops were not ready to march from Arcot before the 1st of April, although the outrage happened on 21st of February; during which Ichlass Khan was waiting for them with his detachment at Kalastry, the town of the polygar Damerlah Venketappahnaigue, 70 miles to the s. w. of Nelore. The force from Madrass was only 100 Europeans, the company of 56 Coffrees, and 300 Sepoys, with one eighteen-pounder, three sixpounders, four cohorns and one howitz. Lieutenant Colonel Forde, of Adlercron's regiment, was appointed to command the expedition. The Sepoys and bullocks proceeded by land. The Europeans and Coffrees, with the artillery and stores, embarked on the first of April, in a ship and a sloop, which anchored the next afternoon opposite to the mouth of the river Kandeler, seven miles to the North of Kistnapatam, a town of considerable trade, from whence they expected the usual assistances of the port; but the inhabitants, intimidated by the threats of Nazeabulla, abandoned the town on the appearance of the vessels, which were employed seven days in effecting the disembarkation with two massoolas they had brought from Madrass. During this interval the Sepoys and bullocks arrived; but coolies and more bullocks were necessary before the detachment could move from Kistnapatam, and the Nabob's army from Arcot was not near enough to supply them before the 22d of the month.

The next day Colonel Forde marched, and on the 25th joined the Nabob's army at Serapely, which was commanded by his brother Abdullwahab, and had been encreased by the troops of the polygars Bangar Yatcham and Damerlah Venketappah, and all together amounted to 10,000 men, of which 3000 were cavalry. On the 27th the army encamped before Nelore. This town stands about 500 yards to the south of the river Pennar, extending about 1200 yards from east to west, and 600 on the other sides. The walls were of mud, and only the gateway and a few of the towers of stone. The parapet was six feet High, with many port-holes for small arms, made of pipes of baked clay, laid in the moist mud, whilst raising, and afterwards consolidating with the mass; the common method of forming these defences in India: the ditch had no water, and was in many parts much choked by drifts of sand. Nazeabulla, on the approach of Abdulwahab, had gone away with 1500 horse, and left the city to be defended by a resolute officer, with a garrison of 4000 Peons, who were instructed and assisted by 20 Frenchmen, sent from Masulipatam. The English troops encamped along the river in face of the town, the Nabob's and the Polygar's at a distance higher up.

On the 29th, the eighteen-pounder, with the field-pieces, together with the cohorns and howitz, began to fire from the mound of a tank at the distance of 300 yards; but by mistake against the strongest part of the wall, on which, in four days, they made no impression. In the night of the 2d of May, all the artillery was moved to a battery erected about 200 yards to the left, and 100 nearer the wall, which in this part was visibly in a ruinous condition. The 18-pounder fired briskly during the next day, and by the evening made a breach which appeared practicable; and hitherto only one man had been wounded by the enemy's fire, which had been very few cannon-shot, but continual from small-arms. The next day Abdulwahab summoned the governor, who answered with civility, that he could not deliver the fort to any one without a positive order from Nazeabulla, whose salt he eat. It was therefore resolved to storm the next morning; but, during this interval the garrison had been diligently employed in counterworking the breach. On each side they cut a broad trench through the rampart, and another on the ground within, which joined at right angles with those from the rampart, and enclosed a space of some yards square; these trenches were to be defended by men armed with long pikes, whilst numbers stationed, some along the ramparts, some in various pits dug for the occasion, and others in the adjacent houses, were to annoy the assailants, when on the breach, with stones, arrows, and fire-arms, to which their own pikemen, being intrenched breast-high, would be little exposed. At sun-rise the English troops advanced to the assault. The 300 Sepoys marched first; the company of Coffrees next; the Europeans in the rear. The enemy fired briskly as the line was approaching, and more especially from the tower on the left of the breach, that Col. Forde ordered a six-pounder from the battery, which, at the distance of a hundred yards, kept up a constant fire on the parapet of this tower, more indeed with the hope of intimidating, than the expectation of doing any detriment. The first few Sepoys who got up the breach were immediately stopped by the pikes from advancing either forwards, or on either hand, and had scarcely discharged their muskets before they were all wounded; on which those immediately behind ran down in confusion, and the whole body in an instant broke; but dispersed to the right and left of the rest of the line. The Coffrees, led by Ensign Elliot, took their place without trepidation, and having mounted, maintained their ground on the breach gallantly, endeavouring, after they had fired, to break down the pikes with their muskets, and even to push into the trenches: but in vain, for, in a few minutes, four of them were killed, and thirteen, with Lieutenant Elliot, wounded; on which the rest were called down. The Europeans, who during this contest had remained thronged at the foot of the breach, now mounted, every man as he stood nearest, without regard to rank, order, or command. This assault continued half an hour, during which Capt. Hunt was shot with an arrow, Callender and Richard Smith, and Mr. Alexander, the commissary, were bruised with stones, and with them four of the soldiers killed, and 27 wounded on the breach, and the enemy still as active as ever; on which Colonel Forde, who was at the foot of the wall, ordered the retreat, which was made with more hurry than became troops who had hitherto behaved with so much courage; for every man, instead of waiting for his officers and colours, ran as fast as he could to take shelter in the battery, and all passed the field-piece without stopping to bring it away, until captain Richard Smith, who, in rotation of duty, brought up the rear, halted with a few of his own company, and afterwards, with the assistance of some of the Nabob's horsemen, who were near, dragged the field-piece to the battery: during which two of his Serjeants, and two of the horsemen, were wounded from the walls. The Nabob's army, during the assault, advanced in several bodies against different parts of the town, but their appearance no where withdrew the attention of the garrison from the defence of the breach.

The vent of the eighteen pounder being run, it was impossible to renew the attack until other battering cannon arrived from Madrass; but Colonel Forde had already been informed by the presidency, that the French troops were acting in the field, and threatened designs which might render it necessary to recall his detachment. By the 13th the wounded were sufficiently recovered to march; and no determination being as yet received from the presidency, Colonel Forde, in compliance with the repeated requests of Abdulwahab, crossed the Pennar with the whole army in pursuit of Nazeabulla, who, it was said, still continued in the neighbourhood: on the 15th they halted at Sangam, a pagoda of note 30 miles west of Nelore, where they were informed that Nazeabulla had quitted the country, and was gone to the French at Condavir; on which the army returned the next day towards Serapely, but by another road, leaving Nelore to the left. On the way Colonel Forde met several letters, signifying the encreasing apprehensions of the presidency; and on his arrival at Serapely, received express orders to return with the utmost expedition to Madrass.

The government of Pondicherry, with the advices of the declaration of war against Great Britain, received orders to refrain from any military operations of risque, until the great armament preparing in France should arrive; which injunctions they had implicitty obeyed: but when they saw Madrass dividing its force, although not stronger than their own, on services at such distance from each other, as Nelore and Tinivelly, they thought they too might attempt some acquisition without much danger. However, they began with great caution. On the 6th of April, the day after the English troops embarked for Nelore, a body of 200 Europeans, and 1000 Sepoys, which had for some time lain encamped to the westward of Pondicherry, marched under the command of Mr. D'Auteuil, who had lately returned from France; they proceeded, giving out some other objects, to cover their real intentions, which were to fall upon Elavanasore by surprize.

This place is situated about 60 miles west of Pondicherry; it consists of a fort and a pettah both standing on a plain, and neither having any difficult defences: the districts are of no great extent, but extremely fertile. Before the truce between Mr. Saunders and Godeheu, it was taken posession of by an adventurer named Meer Allumodean, but more generally known by the name of Meer Saheb, who procured his confirmation from the Nabob, then at Tritchinopoly. Under this sanction, he maintained a much greater force, especially of horse, than the incomes of his government could afford, and supported them by plundering the neighbouring districts, pretending, that the managers of them were attached to the French. In an excursion immediately after the truce in 1755, he plundered all the French districts between Seringham and Pondicherry, when the presidency of Madrass rebuking his proceedings he made retribution to the French government, who permitted him to keep a small fort he had taken from them in the neighbourhood of Elavanasore, named Oullagellinoor. This cession raised suspicions in the Nabob, who proposed that the English detachment which escorted him soon after from Tritchinopoly to Arcot, should attack Elavanasore in the way; and again that the English army should proceed against it, in the beginning of the last year, immediately after it had retreated from Velore. On the other hand, Meer Saheb, knowing himself reprobated by the Nabob, and seeing nothing to be got by uniting with the French, thought the mutual enmity between the two his best protection, and paid no respect to either; but increased his force, and continued his depredations on the possessions of both. Besides driving off the cattle which he afterwards sold to the owners, it was especially his custom to seize on persons of substance, whom he confined until they had paid heavy ransoms. In the month of September, he, in one excursion, swept away 5000 beeves and 6000 sheep, indifferently from the country round; and in the beginning of the present year again plundered the neighbourhood indiscriminately. The Nobob then pretended to suspect him of being in league with Maphuze Khan at Madura, and Nazeabulla at Nelore; but as soon as it was known, that the government of Pondicherry intended to attack Elavanasore, he requested the presidency of Madrass to protect him, rather than suffer such valuable districts to fall into the hands of the French.

Mr. D'Auteuil advancing by forced marches appeared before Elavanasore on the 10th; and, Whilst they were encamping, Meer Saheb sallied with all his cavalry and most of his foot, and had well nigh routed the whole of the French force, when he was shot through the body: his troops immediately ceased the fight, but escorted him with much attention back to the fort. D'Autueil, on this trial, sent to Gingee for reinforcements and cannon; and, in the meantime, prepared to make a regular attack: on the 16th arrived 250 Europeans, with 1000 Sepoys, and the battering cannon; but on the same day Meer Saheb died of his wound; on which his brother, with the families of both, went away in the night, and the garrison after their example likewise abandoned the fort before the morning.

Reports had prevailed in this part of the country, ever since the French troops had taken the field, that they intended to fall upon Tritchinopoly, which, by the absence of the troops with Captain Calliaud, was left with a garrison very inadequate to its extent; and even Capt. Jos. Smith, who now commanded in the city, apprehended and warned the presidency of this danger. But the force which had taken Elavanasore was unequal to the enterprize; and D'Auteuil moved back from Elavanasore to Chilambrum, where he arrived on the 1st of May. From hence he marched and encamped on the skirts of the woods of Warriorepollam, and summoned the polygar to pay his tributes on the same pretensions as Maissin had demanded them two years before. The polygar as usual endeavoured to gain time by discussions, on which the French attacked one of his barriers, but were repulsed with loss: however he was frightened by the attack, and agreed to pay 40,000 rupees, but took some days to produce the money.

In the mean time, Captain Calliaud, whilst regulating the affairs of the renter at Tinivelly, acquired intelligence, that the confederates were treating with the Mysoreans at Dindigul for aid against the English and their adherents, the Pulitaver offering to pay down 500,000 rupees, and the Jemautdars of Maphuze Khan to give up the districts of Sholavanden, in which are comprized a strong pass, and the only road, between Madura and Dindigul. Nevertheless it was not intended that the country, when conquered, should be given either to the Mysorean or Maphuze Khan: it was to be restored to a descendant of the ancient kings, who lived in concealment in the country of the greater Moravar: and Maphuze Khan was to have a suitable establishment in Mysore.

This news encreased the necessity of attacking Madura as soon as possible; but the arrangements at Tinivelly were not finished until the 10th of April, on which day, Captain Calliaud began his march from thence, with 180 Europeans, 2,500 Sepoys, six fieldpieces, and 500 horse: Mahmood Issoof commanded the Sepoys, and MoodSee what horse were levied by himself. Six companies of Sepoys were left for the defence of Tinivelly, and the same number in the fort of Palamcotah. On the same day, Berkatoolah and Nabey Cawn Catteck set off from Nellitangavile, with 500 horse, leaving Maphuze Khan with the Pulitaver. Skirting along the hills, they halted one evening near the fort of the Polygar Vaniah, of Shevagherry, which stood 60 miles s. w. of Madura, and 20 below Chevelpetore. The Polygar, having been attached by Mahomed Issoof, sent out his Colleries, who, in the middle of the night, fell upon this body of cavalry, and with their screams and fireworks dispersed the whole, and took 40 of their horses. fugitives re-assembled in the morning, and arrived at Madura on the 17th; from whence Nabey Cawn Catteck immediately went to the greater Moravar, in order to prepare supplies of provisions for the city. On the 20th, the English army arrived at Secundermally, and lodged themselves in the pagoda; from whence Mahomed Issoof, with a party of Sepoys, was detached the next day to reduce the fort of Sholavanden. It is situated 10 miles north-west of Madura, and, although intended to command the pass, was of little strength; and the garrison of 200 peons abandoned it as soon as Mahomed Issoof appeared; but excessive rains, which raised the river Vigee, prevented him from returning to Secundermally, before the 26th. In this interval, Calliaud received letters from the presidency, advising him of their apprehensions that the French intended to attack Tritchinopoly; with orders to hold himself in readiness to march to its relief on the first notice. By this time, he was likewise convinced, that the reduction of Madura was an enterprize of much more difficulty than had been represented to him, and scarcely feasible without battering cannon, of which he had not brought any from Tritchinopoly; and, excepting the one which Mahomed Issoof himself had deposited in Madura, there was not a single piece in the whole country, of which Europeans would make use. However, not to lose any of the precarious time left him to act, he resolved to attempt the city by surprize. Bamboos were provided, as if for some other service, and no one was suffered to go in or out of the pagoda until the ladders were made. On the night before the 1st of May, all the troops, except a few to guard the baggage and artillery, marched out of the pagoda, and at three in the morning arrived at the watercourse which runs within 300 yards of the western side of the walls.

The inward wall of Madura is 22 feet high, including the parapet, which rises six above the rampart: at the distance of every 100 yards or less (for exact symmetry has not been observed) are square towers. The fausse-bray is 30 feet broad, above which the outward wall rises only five feet, but descending to the bottom of the ditch is 11 on the outside. Midway, between every two towers of the inward wall, is a similar projection in the outward, with loop-holes which command the ditch, and flank the intermediate part of the wall, in which are none: but the whole parapet of the inward wall has loop-holes, so have some of its towers, and the rest embrasures for cannon. The spot chosen to be attacked was the first tower on the left hand of the western gateway, being the only part where the fausse-bray was clear of the thick thorny bushes, which had not injudiciously been suffered to over-run it in every other; but the garrison, trusting to this defence, had entirely neglected the ditch, which, by continual drifts after rain, was almost choked up to the level of the plain. The party allotted to the attack were 100 Europeans, and 200 Sepoys; the rest of the troops remained in the watercourse, ready to support the event. Calliaud led the party himself, to whom the method of attack was carefully explained, and strict silence enjoined. The foremost men carried the six shorter ladders intended for the outward wall; the next, the six longer, for the inward; as soon as twenty of the party had got into the fausse-bray, it was intended that they should immediately take over the longer ladders, which they were to plant, as received, against the tower, but not a man was to mount, until all the six ladders were fixed, and then no more than three at a time on each ladder.

The first ladders were planted, and Calliaud, with the first 20 men, had got into the fausse-bray, had taken over one of the longer ladders, and had planted it against the tower, when their hopes were interrupted by one of those accidents which from their triviality escape the most attentive precaution. A dog, accustomed to get his meals at the messes of some of the soldiers, had accompanied them all the way from Secundermally into the ditch, and probably from anxiety, at not being able to follow his masters into the fausse-bray, began to bark; which was soon answered by the barking of another dog on the rampart, and the yelps of both awakened the nearest centinel, who, crying out "The enemy," raised the guard at the gateway, which repaired immediately to the tower. The soldiers in the fausse-bray, finding the alarm taken, instead of continuing to get over the rest of the ladders, endeavoured to mount on that already planted, but crowded on it so many together, that it crushed under them. This communicated the confusion to those in the ditch, and no one any longer did what he ought. In the mean time, the garrison increasing on the rampart hung out blue lights of sulphur, and discovering the whole party began to shower on them arrows, stones, lances, and the shot of fire-arms. On which Calliaud ordered the retreat, which was effected with little loss, only one man being killed, and another wounded; both were Sepoys, standing on the glacis.

The troops, after taking some refreshment, marched from the watercourse, and proceeding along the southern face of the town took post in a ruined village, about 600 yards from the south-east part of the walls, which in this quarter were of a much slighter construction than any where else. The division with the artillery and baggage from Secundermally joined in the evening. On the 3d in the morning, a battery consisting of three six-pounders began to fire on the walls, and continued the two succeeding days, without making any impression; on which Calliaud sent away a company of Sepoys, with a sufficient number of bullocks, to bring two eighteen-pounders from Tritchinopoly.

The presidency of Madrass, whilst anxious concerning the success of the expeditions against Madura and Nelore, had received advices, on the 28th of April, from Bengal, by the Revenge, Protector, and Marlborough, belonging to the company, with the welcome news of the capture of Chandernagore, but without a single platoon of the troops which had been sent in the armament; and, the season being now changed, none were to be expected before September. Intelligence of this disappointment was soon conveyed to Pondicherry; and it now appeared, that the French had waited to determine the operations of their own troops by the force which might be sent back from Bengal to Madrass. They immediately barred all their garrisons, and, retaining none but invalids in Pondicherry itself, enrolled the European inhabitants to man the walls: all these parties hastened to join D'Autuil's camp before Arielore, who, sending forward a detachment of 100 Europeans and 500 Sepoys to Seringham, followed himself with the main body on the 12th of May: his whole force consisted of 1000 Europeans, battalion and artillery, 150 Hussars, 3000 Sepoys, 10 field-pieces, with several howitzes and cohorns.

The two eighteen-pounders intended for Madura were sent off from Tritchinopoly early in the morning of the 12th, under the escort of two companies of Sepoys; but had not proceeded three, miles, before a strong party from Seringham crossed the Caveri, and marched to circumvent them; which being perceived from the town, Captain Joseph Smith re-called the guns, and marched out with a considerable part of the garrison to protect them, on which the enemy returned to the island. On the 14th the van of their main body, with D'Autueil, arrived, and with the garrison of Seringham encamped at the Pagodas of Wariore. It was some time that Captain Smith had expected this visit, and he had made all the preparations which the means in his # power admitted to receive it: he had filled the ditch round the town with water by the usual sluices from the Caveri, nevertheless several rocky parts remained fordable: the parapets both of the outward and inward walls, whereever decayed, had been repaired: Tondiman and the king of Tanjore, on his application, had sent, the one 300 Colleries, the other 300 matchlockmen: the Peons entertained by the Nabob's governor, were four hundred: but all these men, excepting the Colleries, were only fit for night-watches, nor for that, without being watched themselves: the Company's where the only troops which could be relied on; they were 150 Europeans rank and file, of which 50 had lately been sent from Fort St. David, 15 artillery men, and 700 Sepoys; but of the whole few had seen much service, for the best had been taken away by Captain Calliaud. This force would scarcely in any time of outward danger have been sufficient to guard the walls, of which the circuit was 6400 yards; much less with the additional ward of 500 French prisoners, who were confined within the town, and from whom more danger was apprehended than from the enemy without: for it was known, and it could not be prevented, that they maintained a correspondence with their countrymen at Seringham; and indeed the hopes of their breaking loose during the attack, had been the principal inducement to the present attempt against the city. More troops were continually coming up to Wariore; and on the 15th, the day after the first arrived, the enemy began to throw shells into the town during the night several parties at different times and places advanced to the ditch, not with any intention of scaling the walls, but only to keep the garrison from rest by repeated alarms. These alerts and the bombardment were continued during the four succeeding days and nights; and on the 20th, M. D'Autueil, thinking the garrison, sufficiently harrassed, summoned Captain Smith in the name of the king of France, to surrender the town, and spare the effusion of blood, warning him that he should resent in the severest manner any ill usage which might have been inflicted on the French prisoners. Captain Smith answered, that he should maintain the town for the king of England; and that the prisoners had always been treated with more lenity than their practices deserved. Some hours after, spies brought intelligence, that the enemy intended to make a general assault in the approaching night, and at one in the morning the greatest part of their force advanced towards the west face of the town; but a few discharges of canon made them retreat, and the continual vigilance of the rounds, witnessed by their lights and a variety of military music, deterred them from any farther attempt.

By this time several of the neighbouring Polygars had joined the army before Madura, and were of service in supplying the camp with provision, as well as by cutting off such as were going to the town, and Captain Calliaud had entered into a negotiation with some of the Jemautdars, to deliver up the city, or to assist in surprizing it. Colonel Smith, on the first appearance of the enemy's troops on the other side of the Coleroon, had dispatched express messengers to him, with the intelligence, which he received on the 11th at three in the afternoon. At six, he began his march, with 120 Europeans and 1200 Sepoys, leaving the rest under the command of Lieutenant Rumbold and Mahomed Issoof, whom he empowered to conclude with the Jemautdars.

The troops marched without tents, baggage, or artillery; a few bullocks carried the spare ammunition, and servants belonging to the commissary were sent forward to provide the meal at the different places of halt. On the 25th at day-break they arrived and halted at the village of Eliapore, nineteen miles from Tritchinopoly. On the road Calliaud had received advices from Captain Smith, that D'Autueil, apprized of his approach, had quitted his first station at the Pagodas of Wariore, and had disposed his troops in a line of communication which extended from the Faquieres tope, round the Five rocks, the Golden, and the Sugar-loaf, to the French rock; by which all access on the southern aspect of the city was precluded. It had also been discovered that several spies belonging to D'Auteuil had mingled with and accompanied the English troops, on which Calliaud ordered them to be narrowly observed by his own, but without appearance of suspicion, intending to make them the instruments of deceiving those by whom they were employed. The troops having taken sufficient rest, and a full meal, marched from Eliapore at two in the afternoon, and at six arrived at Aour, a village in Tondiman's Woods, about twelve miles from Tritchinopoly, where they stopped half an hour. Calliaud then bent his march, as if he intended to come out upon the plain, between the Five rocks and the Sugar-loaf, opposite to the middle of the enemy's line, and advanced in this direction six miles. It was now 8 o'clock, and quite dark, when the French spies, fully persuaded of the intelligence they were carrying, went off to inform D'Autueil where they supposed the English troops intended to force their way. Half an hour after their departure, none of them appearing again, Calliaud entirely changed his rout, striking on the east along the skirts of Tondiman's Woods, until he came opposite to Elimiserum. The ground, from the woods to this place on the south, beyond it to the Caveri on the north, to the west of it as far as the French rock, and a greater space to the east, is a plain mostly laid out in rice fields, which, throughout India, are divided into areas of no great extent; each enclosed by a separate bank, and kept overflowed with water until a fortnight before the harvest is cut down, until which time they remain, as these now were, a heavy swamp of mud. The French, supposing all this part of the country impassible to a body of troops, had not thought it necessary to station a watch either at Elimiserum, or on the bank of the Caveri; and the information which Calliaud had obtained of this neglect suggested the advantage he was now taking of it. The troops entered the rice fields at ten o'clock, the Europeans marching first; the Sepoys were observed by the English Serjeants of their companies, and their own Subadars or captains were men of duty: but no discipline could be exerted, where the success entirely depended on silence and darkness; and the spirit of the soldier himself determined, whether he should give out, or persevere in gaining his toil-some way, after so much fatigue already endured. At 2 in the morning two company's of Sepoys were sent off, with orders to push for the town between the French and Sugar-loaf rocks; lest the enemy should be led to suspicions of the real march, if no alarm were given to any part of their line: but, contrary to expectation, these Sepoys passed close under the French rock without being challenged by a single centinel; for all the troops stationed hereabouts had been drawn to the main body, guarding the ground to the south, indicated by their spies. At 4 in the morning, the two companies arrived at the Madura, or southern gate of the town, where they were immediately recognized and admitted. It was near the dawn of day before the main body with Calliaud reached Chuckleyapollam on the bank of the Caveri, having employed near seven hours in wading through the rice-fields, although the distance was only seven miles; two more still remained; but the sight of the city inspired the whole line with new alacrity: and their commander, who from the multiplicity of his attentions had endured more fatigue than any of them, now marched at their head, supported by two grenadiers. Captain Smith, apprized, drew out half his garrison, with two field-pieces, ready in case of need to protect them. Every man was received with open arms; the meal and every refreshment was ready for the welcome and exhausted guests; and with the rising sun, a discharge of twenty-one pieces of cannon announced their exultation, with the news, to the French troops on the plain. On a review it was found, that 300 of the Sepoys had dropped behind but of the English, only two or three had failed Mr. D'Autueil could scarcely credit what it was intended he should understand by the report of the cannon; but was soon convinced by some prisoners picked up by his hussars. The very same evening he recrossed the Caveri with his whole army, into the island of Seringham, and the next day passing the Coleroon, proceeded towards Pondicherry.

Intelligence of the French army marching from Arielore to Tritchinopoly, was brought to Madrass on the 15th of May, just after the presidency had heard of the repulse of their own troops in the assaults of Nelore and Madura. Howsoever averse the presidency had hitherto been to encounter the French troops, until they knew what reinforcements they might expect from Bengal and Europe; the importance of Tritchinopoly, and conviction of the danger to which it was exposed, now superseded this reluctance: and they resolved to enter the French territories, as the most probable means of drawing their army back; or even to follow it to Tritchinopoly; but as the troops from Nelore were not yet arrived, those in Madrass, waiting for them, did not take the field until the 26th of May, when 300 men, being the whole of Adlercron's regiment, and 30 of the King's artillery, four field-pieces, and 500 Sepoys, marched under the command of Colonel Adlercron himself: but by various delays arising from attention to the modes of warfare in Europe, they did not reach Chinglapet until the 31st, although the distance was only 30 miles: Captain Polier joined them here from the garrison, with his own company of 100 Swiss, and 300 Sepoys: but two days after came the welcome news that Tritchinopoly was relieved.

Whilst the enemy was approaching, Ensign Banatyne, who commanded in Carangoly, marched from thence with 300 Sepoys, and took the fort of Outramalore by escalade, in which he left 40 of his Sepoys; but two days after, the fugitive garrison, which likewise consisted only of Sepoys, returned, with 500 more, sent by the Kellidar of Vandiwash; on whose appearance, the English Sepoys evacuated the fort. This declaration in favour of the French determined the presidency of Madrass, as the army was abroad, to employ it in the attack of Vandiwash. But, waiting for the troops from Nelore, and the Nabob's from Arcot, Col. Adlercron still advanced slowly. On his approach, the garrison in Outramalore retreated to Vandiwash, where the army arrived on the 5th of June at night; and early the next morning attacked the Pettah, which they carried, after a slight resistance from 300 Sepoys, whom they pursued towards the fort, until obliged to retreat by the fire from the walls; nor could they remain in the pettah itself, because the principal streets led strait to the fort, and were enfiladed by one or other of the towers. However, the success cost no lives; although 10 Europeans were wounded. By this time, the French troops, as much alarmed by the motions of the English, as the English had lately been by theirs, were returning fast from Tritchinopoly; some were already arrived at Pondicherry, others had halted at Trivadi, others were advanced to Gingee; all preparing to march to the relief of Vandiwash: on the other hand, neither the battering cannon, nor any of the reinforcements, had joined the English camp; and there was no probability of making any impression on the fort before some of the French troops would arrive to its succour; on which Colonel Adlercron resolved to quit the enterprize, but set fire to the pettah before he retired; and on the 11th, the army arrived at Outramalore.

By this time the presidency, straightened in their treasury, were tired of the expence of a campaign which had produced so little effect; and their present propensity to caution, as well as parsimony, was increased by unexpected intelligence that the French had seized the company's factories at Madapollam, Bandermalanka, and Ingeram which are situated near the sea on different branches of the river Godaveri, in the province of Rajahmundrum. To these losses were added aprehensions arising from various reports, that Mr. Bussy intended to attack the more important factory of Vizagapatam.

In this cloudy hour the presidency injudiciously ordered Adlercron to return immediately with the army to Madrass, although a part of the French troops were arrived and encamped under the walls of Vandiwash. They were commanded by Saubinet, an officer of enterprize, who no sooner saw the English army retreating from Outramalore, than he advanced and took possession of this place; and, as soon as he heard that they had repassed Chinglapett in their way to Madrass, detached early in the morning of the 15th, 200 Europeans and 500 Sepoys, with two field-pieces, to retaliate on Conjeveram the fire which they had set to Vandiwash. Conjeveram is the largest open town in the Carnatic, and the most populous; besides the resort it attracts by the great quantities of grain produced in the vast plain that surrounds it, it is still more frequented from the reputation of its pagoda, and of the college of Bramins, who possess it, and are acknowledged the supreme council of the Indian religion in Coromandel: both the English and French had, during the late wars, kept troops in the pagoda; but its space and proper attentions had still preserved the priests and the holy places from contamination or pollution. There were at this time in the pagoda two companies of Sepoys, under the command of Serjeant Lambertson. The French troops arrived at noon, and, contrary to their expectation, were assailed by the fire of musketry, concealed on each side of the street, which obliged them to beat up the houses as the line advanced; and the English Sepoys, who knew their ground, continually escaped from one shelter to another, renewing their fire, until they retreated into the pagoda. The enemy, exasperated, then advanced against the gateway, where the Serjeant was ready to receive them again, placing his Sepoys, some on scaffolding along the walls, and others amongst the open masonry of the stories which compose the vast tower over the gate-way. The two field-pieces were of little service to dislodge them from such defences, and the serjeant had obstructed the porch with large trees, laid with their branches outwards. On this resistance, Saubinet thought it prudent not to persist, for his time was limited, and eight of his Europeans were killed, more wounded, and of the Sepoys in proportion. They therefore marched to a distant quarter of the town, from whence detachments were sent to collect whatsoever plunder could be conveniently carried away. In the evening they set fire to the town: at midnight they marched away, and the next day arrived at Outramalore.

The terror spread by this incursion was of much more detriment than the mischief done at Conjeveram; for all the inhabitants of the open and fertile country along the Paliar, abandoned their labours and occupations, and the renters as usual amplified the losses they were likely to sustain in the collection of the revenues. The presidency of Madrass, sensible and vexed at their error, immediately ordered the army to march back, and re-cross the Paliar. Col. Lawrence, although be had resolved from the time he was superseded by Colonel Adlercron, never to act under his command, on this occasion offered to join the camp as a volunteer; and Adlercron accepted the proposal with good will. The army marched from the Mount on the 19th. The French, on their approach, retired from Outramalore to Vandiwash, and intrenched strongly within half a mile of the eastern side of the fort, summoning reinforcements from all their garrisons in the rear. The English, likewise waiting for detachments and the Nabob's cavalry from Arcot, did not advance to Outramalore until the 29th, when an uncommon sickness broke out in the camp; men being suddenly seized, and dying in 12 hours and as many died as recovered. The mortality continued four days, but the camp having moved on the fifth five miles beyond Outramalore, fewer men fell down the next, and in two days more the sickness entirely ceased. On the 11th of July they encamped within sight of the enemy, whose hussars hovered round the line, but came not near enough to receive any harm. By this time the strength of the two armies, although different, was nearly equal: the French had 800 Europeans, of which 100 were hussars, and 1500 Sepoys; the English 700 Europeans, 2000 Sepoys, but no horse, excepting a few troopers, to serve as scouts. On the 16th, 500 of the Nabob's horse arrived from Arcot; and the next morning 300 of them, with five companies of Sepoys, advanced towards the enemy's camp, followed by a picquet of 100 Europeans, with a field-piece, and at the same time the whole line drew out, ready to meet a general action, if the enemy would give the opportunity; but they recalled their advanced posts into their intrenchments, and only sent out their hussars, who, as before, ventured nothing. This trial convinced Col. Lawrence that nothing but the certainty of advantage could bring them to action; and enough being done to convince the country that the former retreat had not been in consequence of fear, he thought it best to put an end to the expence of the campaign. The army marched away on the 26th, and the enemy made no motion to harass them. On the 28th, they arrived at Conjeveram, where 500 Europeans, with 1500 Sepoys, remained in cantonments, under the command of Lieutenant-colonel Forde: the rest returned to the garrisons and stations from whence they had been drawn. Thus ended this campaign, in which the whole force that Madrass and Pondicherry could bring into the field, remained 40 days within a few hours march of each other, and separated, without a man wounded on either side. Nevertheless, both were right, according to their different views and circumstances, in refraining from action.

The garrison of Madura was so much elated by the departure of May, Captain Calliaud with the best of the troops, and by the cause in the danger of Tritchinopoly, that the Jemautdars, who had made proposals to him, would not continue any communication with Lieutenant Rumbold and Mahomed Issoof; who ordered up six of the 12 companies of Sepoys from Tinivelly and Palamcotah, and moved the camp from the S. E. to the N. E. of the town on the other side of the river Vigee, in order to cut off the communication of the garrison with the river, from which they drew their water, as all in the tanks of the town and plain was putrid.

The four sides of Madura front nearly to the four cardinal points. The river passing from the N. W. washes the walls at the N. E. angle; the bed, unless immediately after heavy rains, lies in dry flats of sand, on some of which are buildings; the channels between are shallow. The English camp extended on the northern side of the river, opposite the angle, and within point bank of part of the walls on the east and north sides; for nothing was feared from the decayed artillery of the town. The gate-way of the north side, from whence the garrison got their water, was near the N. W. angle, and about 80 yard from the river; on the side of which, opposite to the gate, they threw up a retrenchment, in which they kept a guard to protect the water-carriers. Lieutenant Rumbold, with the Europeans, passed the river under cover of a field-piece, and having dislodged the guard from the post on the other side, kept possession, strengthened it with better retrenchments, and stationed two companies of Sepoys to maintain it. This immediately obliged the enemy to open another gate, it was that to the south, and to get their water from the tanks within and without the town, which soon threw many of them into fluxes.

Rumbold and Mahomed Issoof remained three or four days without doing any thing more, hoping to put the enemy of their guard, and then, taking a night when the wind blew very strong, advanced with a large party of Sepoys, carrying bundles of straw mixed with more effectual combustibles, which they piled and set fire to against the outward doors of the gateway; which were soon consumed, and the party suffered very little, being concealed by the thickness of the smoke, and still more protected by the indifference of the garrison, who knew their own security; for, when advanced with a petard through the windings of the gateway to the second door, which opened immediately into the city, the troops, to their great surprize, found the front of it bricked up with a strong wall; upon which they retired without delay. By this time, the Sepoys from Tinivelly were advancing; and Captain Calliaud, being convinced that the French army were not likely to return again to Tritchinopoly, had detached a platoon of 30 Europeans, with 300 Sepoys, and an 18 pounder, which were likewise on the road to Madura. The garrison hearing of the approach of these reinforcements, resolved to make a vigorous effort before their arrival. Intelligence was received of their intention, and to be prepared against it, the ground on each side of the camp was sluiced by cutting the mound of a large tank at some distance in the rear; and Mahomed Issoof undertook to defend the post on the other side of the river with the usual guard of two companies of Sepoys, and the addition of a field-piece. On the 9th of the month the enemy made the sally at noon day. There were 300 Sepoys, 200 cavalry dismounted, and 200 more on their horses. The riders came round from the west, and crossing the river, kept galloping on this side the camp, but without venturing to pass the swamp; but the foot issuing from the north gate, which they had unbricked, advanced straight forward to the watering post. A shot had scarcely been fired, before the two companies of Sepoys, either from panic or spite, for Mahomed Issoof was a severe commander, abandoned him, and dispersed, all but ten men, with whom he retreated to a choultry, on an island in the river, to which they were followed by part of the enemy, whilst the rest seized the gun. Lieutenant Rumbold on the danger advanced with the company of Coffrees, and one of Sepoys, leaving the four other companies, and the field-pieces for the defence of the camp. He made his way good to the choultry, where he found the small party of defenders reduced to their last cartridge, having killed more than their own number of the enemy, who retreated as soon as the reinforcement came up. On the 11th of June, arrived the detachment from Tritchinopoly; when Rumbold mounted the eighteen pounder they had brought on the recovered post. It fired three days, until most of its ammunition was spent, but without being able to make a practicable breach; and in the mean time the enemy threw up a retrenchment with a deep ditch before the breach, and strengthened the ditch with palisades; so that nothing could be done by assault without more force. The presidency had foreseen this; and notwithstanding their other alarms, still continued intent on the reduction of Madura, as the most dangerous advantage of which the French were likely to get possession, if not immediately recovered; of which sense nothing could be a greater proof than their insufficient efforts; for the attempt required a complete army. They therefore left it to the discretion of Calliaud, to proceed again to the attack, with such a force as should not leave Tritchinopoly exposed again to too much risque. Some days passed in waiting the return of a detachment of 50 Europeans, which had come from, and had been lately sent back to Fort St. David; and as soon as they returned, he took the field with 90 Europeans, 400 Sepoys, an eighteen-pounder, and 200 horse supplied by the king of Tanjore; more than half the Europeans were French and Dutch deserters, chosen, that none but the English soldiers might be left to guard the French prisoners in the city. The renter Moodilee naturally timorous, and awed by the imperious temper of Mahomed Issoof, had quitted the camp, and followed Calliaud when he marched to the relief of Tritchinopoly; from whence he now again returned with him to Madura. The detachment set out on the 25th of June, and arrived on the 3d of July. The Sepoys called from Tinivelly had joined a few days before; but Mr. Rumbold had nevertheless been obliged to reduce his operations to preventing the garrison from getting water from the river, and provisions from the country.

Calliaud, seeing the dexterity with which the enemy had counteracted the battery of Bumbold, resolved to prevent them from opposing the same obstacles to that which he intended to erect, by keeping them in ignorance of the part he should attack, until the first shot was fired. The gabions, fascines, and platforms, were prepared in the camp; and as soon as all were ready, the troops allotted marched on the 9th at night to the watercourse which runs to the west of the city, and raised the battery against the curtain between the gateway and the tower which had been attempted by escalade of the 1st of May. It mounted two eighteen-pounders, with four field-pieces, was finished before the morning, and at day-break began to fire. The parapet of the fausse-bray was soon beaten down, and the inward wall, although strong, was by noon shaken so much, that the parapet of this likewise fell entirely, and the wall itself was sufficiently shattered, to permit a man to clamber to the top: but, in this short time, the, garrison had staked the rampart behind with the trunks of Palmeira trees set on end: a few shot knocked down some, nor could any of them have been firmly fixed, and to leave the enemy no more time to prepare farther defences, Calliaud, resolved to storm immediately. Of the Europeans, only the artillery-men were left at the battery: all the battalion-men, who were 120, marked, followed by the company of Coffrees, and they by 400 Sepoys. Calliaud led the Europeans, and Mahomed Issoof the Sepoys. The garrison had disciplined 300 of their matchlockmen as Sepoys; who, although much inferior to these troops, were improved far beyond their former state; these were posted on the western gateway, which, projecting beyond the fausse-bray into the ditch, flanked the tower attacked; and a multitude were crowded on the ramparts behind and on each side of the breach. The troops, although galled, advanced resolutely through the ditch and fausse-bray, and four of the most active scrambled up the breach to the rampart, but were immediately tumbled down dead, or mortally wounded. This repressed the ardour of those who were following: an officer threw out imprudent words, and the infirmity visibly caught the whole line, notwithstanding the exhortations and activity of Calliaud, who was in the frausse-bray directing the assault. Whosoever mounted afterwards came down without getting to the top, pretending the impossibility, although the danger was as great in the fausse-bray below; for, besides the shower of other annoyances, the enemy had prepared bags and pipkins filled with mere powder, to which they set fire as they tossed them down on the heads of the assailants, and the scorch of the explosion was inevitable and intolerable. Nevertheless, Calliaud continued the assault half an hour; when finding that no command was any longer obeyed, and that much loss had been sustained, he ordered the retreat. Four of the bravest Serjeants were killed, and as many wounded, and 20 other Europeans were either killed or desperately wounded; of the Coffrees 10; of the Sepoys 100 were disabled, but few of this body were killed, and fewer died afterwards of their wounds.

The presidency received intelligence of this repulse on the 25th, and on the same day two Peons, escaped from Vizagapatam, brought news, that Mr. Bussy had taken that settlement, in which were 150 European soldiers. These evils were aggravated by the circumstances of the times: for there is no country in which the slightest successes and mischances of war weigh so much in the opinions both of friends and enemies, as in Indostan, and a large body of Morratoes had encamped a few days before on the western frontiers of the Carnatic, threatening the Nabob to enter and ravage the province, if their demands were not complied with.

The Nana Balagerow, after his return from Sanore, in the last year, remained at Poni, in appearance attentive only to the affairs of Delhi, and the northern countries of Indostan, to which he detached a very large force in October; but when he saw Salabadjing and Mr. Bussy proceeding with their respective armies, the one to Aurengabad, the other to the ceded provinces, he took the field himself with 60,000 horse, and proceeded to the southward, passed the Kristna, and having purified his army in the streams of the Beamraw, a sacred river in Viziapore, they set off from hence in the middle of February, and marched rapidly towards Mysore, carrying terror and destruction wherever they came. Most of the forts on the way surrendered on the first summons, and such as held out, were invested, or at least watched by detachments, whilst the main body pursued its course without interruption to the capital Seringapatam. It was some apprehensions of this invasion, which had recalled the General, Hyderally, from Dindigul in the beginning of the year; who nevertheless was not sufficiently prepared to resist the invasion, and the Delaway or Regent, being much frightened, they negociated, and agreed to pay Balagerow two millions of rupees. The terms were concluded in the middle of April, and Balagerow, on his return to the northern division of Mysore, continued to reduce the forts he had left in his rear; although many of them were, at this time, in the dependance of this kingdom. The principal of these, and indeed the strongest in the whole country, is Serah, which is likewise called Sirpi. It is situated on a great mountain, 120 miles north of Seringapatam; the Governor resisted in the beginning, but the bribes and batteries of the Morattoe induced him in three weeks to surrender. The rainy season was now approaching, when the Kristna overflows, and becomes impassable; and it was a maxim with Balagerow, never to remain to the southward, with that obstacle between himself and his capital. He accordingly marched away from Sirpi, with the greatest part of his army, 45,000 men, but left 15,000 horse, as many foot, and a large train of artillery, under the command of a general named Balaventrow, to execute the other purposes of the campaign, who, after # receiving the submissions and fines of a variety of petty Polygars under the subjection of Sirpi, proceeded 40 miles to the s. s. E. and encamped between two forts called the greater and lesser Balabarum, of which the greater refused to make any submission, but the kellidar of the other paid 50,000 rupees. From hence they proceeded 20 miles farther east, and, after a siege of 10 days, took Ouscotah. This fort, although far distant from the territory of Cudapah, belonged to the Nabob of that province. Proceeding, they summoned the fort of Colar, situated 20 miles beyond Ouscotah, and being refused, left it in their rear, and sat down before Mulliavaukel, twenty miles farther on. This fort stands on the highest rock of a large mountain, and is impregnable by open force. Balaventrow therefore tried money, which in four days gained the place. They were now within 30 miles of the great range of mountains which bound the Carnatic to the west; and on the 27th of June encamped before the fort of Cudapanatam, sixty miles N. by w. from the city of Arcot, and commanding the entrance of one of the passes into the Carnatic. Balaventrow, whilst preparing to attack the fort of Cudanapatam, sent forward letters from Balajerow, with his own, to the Nabob, and the presidency. During the expedition to Seringapatam, Balajerow had likewise written several to the presidency, in which he complained, that the government of Bombay had given him no share of the plunder of Gheria; and held out his intentions of visiting the Carnatic on his return from Mysore, in order to settle, as he said, the affairs of the province; but these were deemed expressions merely designed to intimidate, insomuch that the presidency, in answer, invited him to come and assist them in expelling the French, as the only means of restoring tranquillity to the country. They were therefore not a little surprized to find in the letters now received from Balajerow and his agent, to themselves, and in stronger terms to the Nabob, a peremptory -demand of the Chout or tribute due to the king of the Morratoes from the Nabobship of Arcot, which Balajerow asserted had been settled by Nizamalmuluck at six hundred thousand rupees a year, four for the Carnatic, and two for Tritchinopoly and the southern countries; but that he had received nothing for six years, that is, since the death of the Nabob Anwarodean Khan: the sum he required was four millions of rupees.

The city of Arcot was struck with consternation by the arrival of the Morratoes at Cudanapatam, and the Nabob himself apprehended the incursion of some of their parties even into the town, on which the presidency invited and advised him to send the women and childern of his family to Madrass; but his mother, the widow of Anaverdi, having some prejudice against the air of the sea coast, chose to remain at Arcot; the rest arrived on the 10th of July, passing without danger, as the English army were then before Vandiwash. In the mean time a correspondence by letters and agents was carrying on between the Nabob and Balaventrow. Cudapanatam, after a breach, surrendered on the 15th of July; when a strong detachment of Morratoes immediately came through the pass and invested Ambore, from which they levied a contribution, and their parties scoured the valley of Vaniambaddy, quite up to the gates of Velore: but Balaventrow himself, with the main body, remained at Cudapatnam, and sent an officer of distinction and great prudence named Armetrow, to negotiate with the Nabob: he arrived at Arcot on the 20th: he demanded 400,000 rupees as arrears from the Nabobship in general, with the reserve of collecting from the forts and Polygars of the Carnatic in proportion. After much discussion, he consented to take 200,000 in ready money from the Nabob, and his rescripts on the forts and Polygars for 250,000 more. These terms, considering all circumstances, were moderate; and the Nabob thinking that the presidency would be as well satisfied with them as himself, requested they would furnish the money out of the rents he had assigned to the Company for the expences of the war. But the presidency wished to annul a claim, which if admitted under their sanction, might never be relinquished. They had howeverno alternative but to pay or fight; and no contemptible means of resistance were tendered to them at this very time. The Morattoe Morarirow, in consequence of his submissions to Balajerow in the preceding year at Sanore, had joined and accompanied him with 6000 horse in the expedition to Seringapatam. They parted after the reduction of Sirpi, and Morarirow returned to his own country without having got any thing by the campaign, not even the pay of his troops, which Balajerow regarded as military vassals to the Morratoe sovereignty. The Nabob of Cudapah had been summoned to pay the chout, and had refused; on which Baiaventrow had taken Ouscotah, and the Nabob armed. The neighbouring Nabobs of Sanore, Canoul, and Condanore, all, as well as Cudapah, Pitans, took the alarm, and Morarirow, whose territory is contiguous to theirs, pretending to fear as much as they, proposed that all together should make an alliance with the English, the Nabob of Arcot, and the Mysoreans, not only to oppose Balaventrow at present, but to prevent the invasions of Balajerow to the south of the Kristna in future. All consented, and Morarirow, taking the lead, made the proposal to the Nabob and the presidency in the most explicit terms; Cudapah did so likewise; and both proffered to march immediately and give battle to Balaventrow at Cudapanatam, if the English troops would join them there. The presidency could spare no troops, and was as much afraid of them, as of the Morratoes, entering the province; and in this dilemma resolved, if possible, to procrastinate with Armetrow until the arrival of supplies, or intelligence from Europe, should give some certainty to their conduct; and invited him to come to Madrass, who, on the offer of the Nabob to accompany him, consented: they arrived on the 8th of August, and the next day conferred with the governor, who represented the merit of the English nation in preserving the Carnatic from the dominion of the French, from whom the Morratoes would never have received any tribute, since they had paid none for the northern provinces; in the reduction of which he proffered to join Balaventrow with a body of English troops. But both these arguments admitted the claim; and Armetrow perceiving the evasion, demanded a positive answer. The next day arrived a vessel from Bombay, dispatched with letters from England, which had been sent over the desert of Arabia, and were date he 5th of January; they gave intelligence, that four ships of the line, with a frigate, under the command of Admiral Stevens, were sailed for India. This news produced no change in the temper of Armetrow, whom the utmost entreaties of the Nabob could hardly prevail on not to depart that evening. A consultation was held in the morning, when it was finally deemed expedient to pay the money; but on condition that 3000 horse should immediately join the English troops at Conjeveram, and proceed with them to attack the French army, which still remained at Vandiwash. A second conference passed, in which Armetrow was as before inflexible, asserted the chout as a right, would receive nothing with any condition; when the money was paid, he was ready to treat for the loan of a body of horse. Various messages and explanations, however, detained him until the 14th, when in the middle of the night he ordered his retinue, 300 Morratoes, to be in readiness to march in the morning: on which the presidency resolved to pay the money without reserve; and he staid two days more to receive it, part in coin, and part in bills on the shroffs. During the embassy, Balaventrow went with 3000 horse from his camp at Cudapanatam to the pagoda of Tripetti, which stands 120 miles N. E. of that place; they passed through the straits of Damalcherry, and when arrived within ten miles, he, at the request of the renter who farmed the offerings, halted his troops; and, proceeding himself with a few attendants, paid his devotions with much reverence one day on the top of the mountain, and the next, in the temples below. During the march and return of this pilgrimage, he restrained all the troops which accompanied him from committing any violences in the country through which they passed: but several parties from the camp were at this time ravaging the skirts of the province of Cudaph.

With the other advices from England came orders for recalling Col. Adlercron and his regiment; but according to permission from the war-office, most of the common men inlisted in the Company's troops; and there being no conveyance ready to carry away the rest, no alteration ensued in the strength of the army.

The French army at Vandiwash, as soon as the English cantoned themselves in Conjeveram, employ their Sepoys and horse to ravage the country. A detachment immediately took possession of Outramalore, and from thence plundered the districts of Salawauk: a much larger, with two field-pieces, marched into the districts of Chittapett, where they were surprized and beaten by 200 Sepoys and 500 horse from the fort. This routed body being reinforced, divided into two, one of which plundered as far as Timery within five miles of Arcot, and the other to Cavantandalum within ten of Conjeveram; but these incursions were so sudden and transitory, that no motions were made by the troops there to repel them. However, 100 Sepoys were sent from the fort of Arcot, to assist Chittapet, who were attacked and made their way through a stronger party of the enemy's. The month of August passed in these alarms, which were then succeeded by one of more consequence. Of the three feasts which are annually celebrated at Tripetti that which falls in the beginning of September is held in much higher devotion than, either of the other two, and more money is collected in proportion, since the number of pilgrims is much greater. In the beginning of June Nazeabulla, the rebel governor of Nelore, returned from Masulipatam, accompanied by eighty French soldiers. He, however, remained quiet until the Nabob's troops under the command of Abdulwahab, had marched away to Arcot, and those of the two Polygars, Damerla Venkytapah and Bangar Yatcham, had withdrawn to their homes. He then took the field, but confined his operations to incursions into the opener country of the Polygars, until the middle of August, when he marched suddenly with his whole force, and sat down before the fort of Cadawah, situated within twelve miles of Tripetti, and belonging to the Nabob. This moion left no doubt of his intention to collect the revenue of the approching feast, which had for some years been assigned to the company. On the first advices of the danger, the presidency ordered a detachment of 100 Europeans, with two field-pieces, their artillery-men, and 300 Sepoys, to march with all expedition from Conjeveram, under the command of Captain Poliere, and at the same time, ordered the two Polygars to act in concert with this detachment, which set out on the first of September.

On the 6th, four of the company's ships from England anchored in the road of Madrass. It was some time that the Triton, a frigate of twenty guns, belonging to the Company, and commanded by Commodore James, had been stationed to cruize off Pondicherry, in order to intercept any of the enemy's vessels, or give the intelligence of the coast to all the English ships they might meet; and they were likewise instructed to take out of the first from England the recruits they might bring; which were to be immediately landed at Fort St. David, as the safest and most expeditious means of restoring to that garrison the men which had lately been taken from it to serve in the expedition to Madura, and in the campaign of Vandiwash. The cruizers discovered the four Indiamen between Pondicherry and Fort St. David, joined them off of Alamparvah, and took on board all the recruits, which were 200; but having fallen 30 miles to leeward, it was the 7th at 10 at night before they anchored again in the road of Fort St. David. At the dawn of day they discovered 11 ships at anchor, extending from the east to the south, and none at more than three miles distance. The cruizers immediately got under weigh, and were soon convinced that the strangers, although they shewed English colours, were French ships. Nevertheless, Commodore James resolved to disembark the recruits in the Revenge, sending as many as the three boats of the ship could carry to the outside of the surf, where they were received and landed by the massoolas of the shore, which always begin to ply at day-break. The boats returning, took the rest of the recruits, but before they could reach the ship again, the foremost of the enemy's squadron were come so nigh, that it was necessary to fly, and leave the boats to the shore. The Triton not sailing so well as the Revenge, and being under other restrictions of service, had not ventured the delay of landing the recruits she had taken on board, but had advanced on her way, although slowly waiting for her comrade, which soon joined her, when both, under such a cloud of sail as amazed the enemy, stood before them; but were nevertheless so pressed by two of their prime sailers, which kept without, that they were obliged to sail through the road of Pondicherry itself; where a ship of force riding, which, instead of cutting her cable, and beginning an engagement, suffered the cruizers to pass, whilst she was weighing anchor at the capstone to pursue them. As soon as they were beyond Pondicherry, the enemy, afraid of falling to leeward of their port, ceased the chase, and anchored in the road. The cruizers then hailed, and agreed, that the Revenge should proceed immediately with the intelligence to Bengal, and the Triton to Madrass, where she anchored early the next morning.

The council was immediately summoned, and their determination were soon taken. All the scribes in the settlement were not adequate to the orders and advices which it became immediately necessary to issue. The main body of the army at Conjeveram was ordered to come into Madrass, the detachment with Polier recalled from Tripetti: Calliaud with the Europeans to return from Madura, whether taken or not, to Tritchinopoly; if taken, to bring away likewise Mahomed Issoof, with 1000 Sepoys. Instructions were sent to the English garrisons in Carangoly, Chinglapet, and Arcot; and intelligence of the danger to every other fort in the country subject to, or in the interests of, the Nabob: advices to the presidency of Bengal, and the squadron there; to Bombay and all the factories on the Malabar coast. A vessel was dispatched to cruize off Ceylon, with intelligence for the ships daily expected from England. Another was sent to anchor off Cobelong, 20 miles to the south of Madrass, in order to make signals on the first appearance of the French squadron now at Pondicherry.

The Council at Fort St. David, not observing, or not discerning, the motions of the cruizers, fancied the ships they saw arriving, were the men of war expected from England, with some of the company's ships under their convoy, and in this persuasion sent one, of the agents in a massoola to compliment the admiral, and to deliver a letter from the presidency, in which, "the admiral was requested to cruize off Ceylon, in order to encounter or intercept the enemy's, and to protect the English ships expected on the coast in that track of navigation; and it was confidently supposed, that Mr. Watson, with the ships under his command, would arrive from Bengal, in the other track, by the middle of September, when every success might be expected from the junction of the two squadrons, and even Pondicherry itself brought to risque." The agent did not perceive the mistake until too near to escape, but had time to conceal, as he thought, the letter between two planks of the seat: he was received on board with civility, and with the massoola carried to Pondicherry.

Several anxious days passed in expectation that the French ships would bear down from thence, and scour the road of Madrass, where the loss of the China ships would have been of much evil consequence to the company's commerce. Several days more, before even an imperfect account could be obtained, what the French ships were, what force they brought, and what their proceedings after their arrival; and it was long after, before the motives of their conduct at this time were discovered.

The squadron consisted of four ships of 60 guns, two of 50, three, of 36, 30, and 22, and two of 16 guns, with a bomb-ketch; in all 12 vessels, most of which sailed from France in the end of December, but being separated by a gale of wind, the last did not arrive at Mauritius until the 25th of June. They brought from France the regiment of Lorrain, with 50 of the King's artillery, the whole under the command of the Marquis de Soupires, of the rank of marshal de camp, which answers to that of Major General with us. They sailed on the 1st of July from Mauritius to the Isle of Bourbon, where they took on board Mr. Bouvet, who was appointed to conduct the squadron to India; he was governor of this Island, and one of the ablest navigators belonging to France. On the 15th, they arrived at Foule Point on Madagascar, where they remained the rest of the month taking in provisions, of which their own islands were not able to furnish a sufficiency. From hence they sailed on the 1st of August, add on the 9th of September, the day alter their arrival at Pondicherry, landed 983 men of Lorrain, of which 63 were sick, the 50 artillery-men, and 60 volunteers from Bourbon, with their equipages; besides which had been embarked in the ships, 20 pieces of battering cannon, some mortars, and a great number of bombs and balls. M. Soupires, who by his commission took the direction and command of all military operations, summoned a mixed council, of the military, the marine, and the civil government, in which he proposed that the ships and troops should immediately invest and blockade Fort St. David; but the letter from the presidency of Madrass to the English Admiral had been discovered in the Massoola, and raised such a consternation in the French squadron, by the apprehensions of seeing every hour a force superior to their own, that Mr. Bouvet declared he had done enough in landing the troops and should sail immediately back to the islands: no arguments could change his resolution, nor would he wait to disembark the artillery and heavy ammunition, because they served as part of the ballast in the different ships, which it would require fifteen days to shift and reinstate in a condition fit for sailing. Thus was much detriment prevented by the accident of discovering the letter, which, at the time it happened, was deemed a great mischance.

The sudden departure of the French ships diminished in some degree the apprehensions which had been raised by their arrival. The army from Conjeveram was ordered to encamp on the plain near Madrass; the detachment with Polier, which had returned as far as Tripassour, to march back and protect the feast at Tripetty, until concluded: and Calliaud was permitted to continue before Madura, if any chance remained of getting the place.

This officer, very infirm before, fell dangerously ill immediately after the repulse of the last attack, and was obliged to retire to the neighbouring village of Trivalore, where he remained until the 4th of August, before his health was sufficiently restored to endure the fatigues of the camp; however, this time was not entirely lost. The greater and lesser Moravars, at his solicitation, sent their troops as far as Coilguddy, ready to act on call. The Polygar Catabominague came himself with 1000 Colleries. Myanah, who was the fugitive governor of Madura when Maphuze Khan came into the country, quitting the recesses of Nattam, and disclaiming all farther connexions with the rebels, came to the camp, with a large retinue, some troops, and, a as proof of his sincerity, brought his family: by his influence the assistance of most of the Nattam colleries was secured. Nabey Cawn Catteck, the ancient colleague of Myana, kept himself concealed in the woods of Moravar, without making any efforts to assist the garrison; and what perhaps was equal to any one of these advantages, 50 Europeans, and a nine-inch mortar, had arrived at the camp from Tritchinopoly.

With the other defections, the Jemautdars in Madura had reason to doubt of the assistance they expected from Maphuze Khan with the western Polygars of Tinivelly, and from the Mysoreans at Dindigul.

Five hundred horse and a thousand foot remained with Maphuze Khan at Nellitangaville, when Berkatoolah left him and came away to defend Madura, which Calliaud at the same time was marching to attack with the main body of the English troops from Tinivelly. As soon as Calliaud was out of sight, Maphuze Khan and the Pulitaver took the field, and were joined by other Polygars, which all together made up a camp of 10,000 men. This army marched from Nellitangaville in the latter end of April, and advanced beyond Alvar Courchy within 15 miles of Tinivelly, but were deterred by the Sepoys left there from attempting the town; nor did they immediately plunder or terrify the inhabitants of the open country, because the harvest, from which they intended to collect money, would not be reaped until the middle of June; however, they published their mandates that all who were accountable to the renter Moodilee should then become accountable to them. In the mean time Maphuze Khan negotiated with the king of Travancore for assistance, with the proffer of Calacad and all the other districts to which the king had ever made any pretension, and more; but, lest this should fail he, with his usual uncertainty renewed his negotiations with the English, and sent off an agent with letters to Calliaud, proposing to rent the country from them on the security of substantial scroffs. Lieutenant Rumbold received these offers whilst Calliaud was returned to the relief of Tritchinopoly, and, thinking them worth attention, sent a Jemautdar of Sepoys named Ramanaig, with an intelligent Moorman, to confer with Maphuze Khan in his camp. They were accompanied by an escort of 50 Sepoys; but just before their arrival, Maphuze Khan had received information, that the six companies of Sepoys, of the twelve left at Tinivelly and Palamcotah, were ordered to join the camp at Madura; which changed his schemes, and instead of negotiating, he surrounded the two deputies and their escort with his horse, and threatened to put them all to the sword, if they did not send an order to the Sepoys in garrison at Palamcotah to deliver the fort to him. The deputies with their escort stood to their arms, and said, they would rather die; but, just as the fight was going to begin, one of Maphuze Khan's Jemautdars, named Ally Saheb, declared his detestation of the treachery, and joined the Sepoys with the horse of his command; on which the rest recollected themselves, and retired; but Ally Saheb, having still some suspicions for the safety of the deputies and their escort, marched with them to Palamcotah, and delivered them safe into the fort. Soon after the six companies of Sepoys began their march from Tinivelly to Madura, and the harvest began, on which the enemy's army entered the town, where Maphuze Khan proclaimed his dominion, which his agents and dependants exercised with much violence and injustice. Even the shroffs, or bankers, did not escape; although the necessity and neutrality of their occupation protects their persons and property throughout Indostan from the violence either of the despot or the conqueror. The main body of his army invested the fort of Palamcotah, which the Sepoys within easily defended, and with loss to the enemy; but there was danger from scarcity of provisions; to prevent which, Bussaponiague, the commander of the Sepoys, solicited the assistance of the Polygar Catabominaigue, who stipulated the cession of some lands convenient to his districts; which being promised, he took the field with his own troops, and those of his dependant of Etiaporum, On their arrival the garrison sallied, and in a slight skirmish obliged the enemy to raise the siege; after which, the two Polygars returned to their homes, and Catabominaigue from his, came and joined the English camp before Madura. Maphuze Khan continuing at Tinivelly, neither sent money or troops to the Jemautdars, but suffered the incomes to be dissipated, notwithstanding Berkatoolah had continually represented to him, that the scarcity of provisions in Madura was daily increasing from the want of money to pay for them, and of parties in the field to facilitate their importation.

Berkatoolah was at the same time equally disappointed of the arrival of the Mysoreans, which had long been promised from day to day, and more lately with assurance that Hyderally himself was come to Dindigul to command them in person; but, on more diligent enquiry, it was discovered that Hyderally was still at Seringapatam, and that the troops at Dindigul did not exceed the usual garrison. Thus deserted, he resolved to treat with Calliaud, and proffered to deliver the city, if the English would pay the arrears due front Maphuze Khan to the troops within; but made no stipulation for those who had been their former comrades and were now either with Maphuze Khan, or any where else out of the town. The arrears he stated at 1,600,000 rupees, but, on account of sums levied in the country, offered to abate 400,000: these proposals were signed by himself and four of the principal Jemautdars. Calliaud, after treating them for some time with contempt, proposed his own; which were, to pay 100,000 rupees for the arrears of the troops, 20,000 as a present to Berkatoolah himself, 8000 to each of the four Jemautdars who had signed with him, and 2000 to each of the commanders of the three companies of Sepoys; in all 150,000. Many days and messages passed in chaffering concerning the money; during which the Polygars kept their watches so strictly in the country round, that no provisions could be carried in, and the inhabitants were reduced to rice alone, and that without salt; on which all, not occupied in military services, left the town, and were permitted to go away unmolested. At the same time the former battery was strengthened and enlarged to the capacity of receiving all the artillery, which were two eighteen-pounders, 10 field-pieces, and a nine-inch mortar. Every day the distress increased; and in the beginning of September, horsemen daily came over to the camp. On the 7th Calliaud informed Berkatoolah that his battery was ready, and would open the next morning; after which, no terms of composition would be received. The negotiator was a relation of Berkatoolah, whom Calliaud had attached by generosities, and Berkatoolah believed: his representations in this decisive moment prevailed; and he returned on the morning of the 8th with the treaty signed: the sum agreed was 170,000 rupees, 20,000 more than the first offer; and at noon Calliaud with the troops were received into the town. This important acquisition was made on the very day that Mr. de Soupires with the French forces landed at Pondicherry.

The presidency received the news on the 16th. It was the only advantage which had been gained during the losses and distresses to which the company's affairs in Coromandel had been exposed since the departure of the armament to Bengal: it would have been deemed of the highest importance even in fortunate times; and at present was the more acceptable, because scarcely within expectation; for, had the surrender been protracted until the arrival of the French squadron had been known to the garrison, little chance would have remained of gaining the place; which continuing in the possession of enemies confederated with the French, would have greatly influenced many subsequent events, by means which were now entirely precluded.

In the mean time the French at Pondicherry were holding councils what to do with their new force. It having been determined not to attack Fort St. David, from apprehensions of the English squadron, Tritchinopoly would probably have been the object, if Mr. Soupires had not been instructed to refrain from any distant enterprize, which might impair the force under his command, before the arrival of a greater which was following from France; when both united might attempt any thing. It was therefore resolved to act in the country between Pondicherry and the Paliar, and to begin by the siege of Chittapet. The French troops, which had taken the field before the arrival of the squadron, were still remaining in their camp at Vandiwash, and on the 21st appeared in sight of Chittapet, where, on the 25th, they were joined by 300 of the regiment of Lorrain, and a train of artillery from Pondicherry.

The advance of the French troops created no little consternation in the city of Arcot, and incidentally became the cause of much confusion there. The Nabob had left the government of the city to his brother Abdulwahab, assisted by the councils of his mother, of Sampetrow, who had been the Duan or minister of his father, and of Ebrar Cawn, the Buxey or general of the troops. Many of the cavalry levied for the expedition to Nelore, had lately quitted his service for want of pay; some had enlisted with the French at Vandiwash, others with Mortizally at Velore. The desertion continuing, one Dana Sing, a straggling Jemautdar, came in the beginning of September, and encamped near the suburbs of Arcot with a hundred horse, intending to increase the number, by enlisting such as left the Nabob's service, and then offer the whole to the best bidders. These practices are so common in Indostan, that a body of cavalry may encamp between two opposite armies, and remain unmolested by either, whilst undecided which to join; and Dana Sing, relying on the customs he knew, prosecuted his business without reserve, and even with the knowledge of the English commandant in the fort, whom he sometimes visited. But malicious persons, who were in possession of the confidence of the commandant, began to insinuate, that the former as well as the present desertions were the effects of collusion and treachery, between the troops and Abdulwahab with the others to whom the Nabob had entrusted the government. Their artifices awakened his suspicions, which began to see the phantoms of plots and conspiracies, after which the slightest incidents became proofs to his credulity, and unluckily one happened, which might have raised mistrust in a more sagacious mind. The Nabob's mother had in appanage the fort of Chitore, situated in the mountains, about 20 miles from the pagoda of Tripetti, and governed it with the adjacent domain, without the interference of any other authority. Being old and infirm, she was so much frightened by the reports and approach of the French troops, that she packed up her treasure and valuable effects with some of Abdulwahab's, intending to send them to Chitore. The same malice which had already prejudiced, easily persuaded the commandant, that both the mother and son intended to make their escape from, the city, and take refuge with some or other of the Nabob's enemies. Every person and every circumstance were now suspected of treason; a party of Sepoys seized Sampetrow, another the Jemautdar Dana Sing; and both were put into confinement. Ebrar Cawn was obliged to depart from the city, the very interpreter and the news-writer of the Morratoes were likewise compelled to go. The first carriages which were proceeding to Chitore, were likewise stopped and brought to the fort, and with them several female attendants belonging to the Nabob's mother, over whose palace a strong guard was set, to prevent her escape; and all letters were intercepted. Abdulwahab, suspecting as much mischief as he was suspected of, went off with 40 horsemen in the night, it was the 24th of September, nor thought himself safe until he reached Chitore; the next day his house was searched and the most valuable of his effects, with all his papers, were seized. For three days and three nights all the Sepoys of the garrison were marching and countermarching, taking and changing posts, as if the town had been invested, and in danger of being forced by an army of 40,000 men; whereas, luckily, it was not necessary to fire a single musket; nevertheless the commandant could not be persuaded of this security, and obliged the Nabob's mother to quit the city on the 27th, under a strong guard from his garrison, which escorted her to Covrepauk. The Presidency heard these tidings with amazement, and finding by the intercepted letters that no evil designs had been intended by any of the aggrieved, made candid apologies to all; and immediately sent another officer to take the command of the fort. The Nabob and his mother were convinced and appeased; but Abdulwahab, either from pride, or some hopes of obtaining an independent establishment, would not return from Chitore, but levied troops, and corresponded with the Morratoes.

On the first of October, Mr. Soupires encamped the rest of the Lorrain regiment at Valdoor, as a body of observation ready either to intercept any succours which might be sent from Fort St. David, or to march to the Paliar, if the main body of the English force at Madrass should take the field to interrupt the siege of Chittapet. The kellidar, on the first motion of the French troops, saw his danger, and asked in pressing, but manly terms, the assistance of the presidency. It was then almost too late, for the English had no force at hand, sufficient to make their way through the first division which had set down before his fort; nevertheless stratagem and activity might have conducted some. Unfortunately the Nabob Mahomedally bore a deep grudge against the kellidar, for offences which power rarely pardons. He had received his appointment from Murzafajing, which had been confirmed by Nazirjing, and by his successor, the present Subah, on the conditions of the ancient governors of forts in Indostan, appointed by the Mogul to restrain instead of strengthening the hands of the Nabob, against whom the kellidar is obliged, in many instaces, to shut his gates. Nizar Mahomed never quitted this idea of his own dignity, keeping his court, constituting officers and levying troops, without asking the Nabob's consent or approbation; and some months before aggravated his offence by receiving a commission from Salabadjing, appointing him, in addition to his own, and with equal privileges, governor of the neighbouring fort of Polore, from which his districts had been often molested. The patents were ushered into Chittapet with much ceremony, and proclaimed to the garrison and vassals with ostentation, immediately after which the kellidar took the field with the greatest part of his force and marched against Polore. The Nabob, stung and exasperated, reproached the presidency with the proceedings of their ally, whom, having formerly served in Bengal under the Nabob Allaverdy, he accused of a strict connexion with his successor Surajahdowlah, from whom he alleged the kellidar had lately received a large sum of money, to be employed in conjunction with the French at Pondicherry, to the distress of his own government and the English affairs in the Carnatic. The presidency reprimanded the kellidar for the intemperance of his conduct against Polore, who immediately, retired, and apologized with a frankness scarcely compatible with dissimulation; and from this time, which was the end of the last year, he continued to inform them of his wants, transactions, and apprehensions. Nevertheless, the Nabob's representations, (such is the infirmity of human nature, which enters even into public councils) left suspicions; otherwise means would, in all probability, have been contrived to have thrown 100 Europeans into the fort at this juncture; nor would they before have neglected to supply it with some pieces of cannon, which the kellidar had often solicited. The fort of Chittapet is built of stone, and is extensive, being within the ditch 540 yards from north to south, and 430 on the other sides: it has round towers at the angles, and in each of these a high cavalier; besides which, it has only 10 square towers, three on the longest, and two on each of the other sides. But all these towers are much more spacious than in the generality of the forts of Coromandel; and the gateway on the northern side is the largest pile of this construction in the Carnatic, being capable of containing on its terraces five hundred men drawn up under arms. The fausse-bray is skirted by a straight and slight parapet without projections into the ditch, which is supplied with water, but with the usual negligence of Indian fortifications, was at this time in some parts fordable. Adjacent to the western side of the fort, nearly of the same extent, is a pettah, enclosed by a mud wall with round towers. The French carried the pettah by assault, in which they established their breaching battery; erecting likewise two others without, to enfilade. The principal battery, as soon as completed, was rendered useless by an excessive fall of rain, and as soon as repaired, the kellidar sallied, killed part, and drove the rest of the guard away, dismounted the cannon, and carried off the ammunition and tools. The news of this success determined the presidency to support the kellidar; they ordered the commandant at Arcot to send a reinforcement of Europeans and Sepoys with a supply of ammunition requested the Nabob to send what horse he had ready, and Armetrow, with his detachment of Morratoes, to join and accompany the reinforcement; and, moreover, promising to bear the expence, solicited Balaventrow to detach a larger body of Morratoes to harass the enemy's posts, and intercept their convoys. But the Nabob's horse seeing no ready money, would not expose themselves; Armetrow was gone to pay his devotions at Tripetti; and Balaventrow, with the main body of his army had left Cadapanatam, and was advanced several marches towards Viziapore. In this interval the French troops which had been kept back at Valdore, arrived before Chittapett, and with the former force were sufficient to invest it on all sides, and prevent the introduction of any succours.

By the 13th, the breach was practicable, when the French summoned the kellidar, who answered, that he waited the assault. In the ensuing night a party, in which were the grenadiers of Lorrain, concealed themselves near the great gateway, where the ditch was fordable, and at dawn of day the main body advanced from the battery to the breach, when the signal was thrown up for the other party to escalade, which succeeded beyond their expectation, meeting few to oppose them; for the greatest part of the garrison were assembled with the kellidar at their head at the breach, which they defended manfully, until he fell dead, shot by two musket balls: at the same instant the escalade had gained the terrace of the gateway, from which they proceeded along the rampart, driving all before them until they came in flank of the breach, where their fire and onset confounded the resistance against the main assault, which a few minutes after gained the rampart likewise, when the conqueror spared neither the prostrate nor the fugitive, excepting the English soldiers, who were nineteen, to whom quarter was offered, which they accepted. None of other the garrison escaped, excepting such as jumped from the walls, and gained the plain; amongst whom were about 50 of the English Sepoys. Fire was set to the dwelling of the kellidar, probably; because the women had barricaded their appartments; and an event is told concerning the fate of his principal wife, which, to save a disgrace to human nature, we shall not repeat. Thus fell Nizar Mahomed, a Victim to his good faith, although suspected of treachery, and with the utmost galantry, although scarcely believed to be brave. The presidency much regretted his fall, because owing in some measure to their own neglect, by which their other allies might be rendered diffident of their assistance in the hour of danger and distress.

Nazeabullah, on the approach of the detachment with Polier, broke up his camp before Cadawah, and retired to Nelore; where he stopped all the votaries passing from the northward through his territory to the feast at Tripetti, of which the income by this interception was considerably diminished; as soon as concluded, the detachment returned to Madras, where they arrived on the 25th of September, but in the way Polier sent off two companies of Sepoys to reinforce those already at Conjeveram. The fall of Chittapet alarmed the presidency for all their out garrisons; and precautions were taken in proportion to their importance. Carangoly standing 15 miles s. w. of Chinglapet, on the south side of the Paliar, and near the late acquisitions of the French, was garrisoned by 300 Sepoys; but as its walls were in a ruinous condition, they were ordered to retreat, on imminent danger, to Chinglapet, and to repair thither if Chinglapet were threatened before them. What districts were beyond Carangoly, and occupied only by slight parties of the enemy's troops, were consigned to the recovery and management of Murzafabeg, a partizan recommended by the Nabob, who was to account for nothing, and maintain them as he could, out of the revenues he might collect. Stores, ammunition, and some Europeans were sent to Arcot; and Timery, Covrepauk, Cavantandelum, and two or three other, but smaller forts, were ordered to act in respect to Arcot, as Carangoly to Chinglapett. But the French army, fearful of venturing too far from Pondicherry, and still more of crossing the Paliar, as the rains were approaching, unexpectedly turned from Chittapet to the south, and went against Trinomalee.

During these operations and alarms in the Carnatic, the arrival of the French squadron had created equal apprehensions in the southern countries. Calliaud received the intelligence from Devi Cotah and Fort St. David several days before the advices from the presidency could reach Madura, and without delay began his march back to Tritchinopoly, with all the Europeans; but left Mahomed Issoof with the Sepoys and the rest of the camp, to defend Madura and its dependencies, and to recover and protect, as far as the force and occasions allowed, the districts of Tinivelly: for the timidity of Modilee could not stand the field; and dreading still more to be left alone with Mahomed Issoof, he again accompanied Captain Calliaud; who the day after he left Madura, met at Nattam the first letters of the presidency ordering both himself and Mahomed Issoof to return immediately to Tritchinopoly; nevertheless several arrangements, necessary on a new acquisition of such importance, induced him to continue Mahomed Issoof ten days longer at Madura. On the 20th, he himself arrived with the Europeans, 250, at Tritchinopoly, where he was soon after informed, that the whole of the French force had taken the field; and although in the interval he received orders countermanding the return either of himself or Mahomed Issoof, he now preferred the first idea of being ready to make head at Tritchinopoly, with a strong force, until the season, intelligence, or the chance of war, might determine what might justly be apprehended from the opperations of the enemy. Accordingly Mahomed Issoof with a thousand Sepoys, followed him and arrived at Tritchinopoly on the 8th of October. In the mean time Berkatoolah had been sent with proposals to induce Maphuze Khan to quit the Tinivelly country, but the arrival of the French force had elevated him with such hopes, that he rejected all terms excepting the government both of Madura and Tinivelly at certain tributes, which he never intended to pay. This answer Mahomed Issoof received before he left Madura; as also certain intelligence that Hiderally, the Mysore general, was at length arrived with a considerable force at Dindigul: and, as the setting in of the rains in the Carnatic had by this time removed all apprehensions of immediate danger to Tritchinopoly, notwithstanding the reduction of Chittapet, Calliaud resolved that Mahomed Issoof should return again to Madura with the troops he had brought, as soon as they were refreshed and furnished with some additional equipments. They accordingly set out on the 20th of October.

On the 16th, the same day that the presidency received the news of the loss of Chittapett, arrived a vessel from Bengal with authentic advices of the revolution in that province produced by the success at Plassy: the succeeding days and vessels brought to the company, and to individuals, some part of the treasure which had been poured into Calcutta by that extraordinary event, and the reputation of a credit, adequate to the utmost wants of the English affairs in Coromandel: but this unexpected prosperity was somewhat clouded by the certainty of not receiving back any part of their troops in this season of necessity. Nor were any of the ships of war to be expected; for Admiral Pococke, on hearing of the French squadron, had taken the resolution of remaining in the Ganges until January, for the protection of Calcutta, and in expectation of being joined there by the ships coming from England; soon after, arrived the Queensborough frigate, dispatched by Commodore Stevens in August, from St. Augustine's bay in the Island of Madagascar, with information of his intentions to proceed with the four ships under his command, to Bombay, from whence they could not reach the coast until the beginning of the next year; but the approach of the tempestuous season lessened this disappointment, as it was known that the French themselves expected no more ships of force during this interval.

The French army from Chittapet appeared before Trinomalee on the 18th. This place, notwithstanding the gallant defence of Berkatoolah in 1753, is more famous for its sanctity than strength; it is situated 30 miles s. s. w. of Chittapet, and 30 w. of Gingee, a craggy mountain, about two miles in circumference, and rising in the middle to a great height, hath, besides others, on the highest rock, a small chapel, which is held in extreme veneration, from a persuasion, that whosoever, except the appointed Bramins, should presume to enter it, would immediately be consumed by a subterraneous fire, rising for the occasion. On the eastern side is a large pettah, surrounded by a slight mud wall; it was this Berkatoolah defended; from which are the only paths leading to the chapels, and in the innermost part, immediately under the mountain, is a spacious and well-built pagoda, the residence of a multitude of Bramins and their families, as well as of the images to which the whole mountain and pagoda are consecrated. The mountain, pettah, and a space of arable land to the westward, is enclosed by a bound hedge, such, although not so thick set, as that of Pondicherry. The Nabob's governor and garrison abandoned the pettah on the appearance of the French army; which then separated into various detachments against various places. The neighbouring kellidar of Polore surrendered on the first summons, and the stronger fort of Arni, redeemed the attack, which was threatened, although not intended, for a sum of money. On the 4th of November the strongest of the detachments commanded by Saubinet appeared before the fort of Thiagar, otherwise called Tagadurgam. This stands 30 miles south of Trinomalee, in the high road to Volcondah and Tritchinopoly. It consists of two fortifications, on a high mountain, one above, but communicating with the other, and a pettah on the plain to the eastward, which has not only the common defence of a mud wall, but his likewise surrounded at a small distance by an impenetrable hedge; from which the cannon and musketry of the French detachment could not remove the matchlock men who defended it, concealed themselves, and hitting every thing that appeared in sight: after two days trial, Saubinet received orders to return to Pondicherry, and all the other detachments were recalled at the same time. They had reduced eight forts in the neighbourhood of Chittapet, Trinomallee, and Gingee, and established renters in the districts which depended on them.

As soon as the rains abated, the garrisons of Outramalore and Chittapet sent out parties to attack the districts and smaller forts dependant on Carangoly and Arcot, and flight skirmishes ensued with various success. The harvest ripening in the beginning of November, Murzafabeg took post with 300 Sepoys levied by himself, and other force, in the fort of Trivatore, which, standing midway between Outramalore and Arcot, was the most central situation to protect the districts under his own management: the fort being strong enough to resist a sudden assault, parties detached from it frequently beat away those of the enemy, sent to levy money from the villages for the redemption of their grain in the field, until the enemy invested the fort with 800 Sepoys, joined by some Europeans, with three field-pieces. Captain Richard Smith commanding at this time in Arcot, on notice of the danger, detached five companies of Sepoys with a platoon of Europeans, under the command of Lieutenant Wood, who, halting near Trivatore during the night of the 13th of December, fell upon the besiegers at day-break the next morning, beat up all their posts, and took their field-pieces, with which he returned the day after to Arcot; but left one of his companies of Sepoys to reinforce Trivatore. On the 28th, 500 Sepoys came again and took possession of the pettah, but were driven away by the garrison on the last day of the year. At the same time another party from Outramalore blocked up two companies of Sepoys, placed in the mud fort of Cavantandelum, which stands about 10 miles to the N. of Outramalore, and about midway between Salawauk and Conjeveram. Ensign Banatyne marched with five companies from Carangoly, and beat the enemy away; but deeming the post untenable, withdrew the guard. Thus ended the year in the districts of the Carnatic near the Paliar.

The Morratoe, Balaventrow, immediately after the conclusion of Armetrow's negotiation, and his own devotions at Tripetti, marched with the main body of his army from the pass of Cudapanatam, into the country of Cudapah. The Nabob of this province had assembled his force, 6000 horse, and had been joined by those of Canoul, with 3000 more, all reputed, although not really, Pitans. This army waited for the enemy near the city of Cudapah, which stands about 150 miles N and by w. of Arcot, and is an open town. The Morratoes, contrary to their usual warfare were as eager for a decisive battle as the Pitans. It was fought on the 24th of September with much fury, and ended with the death of the Nabob of Cudapah; the city fell a prey to the conquerors, who plundered every thing, and found a valuable booty. Balaventrow soon after received, with the request of the presidency, an order from Balajerow, to assist the English, and immediately detached 1000 horse to Arcot; but they did not arrive until Chittapet was taken; and the subsequent motions of the French threatening no forts of importance, which it was in the power of the English force to protect without risquing a general battle, the presidency spared the expence of taking this cavalry into their pay; which however did not join the French, but remained with Armetrow at Arcot until the 5th of December; when he proceeded with them and his former escort to Velore, where they remained qietly until the end of January, waiting the orders of Balaventrow.

The only attempt made by the French troops, after the retreat of their army into Pondicherry, was against Palamcotah near the Coleroon, which they invested, in the beginning of December, with 100 Europeans, some field-pieces, and 500 Sepoys, from the garrison of Chilambarum, but, having no battering cannon, they were only able to get possession of the pettah, from whence they collected the revenues of the lands dependant on the fort, which, as we have said in a former part of our narrative, were an appanage of the Nabob of Cudapah, and were commanded by one of his near relations. The death of the late Nabob did not alter the dependance, and as he had been for some time on friendly terms with the Euglish, 30 Sepoys, with as much ammunition as they could carry, were sent from Fort St. David, and found means to get into the fort.

Whilst Mahomed Issoof was waiting the decision of his return from Tritchinopoly to Madura, Hyderally had marched from Dindigul, took the fort of Sholavanden without resistance, and entered the districts of Madura without opposition. He continued several days under the walls of the city; but, finding it much stronger than he expected, contented himself with plundering the country, sending off the cattle and other booty to Dindigul. On the approach of Mahomed Issoof, he took post with a part of his army near the issue of the pass of Nattam, in order to intercept his march. Mahomed Issoof without hesitation attacked, and, with the advantage of superior discipline, and the execution of his fieldpieces, obliged the Mysoreans to give way: who, decamping the ensuing night, crossed the country to Chevelpetore. By this time, the mischief they had done having left nothing more to get worth the expence of remaining in the country, Hyderally collected his detachments, and returned to Dindigul. Mahomed Issoof, on his arrival at Madura, enlisted 400, the best of Berkatoolah's cavalry; the whole of which were remaining encamped 15 miles from the town, waiting for the second payment of the agreement, having as neutrals, neither given molestation to the Mysoreans, or received any from them. He, at the same time, sent invitations to those with Maphuze Khan, and whatsoever other bodies were acting as independent plunderers in the Tinivelly country. As soon as the Mysoreans were gone, he began his march to Tinivelly, with a very considerable force. Passing along the districts of Etiaporum, the Polygar redeemed his hostages, which were in the camp, paying 18,700 rupees, the balance of his fine. The army arrived at the town of Tinivelly about the middle of November, from whence Maphuze Khan on their approach had retired to Nellitangaville. He had, during his residence there, made various attempts to get possession of the fort of Palamcotah, but had taken Calacad, and given it to the king of Travancore. Mahomed Issoof, with a part of the army, marched immediately against this place, which the Travancores abandoned without resistance, and, being followed by him, retired behind their walls in the passes of the mountains, at the foot of the promontory. At the same time, the appearance of other detachments drove away the guards which Maphuze Khan had placed in Papancolam, Alvarcourchy, and Bermadats; and those stationed by the Polygar of Vadagherry, in Tirancourchy. All these places lie to the M. w. of Tinivelly, about Nellitangaville; and parties of Sepoys were left to maintain them. Mahomed Issoof had returned to Tinivelly by the end of November; and on the 28th of this month, a Jemautdar of horse, lately enlisted, endeavoured, with some of his troops, to break through his guards to the apartment in which he was, as usual, laid down to sleep in the afternoon. Mahomed Issoof starting up joined his guards, and more coming, all the intruders were cut down on the spot, but killed some of their opponents. At this time he received intelligence that the French garrison in the pagoda of Seringham had sent a detachment of Europeans and Sepoys with artillery, to Hyderally at Dindigul, who, on their arrival, it was said, was preparing to return against Madura: the news, although premature, was believed, and determined Mahomed Issoof to be there before them. Accordingly, on the 1st of December, he began his march from Tinivelly, leaving there and in the other posts, a sufficient force to make head against Maphuze Khan and his allies, and on the 4th arrived at Chevelpetore, where he remained waiting for more certain advices concerning the Mysoreans, until the end of the month; and in the mean time, sent a strong detachment to repair the fort of Sholavanden. Before this time, no farther expectation remained of Moodilee's abilities to manage the revenues; and he was called to Madrass, in order to exhibit and explain the details of his administration; but remained sick and settling his accounts in the woods of Tondiman. Calliaud had sent Lieutenant Rumbold in the month of August to communicate the state of the country; but this officer died on the way at Fort St. David in the month of September: and the presidency, as soon as the rains were set in, ordered Calliaud himself to come. He arrived on the 14th of November, under the safeguard of a passport from Pondicherry, and having communicated his knowledge and opinions, returned on the 4th, aud reached Tritchinopoly on the 12th of December; his representations convinced the presidency, that the disturbances would never cease, nor any revenue be collected adequate to the military expences, whilst Maphuze Khan maintained his force, pretensions, and alliances in these countries. It was therefore proposed to the Nabob, who still continued at Madras; that Maphuze Khan should be assured of receiving an annual income, sufficient for his decent maintenance, out of the revenues, provided he would quit the country with his cavalry, and disband his other troops. By this plan, if nothing should be got, nothing would be lost; and the French, frustrated of all connexions, would find it impracticable to get footing in these provinces. The Nabob approved the proposal, and sent an agent to treat with Maphuze Khan.

Thus ended this busy anxious year in the Carnatic and its dependencies, during which almost every day brought the solicitude of some suspended event, or the expectation of some important mischance; but unremitting caution and vigilance, directed by knowledge and sagacity, supplied the defect of force. The only error committed by the presidency was their neglect of Chittapet, which was severely atoned by its loss. The only advantage obtained was the acquisition of Madura; but this much more than compensated all the detriments of the year. Thus the English councils. To those of Pondicherry no blame could be imputed, because they were restricted by the most positive orders from France, and even ventured more than they were authorised to risque.

Mr. Bussy, the commander of their forces in the Decan, had during this year employed them with much more activity, because uncontrolled in his operations. His army, continuing their march from Hyderabad, arrived at Bezoara on the Kristna in the end of November of the preceding year, from whence, instead of going to Masulipatam, they struck to the north-east, and proceeded by a frequented road, through the province and city of Elore, from whence they arrived on the 19th of December at the city of Ramundrum, situated on the Godaveri, about 30 miles from the sea, and a day's march from the English factory at Ingeram. On their approach, Ibrahim Cawn, whom Mr. Bussy had raised to the government of this and the province of Chicacole, dreading the punishment of his ingratitude during the distress of Charmaul, quitted the country, and went away to Aurengabad; but the Rajah Vizeramrauze, confident in the proofs he had given of his attachment, met their army accompanied by several other Indian chiefs, with their forces, which, with his own, amounted to 10000 men; he was received with every mark of respect, and employed the favour in which he stood to the gratification of an animosity, which had long been the leading passion of his mind. The tradition of these countries says, that many centuries before Mahomedanism, a king of Jaggernaut, in Orixa, marched to the south with a great army, which subdued not only these provinces, but, crossing the Kristna, conquered in the Carnatic, as far as Conjeveram: these conquests he distributed in many portions to his relations, officers, and menial servants, from whom several of the present northern polygars pretend to be lineally descended, and to govern at this very time the very districts which were then given to their ancestor. All who claim this genealogy, esteem themselves the highest blood of native Indians, next to the Bramins, equal to the Rajpoots, and support this pre-eminence by the haughtiest observances, insomuch that the breath of a different religion, and even of the meaner Indians, requires ablution: their women never transfer themselves to a second, but burn with the husband of their virginity; and, although this cruel practice is not unfrequent in most of the high families and casts throughout India, yet it is generally optional: but with the women of these antient Polygars, the most indispensable of necessities.

The first in rank of these Polygars, who all call themselves Rajahs, was Rangarao of Bobilee: the fort of this name stands close to the mountains about 140 miles N. E. of Vizagapatam; the districts are about twenty square miles. There had long been a deadly hatred between this Polygar and Vizeramrauze, whose person, how much soever he feared his power, Rangarao held in the utmost contempt, as of low extraction, and of new note. Districts belonging to Vizeramrauze adjoined to those of Bobilee, whose people diverted the water of the rivulets, and made depredations, which Vizeramrauze, for want of better military means, and from the nature of Rangarao's country, could not retaliate. Vizeramrauze used his utmost influence and arguments to persuade Mr. Bussy of the necessity of removing this neighbour; and Mr. Bussy proposed, that he should quit his hereditary ground of of Bobilee, in exchange for other lands of greater extent and value, in another part of the province; but Rangarao treated the proposal as an insult. Soon after, it became necessary to send a detachment of Sepoys to some districts at a distance, to which the shortest road lay through some part of the woods of Bobilee: permission was obtained; but, either by some contrivance of Vizeramrauze, or the predetermination of Rangarao, the detachment was sharply attacked, and obliged to retire with the loss of 30 Sepoys killed, and more wounded. Vizeramrauze improved this moment of indignation; and Mr. Bussy, not foreseeing the terrible event to which he was proceeding, determined to reduce the whole country, and to expel the Polygar and all his family.

The province of Chicacole has few extensive plains, and its hills increase in frequency and magnitude, as they approach the vast range of mountains that bound this, and the province of Rajahmundrum, to the N. w. The hills, and the narrower bottoms which separate them, are suffered to over-run with wood, as the best protection to the opener vallies allotted for cultivation. The Polygar, besides his other towns and forts, has always one situated in the most difficult part of his country, which is intended as the last refuge for him- self and all of his own blood. The singular construction of this fort is adequate to all the intentions of defence amongst a people unused to cannon, or other means of battery. Its outline is a regular square, which rarely exceeds 200 yards; a large round tower is raised at each of the angles, and a square projection in the midddle of each of the sides. The height of the wall is 22 feet, but of the rampart within only 12, which is likewise its breadth at top, although it is laid much broader at bottom; the whole is of tempered clay, raised in distinct layers, of which each is left exposed to the sun, until thoroughly hardened, before the next is applied. The parapet rises 10 feet above the rampart, and is only three feet thick. It is indented five feet down from the top in interstices six inches wide, which are three or four feet asunder. A foot above the bottom of these interstices and battlements, runs a line of round holes, another two feet, lower and a third within two feet of the rampart: These These holes are, as usual, formed with pipes of baked clay: they serve for the employment of fire-arms, arrows, and lances; and the interstices for the freer use of all these arms, instead of loop-holes, which cannot be inserted or cut in the clay. The towers, and the square projections in the middle, have the same parapet as the rest of the wall; and in two of the projections, on opposite sides of the fort are gateways, of which the entrance is not in the front, but on one side, from whence it continues through half the mass, and then turns by a right angle into the place; and, on any alarm, the whole passage is choked up with trees, and the outside surrounded to some distance with a thick bed of strong brambles. The rampart and parapet is covered by a shed of strong thatch, supported by posts; the eaves of this shed project over the battlements, but fall so near, that a man can scarcely squeeze his body between: this shed is shelter both to the rampart and guards against the sun and rain. An area of 500 yards, or more, in every direction round the fort, is preserved clear, of which the circumference joins the high wood, which is kept thick, three, four, or five miles in breadth around this center. Few of these forts permit more than one path through the wood. The entrance of the path from without is defended by a wall, exactly similar in construction and strength to one of the sides of the fort; having its round towers at the ends, and the square projection with its gateway in the middle. From natural sagacity they never raise this redoubt on the edge of the wood; but at the bottom of a recess, cleared on purpose, and on each side of the recess, raise breast- works of earth or hedge, to gall the approach. The path admits only three men abreast, winds continually, is every where commanded by breast-works in the thicket, and has in its course several redoubts, similar to that of the entrance, and like that flanked by breast-works on each hand. Such were the defences of Bobilee; against which Mr. Bussy marched, with 750 Europeans, of whom 250 were horse, four field-pieces, and 11000 Peons and Sepoys, the army of Vizeramrauze, who commanded them in person.

Whilst the field-pieces, plied the parapet of the first redoubt at the entrance of the wood, detachments entered into the side of the recess with with fire and hatchet, and began to make a way, which tended to bring them in the rear of the I the guard, as soon as convinced of their danger, abandoned their station, and joined those in the posts behind; the same operations continued through the whole path, which was five miles in length, and with the same success, although not without loss. When in sight of the fort, Mr. Bussy divided his troops into, four divisions, allotting one, with the field-piece, to the attack of each of the towers. Rangarao was here, with all his parentage, 250 men bearing arms, and nearly twice this number of women and children.

The attack commenced at day-break, on the 24th of January, January. with the field-pieces against the four towers; and the defenders, lest fire might catch the thatch of the rampart, had pulled it down. By nine o'clock, several of the battlements were broken, when all the leading parties of the four divisions advanced at the same time, with scaling ladders; but, after much endeavour for an hour, not a man had been able to get over the parapet; and many had fallen wounded; other parties followed with as little success, until all were so fatigued, that a cessation was ordered, during which the field-pieces, having beaten down more of the parapet, gave the second attack more advantage; but the ardour of the defence encreased with the danger. The garrison fought with the indignant ferocity of wild beasts, defending their dens and families: several of them stood, as in defiance, on the top of the battlements, and endavoured to grapple with the first ascendants, hoping with them to twist the ladders down; and this failing, stabbed with their lances, but being wholly exposed themselves, were easily shot by aim from the rear of the escalade. The assailants admired, for no Europeans had ever seen such excess of courage in the natives of Indostan, and continually offered quarter, which was always answered by the menace and intention of death: not a man had gained the rampart at two o'clock in the afternoon, when another cessation of the attack ensued; on which Rangarao assembled the principal men, told them there was no hopes of maintaining the fort, and that it was immediately necessary to preserve their wives and children from the violation of Europeans, Europeans, and the more ignominious authority of Vizeramrauze. A number called without distinction were allotted to the work; they proceeded, every man with a torch, his lance, and poignard, to the habitations in the middle of the fort, to which they set fire indiscriminately, plying the flame with straw prepared with pitch and brimstone, and every man stabbed without remorse, the woman or child, whichsoever attempted to escape the flame and suffocation. Not the helpless infant, clinging to the bosom of its mother, saved the life of either from the hand of the husband and father. The utmost excesses whether of revenge or rage, were exceeded by the atrocious prejudices which dictated and performed this horrible sacrifice. The massacre being finished, those who accomplished it returned, like men agitated by the furies, to die themselves on the walls. Mr. Law, who commanded one of the divisions, observed, whilst looking at the conflagration, that the number of the defenders was considerably diminished, and advanced again to the attack: after several ladders had failed, a few grenadiers got over the parapet, and maintained their footing in the tower until more secured, the possession. Rangarao hastening to the defence of the tower, was in this instant killed by a musket-ball. His fall encreased, if possible, the desperation of his friends; who, crowding to revenge his death, left the other parts of the ramparts bare; and the other divisions of the French troops, having advanced likewise to their respective attacks, numbers on all sides got over the parapet without opposition: nevertheless, none of the defenders quitted the rampart, or would accept quarter; but each fell advancing against, or struggling with, an antagonist; and even when fallen, and in the last agony, would resign his poignard only to death. The slaughter of the conflict being completed, another much more dreadful, presented itself in the area below: the transport of victory lost all its joy: all gazed on one another with silent astonishment and remorse, and the fiercest could not refuse a tear to the deplorable destruction spread before them. Whilst contemplating it, an old man, leading a boy, was perceived advancing from a distant recess; he was welcomed with much attention and respect, and conducted by the crowd to Mr. Law, to whom he presented the child with these these words: "This is the son of Rangarao, whom I have preserved "against his father's will." Another emotion now succeeded, and the preservation of this infant was felt by alias some alleviation to the horrible catastrophe, of which they had been the unfortunate authors. The tutor and the child were immediately sent to Mr. Bussy, who, having heard of the condition of the fort, would not go into it, but remained in his tent, where he received the sacred captives with the humanity of a guardian appointed by the strongest claims of nature, and immediately commanded patents to be prepared, appointing the son lord of the territory which he had offered the father in exchange for the districts of Bobilee; and ordered them to be strictly guarded in the camp from the malevolence of enemies.

The ensuing night and the two succeeding days passed in the usual attentions, especially the care of the wounded, who were many; but in the middle of the third night, the camp was alarmed by a tumult in the quarter of Vizeramrauze. Four of the soldiers of Rangarao, on seeing him fall, concealed themselves in an unfrequented part of the fort until the night was far advanced, when they dropped down the walls, and speaking the same language, passed unsuspected through the quarters of Vizeramrauze, and gained the neighbouring thickets; where they remained the two succeeding days, watching until the bustle of the camp had subsided; when two of them quitted their retreat, and having by their language again deceived those by whom they were questioned, got near the tent of Vizeramrauze; then creeping on the ground they passed under, the back part, and entering the tent found him lying on his bed, alone, and asleep. Vizeramrauze was extremely corpulent, insomuch that he could scarcely rear himself from his seat without assistance: the two men, restraining their very breath, struck in the same instant with their poignards at his heart; the first groan brought in a centinel, who fired, but missed; more immediately thronged in, but the murderers, heedless of themselves, cried out, pointing to the body, "Look here! We are satisfied." They were instantly shot by the crowd, and mangled after they had fallen; but had stabbed Vizeramrauze rauze in 32 places. Had they failed, the other two remaining in the forest were bound by the same oath to perform the deed or perish in the attempt.

The army hastened to quit this tragic ground. They proceeded through the hills to the north, summoning the tributes of a variety of polygars, who, terrified by the fate of Bobilee, paid without resistance; nor did they meet any opposition, until they arrived at the districts of Gumseer. This country is much more extensive than that of any other of the ancient Polygars; it commences about 40 miles to the North-west of Ganjam, extending about 50 miles in that direction, and 20 in breadth; it is even more impenetrable than the country of Bobilee, its forests consisting entirely of bamboes, which grow closer, and resist the axe and fire better than any other vegetation; relying on which, the inhabitants do not think it necessary to erect redoubts for the defence of their paths, but obstruct them with frequent and temporary barriers of bamboes, wrought in a variety of entanglements. The polygar of Gumseer refused his tribute, of which the arrears amounted to 180,000 rupees; and Mr. Bussy, intending for other views to remain awhile in the northernmost parts of the Chicacole province, resolved to employ some of the time in reducing this country. Day by day the troops were employed with excessive toil and fatigue in rooting up, cutting down, and endeavouring to burn a way through the forest. The whole district is esteemed one of the hottest regions of Indostan, and is peculiarly subject to strokes of the sun; by which seven Europeans were in one day killed; several barriers were forced, or past, and the Polygar, beginning to think himself in danger, made proposals, which Mr. Bussy was equally willing to accept, having lost 30 Europeans, and a much greater number of Sepoys, in the little progress which the army had made; this accommodation was concluded in the middle of April.

Some time before, Mr. Bussy had received letters from Surajah Doulah, the nabob of Bengal, requesting his assistance to expel their common enemy, the English, out of that province; the Nabob offered to defray all the expences of the French army, and promised further further explanations: which Mr. Bussy supposed would be brought by some principal officer of his court, furnished with the means of conducting the army through the province of Orixa; in which expectation he reserved to remain near the frontiers of this province, and the army marched from Gumseer to Ganjam, which is the last town in Chicacole. It is a sea-port much frequented by coasting vessels, and the French had at this time a factory there; the army remained in the neighbourhood until the 10th of May, but, instead of further overtures from Surajah Dowlah, received intelligence, that the English had taken the French settlement of Chandernagore; which convincing Mr. Bussy of the imbecility of the Nabob, who had suffered them to gain such an advantage in his country, he relinquished all ideas of further connexion with him; but resolved immediately to make retaliation on the English settlements in the northern provinces.

In consequence of his orders the Europeans he hand left in garrion at Rajahmundrum, when joined by more from Masulipatam, marched against the factories of Madapollam, Bandermalanka, and Ingeram, which stand near the sea on three different arms of the Godaveri. The natives here weave excellent cloths at cheap rates, and the three factories annually furnished 700 bales for the Company's market in England. Ingeram only had soldiers, and only 20, and all the three factories surrendered on the first requisition. The reduction of Vizagapatam, as being nearer, Mr. Bussy reserved to himself; but being sure of his prize, remained in the city of Chicacole until he had settled the affairs of this government. On the 24th of June the van of his army appeared before Vizagapatam. A river coming from the north and turning short eastward to the sea, forms an arm of land, a mile and half in length: and 600 yards in breadth. Nearly in the middle of this ground stands the fort, of which the construction by repeated mistakes was become so absurd, that it was much less defensible than many of the ancient barons' castles of Europe. The face towards the river was choked by houses. A whole town lay within 300 yards to the north, a village at the same distance to the south, and several buildings on each of these sides stood much nearer the walls: towards the sea, the esplanade was clear, excepting a saluting battery, where a lodgment might be easily made; after many injudicious additions of works round the fort, which only made it worse, it was found necessary to throw up an entrenchment to the north, beyond the town, in the shoulder of the peninsula, quite across from the river to the sea, with a battery at each extremity, and another on a hillock near the center, but this was commanded by a sand-hill directly opposite, and within point-blank. The access across the river from the south, was sufficiently secured by batteries, which commanded not only the passage, but the entrance of the river itself, through which all embarkations from the sea must gain the shore, as the surf prevents even a boat from landing on the beach: indeed the whole scheme of the defences seemed to have been calculated only to oppose the attempts of pirates and polygars. The garrison consisted of 150 excellent Europeans, and 300 Sepoys; the English families in the town were 50 persons. On the same day that the van of Mr. Bussy's army appeared in sight, the Company's ship Marlborough anchored in the road, on board of which was the chief engineer of Madrass proceeding to Bengal. He landed, and having the next morning reviewed the works, with Captain Charles Campbell, who commanded the troops, both gave their opinion that the extent could not be defended, even with a much greater force; and advised that all the Europeans should be immediately embarked, and the Sepoys, with two or three officers, left to make the best capitulation they could; but all the boat and fishermen had deserted in the night, and the wind blew so strong from the sea, that none but those accustomed could manage the boats over the bar, which that of the Marlborough carrying back the engineer, experienced, being twice overset and a man drowned before she got out. At noon, cannon appeared on the sand hill; soon after, the main body of the enemy, and a summons to surrender; after two or three messages, the capitulation was signed at 11 at night. All the Europeans, whether troops or inhabitants, were to be prisoners of war; the Sepoys and natives free to go where they liked; the Company's effects, capture; individuals, Mr. Bussy said, should have no reason to complain: he kept his word with the utmost liberality, resigning without discussion whatsoever property any one claimed as his own. The Marlborough having anchored at the Dutch factory ofBimlapatam, 12 miles to the northward, he permitted the chief, Mr. Percival, Captain Campbell, and several others, to proceed in her to Bengal.

From Vizagapatam, the army proceeded to Rajahmundrum, where they remained some time, and then took the field, and advanced again to the northward, to awe the tributaries who shewed any tendency to disobedience; but were not obliged to exercise any hostilities of consequence. Thus ended the year 1757, in the northern provinces: during which, the absence of Mr. Bussy from the court of Salabadjing, gave his enemies the opportunity they wished, of taking measures to weaken the future effects of his influence over that prince, in the administration of his government.

Nizamally and Bussalut Jung were the two brothers of Salabadjing, who, as well as himself, were prisoners in the camp of Murzafajing, when the death of this prince in Cudapah, with the influence of Mr. Bussy in his army, raised Salabadjing to the throne of the Decan. The early sagacity of Mr. Bussy then foresaw, that the two brothers would be made the ensigns of faction and revolt, if they were admitted to any participation in the councils of the government; since by their birth, their employments, if any, must be great. He therefore advised Salabadjing to allow them incomes sufficient for all indigencies, but to give them no appointments of trust and power, and to oblige them, under pretence of distinction, to accompany him wheresoever he moved. In this restraint, tempered by all exterior attentions, they continued, and seemed satisfied, until the open rupture between Mr. Bussy and Salabadjing's administration of Sanore; when Shanavaze Khan resolved to raise them into public importance, as his own future patrons, with the very views, of which the apprehension had led Mr. Bussy to prevent their promotion. Balazerow was, as we have seen, encamped at that time before Sanore; to whom Shanavaze Khan communicated his intention, suppressing the motive, and requested him to urge the advice to Salabadjing, with the document of his own example, who always employed his brothers, or his son, in the most important expeditions, which he could not attend himself. Balagerow knew that his own policy could not be the rule of a different state, and weaker understanding; but saw the views of Shanavaze Khan, and wishing for the very divisions they would create in the administration of the Decan, gave the advice; and Salabadjing, always easily led, appointed Nizamally, the elder of the two brothers, to the government of Berar, the most extensive in the empire, but of which more than half had been dismembered by the conquests of the Morratoe Janogee; and to Bassalut Jung he gave the country of Adoni, which lies south of the Kristna and north of Mysore; Bassalut Jung went from Sanore to his government, but Nizamally not until after the reconciliation of Charmaul.

The brothers being then established, Mr. Bussy could do no better than appear indifferent to the arrangements he could not reverse without renewing the immediate effect of unappeased animosities, before he was in a state to encounter them. He therefore went away, as we have seen in November, to the ceded provinces, as the most certain means of providing money, without umbrage, for future contingencies. On the 17th of December, Salabadjing began his intended march from Golcondah to Aurengabad. The army consisted of 10,000 horse, and 15,000 foot, with the French detachment of 200 Europeans, and 500 Sepoys, whom Shanavaze Khan could find no pretence to prevent from accompanying Salabadjing. They arrrved at Beder in the beginning of January, when Balagerow was taking the field at Poni. And Shanavaze Khan desiring to gain his concurrence to the designs he had formed, resolved to loiter in this part of the country, hoping that the approach of Balagerow might give opportunities of an interview between them. He accordingly led the army against a considerable Rajah named Chundersain, whose territory lay near Calberga, 40 miles to the south of Beder, and whilst hostilities were carrying on against the Rajah he summoned Bassault Jung to join the standard of the Subahships with the forces from his government of Adoni; which added another delay until their arrival. But advices being received that Balagerow was marching straight to the south, and intended to cross the Kristna, the Subah's army renewed their march to the northward, when in the beginning of February news arrived, that the Affghans had taken Delhi, that a large detachment of their army were plundering Agra, and that parties from this detachment were on the road to Brampour; which, from some conclusions of which we are ignorant, determined the Subah's council to proceed no farther to the north, whilst the Pitans were supposed to have any intentions of advancing to the south; so that they did not approach Aurungabad until the beginning of May. In this interval Seid Lascar Khan, who had been Duan of the Decan, and had given the northern maritime provinces to the French, died at Aurengabad; his treasures were reported to be great, and with all his effects reverted, according to the institutions of the government, to the sovereign; but they were deposited in the fortress of Doltabad, of which the governor was his near relation, and had always been obsequious to his will.

This place is called, and deemed impregnable, standing on the summit of a mountain, which is surrounded with two other inclosures, of which that on the plain contains a large town: notwithstanding the necessity of communication to admit troops and provisions, each has its particular governor; but the two lower forts are so overtowered by the upper, that they rarely resist the will of the governor there, who, until the late confusions of the empire, was always especially appointed by the Great Mogul.

Shanavaze Khan had succeeded Seid Lascar in the office of Duan, of which one of the most beneficial duties is to take possession for the emperor of the estates of all who die, holding, or having held, any office in the government: he therefore proceeded several days before the army, with a large detachment and some artillery, and summoned all the forts; the lowest, after a slight resistance, and much parley, surrendered on the third day; the governors of the two others being leagued together held out a month; but having neglected to lay in a stock of provisions, and being surrounded by the whole of Salabadjing's army, they at length yielded to money; and and Shanavaze Khan immediately changed the garrisons, and placed one of his own dependants in the command of all the forts, with the unwilling compliance of Salabadjing, and the approbation of the Emperor's Duan, Mahomed Hussein, whom Shanavaze Khan had lately gained over to his views. He found in the fort a great treasure belonging to Seid Lascar Khan, of which 700,000 rupees were publicly avowed, and more suspected. In the end of September a body of 6000 Morratoes from Poni, under the command of Vizvazrow, the eldest son of Balagerow, arrived near Aurengabad, with pretensions of which we are ignorant: their march had been expected, and gave Shanavaze Khan a pretence to call up Nizamally from Berar with the troops of his government, who arrived at the same time as Vizvazrow; the Morratoe chiefs dependant on the Subahship, and several others, had been likewise summoned, and were come up, so that the whole force under the standard of the Subah was near 40,000 horse, besides the foot. The Morratoes, notwithstanding their inferiority, proceeded to hostilities, but confined them to skirmishes, in which they were always repulsed by the artillery of the French detachment; nevertheless Nizamally assumed the merit of these successes, and working at the same time by his emissaries amongst Salabadjing's troops, instigated them to clamour, and insult him in his palace for the arrears of their pay, of which 22 months were due. During this tumult Shanavaze Khan, as if afraid of the resentment of Salabadjing, took refuge in the fort of Doltabad.

Salabadjing was terrified, without money, and, by the means of Shanavaze Khan, without credit; and Nizamally taking the advantage he had prepared, proffered to interfere and appease the troops, provided he was intrusted, whilst necessary, with the administration of the government, and the disposal of the great seal of the Subahship. This instrument ratifies all treaties, confirms all governments, authenticates all grants and boons of consequence, and warrants all assignments of the revenue: it therefore always remains at least in the dwelling of the prince, and generally under his own eye, excepting at Delhi, where it is usually confided to the Vizier. Salabadjing being without resource, consented: and Nizamally immediately became came invested with sovereign power, but left the appearances to Salabadjing, whom he affected to consult; and abrogated none of his indulgences, which this prince was naturally inclined to prefer to the cares of his state. Nizamally immediately gave additional honours and jaghires to his brother Bassaulet Jung, and with a subtle affectation of indifference concerning the seal, committed it to his care. Both the next day introduced Shanavaze Khan to Salabadjing, who received him with the exterior ceremonials of good-will and favour. The officer who commanded the French detachment had neither experience nor force sufficient to counteract the progress of this plot; but redoubled his attention in guarding the person of Salabadjing, which perhaps. saved his life. It was the general opinion that the expedition of the Morratoes with Vizvazrow had been concerted by Shanavaze Khan, as the leading means of accomplishing this revolution.

It happened in the middle of December; Mr. Bussy received intelligence of it at Rajahmundrum in the beginning of January, and immediately began his march, with all his force, to release Salabadjing from these bonds. We shall now return to the affairs of Bengal.

THE first news of the French squadron was brought to Calcutta on the 17th of September, by the Revenge, which had escaped from them on the 8th, in the road of Fort St. David. Other advices followed, with information of the troops they had brought, and of the expectations at Pondicherry of much greater force in the beginning of the ensuing year; in consequence of which the presidency of Madrass repeated with much solicitude the request they had often made, that the troops with Olive might be immediately returned to the coast: but they could not now be sent away, without risquing the accomplishment of the treaties with Meer Jaffier, if he should require their service in the field; and the loss of Calcutta itself, if a French force should arrive in the river, whilst they were employed in a distant part of the Nabob's dominions. This apprehension rendered the French prisoners, and even their vagabonds in the province, an object of solicitude. The prisoners amounted to 200, of whom 50 being men of better condition, were not confined. The party which served with Sinfray at the battle of Plassy, had escaped into the districts of Berbohin, were the timidity of the natives suffered them to remain without molestation; and other stragglers from va- rious parts had increased the number to sixty Europeans. Thirty had gone away in boats from the French factory at Dacca, under the conduct of the chief, Mr. Courtin, and proceeding along the rivers, had entrenched themselves near the mountains in the northern part of the district of Rungpore, which adjoins on the west to Purneah. It was suspected that some of the prisoners, who were at large, were corresponding, not only with both these parties, but also with Mr. Law's in, Oude, and with the army of Mr. Bussy in Chicacole. It was therefore resolved to send away all the higher sort to Pondi- cherry; and in the beginning of October, thirty-four, of whom two were Jesuits, were embarked in a ship hired for the purpose, and call- ed the Restitution. From reliance on their parole the ship was man- ned, as usual, by lascars, or mariners of the country, with only three Englishmen to command them. As soon as they were at sea, the Frenchmen, as they easily might overpowered the crew, and carried the ship to Masulipatam, where they declared themselves free, and the ship a lawful prize.

Before Colonel Clive left Muxadavad, the Nabob had summoned Ramramsing, the Rajah of Midnapore, who was head of the spies, to come there, in order to settle the accounts of his districts, on which, as usual, a considerable balance stood due from him in the books of the Treasury. Ramramsing had always been in close con- nexion with Roydoolub, who, to remove suspicions, advised him, at least openly, to obey; but Ramramsing sent his brother and nephew, whom the Nabob immediately put into prison; and pre- vented the disapprobation of Clive, by representing, what was true, that Ramramsing had been the enemy of the English, having car- ried on for Surajah Dowlah the Correspondence with Mr. Bussy and Mr. Law; and that he had forwarded whatsoever Frenchmen had escaped to the south, through Orixa to Chicacole. Roydoolub had no doubt that this proceeding of the Nabob's was a preparation for his designs against himself, but concealed his persuasion, and wisely refrained from claiming the English guarantee until the danger should come nearer. These coincidences prevented Clive from entertaining any suspicions of the real motives of Jaffiers conduct towards Ramramsing, before he returned to Calcutta; but Ramramsing, as soon as he heard of the confinement of his brother and nephew, assembled his force, which consisted of 2000 horse, and 5000 foot, and wrote to Colonel Clive, that if he were attacked he should seek refuge wherever it was to be found; which his country well afforded by the jungles or thickets with which it is covered, and the mountains to which it adjoins. He however proffered to pay a lack of rupees as a present to Meer Jaffier, and even to make his obeisance to him in person if Clive would warrant his safety. Clive immediately recommended the reconciliation to the Nabob, who at the same time received intelligence, that the people of Purneah, under the command of Ogul Sing the Gentoo, whom Surajah Dowlah had appointed to govern this province after the defeat and death of his cousin Seid Hamed, had taken up arms, and proclaimed a brother of Seid Mahomed, on hearing that the Nabob had given the government to his relation Coddum Hussein, whom they dreaded for his character of rapaciousness and tyranny.

Both these insurrections arising under the standard of Gentoos drove the Nabob from all the dissimulation with which he had, intended to conceal his purposes, until he had cut off Roydoolub, and the other principal heads of the nation; and in his vexation he openly perhaps not unjustly, imputed both rebellions to the practices of Roydoolub. He immediately commanded 6000 horse and foot to march with Coddum Hussein to Purneab, and 500 horse with Cojee Haddee to Midnapore; both divisions were to set out on the Gth of October, and Cojee Haddee proceeded; but the troops appointed to Coddum Hussein, abetted by their officers, refused to move until they had received their arrears, and clamoured other discontents. The city was in agitation. Roydoolub assembled his force, and would no longer visit the Nabob; who a few days after received intelligence from from Colonel Olive, to whom it had been sent by an express-boat from the English resident at Chuprah, signifying that "his spies had met messengers on the road, who said, that they had delivered letters from the widow of Allaverdy to Ramnarain, the governor of Behar, and were carrying others to Sujah Dowlah the Nabob of Oude, requesting him to march, and join Ramnarain against Meer Jaffier." This, if true was the most powerful confederacy which Jaffier could have to fear, and bore strong marks of originating from Roydoolub, from his attachment and respect to Allaverdy's widow, which he openly continued, notwithstanding the elevation of Jaffier. Clive foreseeing the animosity which the intelligence would occasion, suppressed his own suspicions; but ordered the troops at Cossimbuzar to join the Nabob on the first call; and promised to march himself, if necessary, with the main body from Calcutta and Chandernagore. These proffers abated the tumult of the Nabob's troops; and the mediation of Mr. Watts produced an interview between the Nabob and Roydoolub, on the 17th of October, when each swore oblivion of former distrusts, and future friendship; and upon this apparent reconciliation, the Nabob ordered his whole army to assemble on the plains of Geriah, six miles from the city.

A few days after, a fresh insurrection appeared in another part of the province. The two sons of the Nabob Suffraze Khan, whom Allaverdy had spared when their father fell, defending his diadem, remained on the accession of Jaffier in the city of Dacca, where they had lived 1 6 years, without shewing either abilities or inclination to raise disturbances. Nevertheless they immediately became objects of suspicion to Jaffier, who in the first days of his government brought back the elder, Haffizally Chan, to Muxadavad: there seemed little occasion to fear him, for his letter to Clive on this occasion was written with the humility of a beggar: but the other, Ammannee Chan, either from nature or despair, exerted more resolution. The governor sent to Dacca by Meer Jaffier came very poor; and so much money of the revenues had been drawn to Muxadavad, that the force he kept up even in the fort did not exceed 200 men, who were ill paid, and the the troops of the districts were, as usual, a rabble fit only to distrain upon the unarmed and timorous inhabitants; this weakness of the government, and the attachment of a few friends, encouraged Ammannee Chan to tamper with a part of the garrison in the fort, and they agreed to seize the governor, when Ammannee Chan was to declare himself; the day fixed for the execution was the 22d of October; but two day before, one of the conspirators revealed the secret to the governor, who immediately seized Ammannee Chan with several of his adherents; and, asked assistance of the English factory, who sent 60 Buxeries, which was half their force, and wrote to Calcutta for a company of Sepoys, which were immediately detached, and marched across the country. This conspiracy could not be imputed to Roydoolub, but it increased the perplexities of Jaffier.

Of the troops which were ordered to march with Coddum Hussein, only 3000 had moved, who were waiting at Rajahmahal for the rest, and their arrears. Three months pay were due to the whole army, of which not less than 10,000 men, horse and foot, were under the immediate command of Roydoolub, who had influence with the commanders of many more and notwithstanding the late oaths of reconciliation, kept his house under pretence of sickness, nor would suffer any of his troops to march from the city. These examples, and perhaps his instigation, encouraged the Nabob's troops to refuse likewise, unless they were paid in full. The Nabob distributed some money, and, as another means to recall their obedience, pitched his tent and displayed his standard in the camp, and went to reside there on the 7th of November, waiting for the main body with Clive. He left his son Meerum to command in the city.

Meerum, as soon as his father was gone, spread the report of advices he pretended to have received from Patna and Delhi. The Nabob's relations at Patna gave information, that Ramnarain the governor had encamped to the west of the city with his whole force, 12000 men; that Sujah Doulah, the subah of Oude, had likewise taken the field with his army from Lucknow, together with Mr. Law's party of Europeans, and intended, in conjunction with Ramnarain, to march into Bengal. The letters from Delhi said, the ministry there disapproved of the accession of Jaffier to the Nabobship; that Mirza Mundee, the son of Surajah Dowlah's younger brother, an infant, ought to have been proclaimed, and that Roydoolub had proposed he should be appointed by the Mogul, with assurances that he should be able to carry the nomination into execution with the assistance of the English. Many probabilities stood against the authenticity of the intelligence from Patna, and the advices from Delhi bore still stronger marks of fiction. On the 10th in the morning the whole city was in consternation, and the troops in their different quarters in tumult. A band of ruffians sent, by Meerum, had in the night entered the palace of Allaverdy's widow, with whom lived the widow of Zaindee Hamed, and her infant grandson Mirza Mundee. They murdered the child, and gave out that they had likewise slain the two mothers. In the morning the three biers were carried publicly to burial, amidst the silent grief and abhorrence of the people; for the two women, exclusive of the high condition from which they had fallen by the death of Surajah Dowlah, were the most respectable of their sex for their virtues and the nobility of their sentiments. The cause was disbelieved. Roydoolub asserted that all the accusations against himself were the inventions of his enemies. The English troops at Cossimbuzar turned out to keep the peace and preserved it. On the 13th Scrafton visited and reproached Mee rum, who, amongst other vindications, still preserving a secret, said, "What, shall not I kill an old woman who goes about in her dooley to stir up the Jemautdars against my father?" A few days after it was discovered that the two women had not been murdered, but had been taken out of the palace, and put into boats, which set off immediately for Dacca; and their pretended biers were exhibited, in order to prevent any interruption to the removal of their persons.

Nevertheless, the death of the child left detestation sufficient to extort farther apologies. The Nabob declared, that he neither commanded nor even had any knowledge of the deed, until it was perpetrated and both he and his son avowed that the intelligence from Delhi was communicated by the Seats. The Seats positively denied the assertion; on which a new reconciliation was proposed with Roydoolub, who, accompanied by Scrafton, visited Meerum on the 17th, and oaths of friendship and confidence were again renewed; and Roydoolub sent the greatest part of his troops to the camp. The, Nabob, receiving no reproaches from Scrafton, thought all resentments sufficiently quieted, at least for a while, and marched away from the plains of Gheria on the 17th, in order to oblige the detachment loitering at Rajahmahal to cross the Ganges, and attack the rebels in Purneah.

The rainy season in the lower parts of the country had this year been less unhealthy than usual, and only 40 men had died of the English troops quartered at Chandernagore and Calcutta; but the intemperance produced by the distribution of the prize-money of Plassy, had spread such sickness, after the rains ceased in September, that two thirds of the rank and file were in the hospital at the end of October. Their recovery retarded the departure of the whole until the 17th of November, when they embarked and proceeded from Chandernagore.

In this interval Colonel Clive had prevailed upon Ramramsing to come to him from Midnapore. To avoid the Nabob's troops with Cojah Haddee, who, at Olive's request, were halting at Burdawan he embarked at Pipley with a party of European soldiers, which had been sent thither to escort him to Chandernagore, from whence he proceeded with the army to Muxadavad. The Rajah of Berboin, on hearing that the English troops were preparing to take the field, sent parties to surround and seize the Frenchmen with Sinfray; but they got warning of his intentions, and of sixty, thirty-six escaped. The other twenty-four were made prisoners, and conducted to Cossimbuzar, and from thence sent to Calcutta. Four of them were agents of the French company, who had been taken and had given their parole at Chandernagore. The troops with Clive arrived at Muxadavad on the 25th of November. Meerum, dreading his resentment for the murder of the infant Mirza Mundee, had released the brother and nephew of Ramramsing from their imprisonment before his arrival, and received Ramramsing himself, whom Clive introduced to him, with much courtesy; to Clive he demeaned himself with every simulation of humility. Roydoolub, when pressed by Clive to march with him, continued his pretext of sickness, adding the better plea of the public business, which required his presence for some days longer in the city; but his apprehensions of the Nabob and Meerum were at this time encreased by new suspicions, which they pretended to entertain of him.

Mirza Sallee, the renter of the province of Orixa to the Morratoe Janogee, having been deficient in his payments and accounts, came to Muxadavad a little before the death of Surajah Dowlah, to whom he proposed some project for restoring that province to the government of Bengal. A Morratoe named Subut then obtained the government from Janogee, and he likewise had lately been at Muxadavad, where he contracted a connexion, supposed to be more intimate than it was, with Roydoolub: he was at this time at Jonagee's court, but sent forward his agent, named Chemnesaw, to manage, until he himself should come. Chemnesaw arrived at Cutteck in the beginning of November, and received the visit of the English resident there with much insolence, and his attendants talked publicly that a body of six thousand Morratoes were coming with Subut himself, who intended to march into Midnapore, and demand of Meer Jaffier the cession of all that country to the south of the river Piply, which anciently used to be rated as a part of Orixa. These discourses induced the English resident, and gave pretence to the friends of Meer Sallee, to represent Subut and Roydoolub as engaged with one another, Roydoolub to give the Morratoe the country he wanted, and the Morratoe to assist Roydoolub in time of need against Meer Jaffier: Meerum pretended to believe the plot; but Clive gave no credit to the imputation, and seeing that Roydoolub's mistrust of the Nabob was the principal cause of his unwillingness to be near him, acquiesced to the delay he required, and promised to effect an entire reconciliation between them.

On the 30th Clive marched from the city, taking all the Europeans at Cossimliuzar. They were 250, and not 10 of them ill having been preserved by the excellence of the climate here from the effects even of equal intemperance with those below, of whom more than 100 of those which came with Clive were unable to proceed any farther, and were left to garrison the factory. The Sepoys, in whatsoever quarters, had been preserved by the usual regularity of their lives from all extraordinary illness. The whole force was 550 Europeans, including the artillery-men, and 1500 Sepoys. On the 3rd of December they arrived at Rajahmahal, and encamped within half a league of the Nabob's army. He visited Colonel Clive the next day, when the whole line was drawn out to receive him, and performed their exercise and some evolutions, which he admired, and ordered 10,000 rupees to be distributed amongst the soldiers.

Coddum Hussein; with 2000 horse and 5000 foot, had some days before crossed the Ganges opposite to Rajahmahal, where a river coming from the north leads into the midst of the Purneah country. The rebels, more dispirited by the approach of the English troops, than the appearance of the Nabob's, quitted their intrenchments, which were strong, and dispersed before they were attacked. Soon after Ogulsing was taken prisoner, on which all the other officers either submitted or fled the country; and in less than a fortnight, by the 9th of December, Coddum Hussein was in quiet possession of the government.

The extinction of this rebellion, the submission of Ramramsing, and no appearance of the renewal of disturbance at Dacca, left the Nabob without any farther apprehensions for the tranquillity of Bengal, and determined him to march immediately to Patna, fully bent on removing Ramnarain, who was still standing on his guard, but had been disappointed in his expectations, if he ever entertained any, of being joined by Sujah Dowlah, whom his own affairs detained in his own country. Clive, seeing the time he had waited for, refused to accompany the Nabob to Patna, before all that remained to be paid and settled of his agreements with the English should be discharged and fulfilled. In aggravation of this dilemma, it was impossible to satisfy the English claims immediately, without the assistance of Roydoolub, through whose office, as duan, all money, bills, and patents, must pass; and on this ground Clive represented to the Nabob the absurdity of their variance, and proposed a serious reconciliation, of which he himself would be the guarantee. The necessity of marching to Patna prevailed, and the Nabob, at least in appearance, acquiesced; and on the notice, Roydoolub recovered, left the city, and arrived in the camp on the 23d of the month. He was the next day introduced by Mr. Watts to the Nabob, who received him with every demonstration of cordiality. On the 30th, the Nabob, Roydoolub, and Omarbeg, came to the tent of Clive, and Mr. Watts assisted at the conference. Before other business, the Nabob, and Roydoolub made a solemn renunciation of all their former suspicions and animosity. On the state of the account of the treaty monies, there was now due near twenty-three lacks of rupees. Orders on the treasury at Muxadavad were signed for the immediate payment of twelve and a half lacks, and rescripts given on Omarbeg, as Phousdar of Hughly, and on the Rajahs of Burdwan and Kisnagur, for the remaining half of the 23 lacks. These rescripts are called tuncaws, and entitle the holder to receive to the amount from the treasuries of the districts on which they are given, as the revenues come in. Tuncaws were likewise given on the same districts for the next payment, amounting to 19 lacks, which would fall due in the ensuing April. The Nabob ordered Roydoolub to issue under the seals of the Nabobship and Duanny the patents empowering the company to take possession of the ceded lands south of Calcutta, with the authority of Zemindarry; which, being feudal lordship of land, does not extend to life; but to imprisonment on any occasion, and to the scourge, even for the evasion of debt, especially to the government: but the Nabob reserved to himself the annual sum of 222,958 rupees arising on these lands, and allowed by the Mogul government, as on many others in the province, as a jaghire, or pension for his expences without account. All these points were adjusted without dispute, or even the appearance of dissension; but it was still more necessary to settle the object of the present expedition. The Nabob's intention to remove Ramnarain, in order to give the government of Patna to one or other of his more immediate dependants, would inevitably be productive of long disturbance and confusion; for it could not be doubted that Ramnarain, knowing the Nabob's enmity to him, would, on the approach of the army, offer any terms to Sujah Dowlah for his assistance, unless prevented by assurances he could rely on, that it was not intended to displace him. Obnoxious as Clive knew the proposal would be, he made it; adding to the obvious arguments, the necessity to which the English troops might at any time during the campaign be reduced, by the arrival of a French force in the river, to return on sudden warning to defend Calcutta; when the Nabob and his army might be left fighting with their own enemies in Behar. He then, as before in the case of Ramramsing and Roydoolub, offered his mediation if necessary, promising to preserve every right of the Nabob's demands and authority. The Nabob again having no valid alternative to propose, consented that Clive should write a letter to Ramnarain, advising him to come and pay his respects to the Nabob on the road; and assuring him of safety and favour. All these material points being settled, it was resolved to march forward without delay. Thus ended the conference with seeming amity, but real grudge in the Nabob to Roydoolub and Clive, and not without suspicions in them of him.

On the 2d of January, three days after the conference, the army began to move from Rajahmahal. At the Nabob's request the English led the van. Roydoolub, with his, amounting to 10000 men, and the artillery of the government, followed next; and the Nabob with the main body, amounting to 40000, brought up the rear: each had their fleet of boats; and for the convenience of provisions and encampment, as well as to prevent the occasions of quarrel amongst the respective soldieries, it was agreed that the three divisions should always make their halts at the distance of one day's march from each other. They followed the same road as Major Coote had marched. The progress of the troops of the government was continually interrupted by halts to bring on their baggage and repair their artillery; and the English were obliged to wait, as the Nabob did not like they should be far before him. On the 29th he received letters from Delhi, advising that the patents of his confirmation in the Nabobship had been made out, and titles granted to his son and several others of his family; and the Seats informed Colonel Clive, that he likewise was created a munsubdar or commander of 6000 horse, with several names. All the advices hitherto received from Patna, reported Ramnarain to be taking measures for his defence, and that he had broken down the bridges on the road within 30 miles of Patna; but he had not then received the letter from Clive: as soon as it reached him, he wrote an answer, without any stipulation, or sign of mistrust, that he should proceed without delay to wait on Clive and the Nabob. Accordingly on the 22d he embarked in his boats, whilst his retinue of cavalry marched along the road, and on the 25th visited Clive. The next day he proceeded, accompanied by Mr. Watts, to the Nabob, who received him with the attentions usually testified to his rank in the state, and requested him to follow in the rear, in order to facilitate their communications on business; but in reality to mark his inferiority to the province. This intention escaped not the observation of the camp, but even produced reports that the Nabob had placed him there, out of the reach of succour, in order to destroy him; and Clive himself, not receiving either letters or intelligence from him for several days, had the same suspicions, and wrote for explanation to Omarbeg and Roydoolub; from whom, as well as Ramnarain, he received letters on the 3d of February, which satisfied him of the safety of Ramnarain's person, but did not remove his apprehensions that the Nabob meant him ill in other respects. On the 4th the English troops halted at Jaffier Cawn's garden, two miles from the Kelah or fort which stands at the east end of the city of Patna. Early the next morning, a large body of the Nabob's troops were perceived marching to the left, and passing beyond the English towards the city, and Clive received private information that Coja Haddee, who commanded them, was ordered by the Nabob to suffer no troops, excepting his own division, to enter the gates until the Nabob himself should arrive there. This arrangement was intended to give a notion to the capital of the province, that the English troops were as subservient to the Nabob as his own. Clive waited until Coja Haddee's division were in possession of the gate, and then marched up, demanding admittance. Coja Haddee being attached to Roydoolub, and knowing his respect and reliance on Clive, mentioned the general order he had received from the Nabob; but said, that it could not be meant to extend to his friends the English, and admitted the troops with more pleasure than reluctance. Clive, satisfied with having established the point of honour, did not stop, but continued his march through the city to the English factory; which stands on the farther side, very near the western gate. The next day, being the 6th, he received a letter from the Nabob, with inconsistent excuses for the forced march of Cojee Hadde's division, and requesting Clive to encamp at Bankapoor, which is five miles beyond the English factory, where the company have a large garden. Clive had before determined to do so; and the troops proceeded thither immediately. The day after, another letter desired him to move to Dinapoor, five miles farther, because the Nabob himself intended to encamp at Bankapoor. This design of removing the English troops to such a distance, and of keeping the whole of the Nabob's army between them and the city, raised suspicions, which corresponded with other intelligence. Promises, delays, distresses, relief, were to be alternately employed, and bribes as the last resource, to draw Clive to an acquiescence to the Nabob's designs, which continued invariably to deprive Ramnarain of the government of Patna, and to confer it on his own brother Meer Cossim, when the other offices and departments of the province would be shared amongst the favourites and dependants of his former fortune. Roydoolub, who had always suspected, was now convinced that such were the Nabob's intentions, and, seeing his own destruction blended with Ramnarain's, united their councils, whatsoever might have been their former connexions, without reserve. Both by their emissaries, for they dared not write, and the order of encampment prevented visits, explained their ideas of the Nabob to Clive, and artfully insinuated dangerous intentions even against the English. Clive knew not what to apprehend, but did not entirely reject the opinion of treachery; and to prevent it, crossed the whole of his army with the boats and stores, into a large island in the Ganges, which lies opposite to Bankapoor, where they were separated from immediate communication with the shore. He at the same time sent Mr. Watts to £he Nabob, to discover the meaning of his last request, and to complain seriously of his conduct to Ramnarain, whom he had kept in the camp instead of permitting him to return with proper marks of dignity to the city, contrary to his promises at Rajahmahal. Mr. Watts perceived no symptoms of treachery in the Nabob, but likewise no willingness to conclude the business of Ramnarain, which he said he should defer until he saw colonel Clive. On the 12th, the Nabob came into the city; and Ramnarain likewise, but without any marks of authority. The Nabob kept his army on the eastern side, instead of encamping them, as he had proposed at Bankapoor, to the west. On the 14th, Clive visited him, and this was the first time they had met, since they parted at Rajahmahal. The Nabob imputed the delay of Ramnarain's appointment to Roydoolub, who had the accounts and arrangements to settle. It is probable that Roydoolub, finding Clive less impressed with resentment against the Nabob than he wished, thought this delay would not fail to exasperate him; which the Nabob now turned on himself, and had well nigh made a quarrel between them, if Clive had not recollected the necessity of suspecting the views of all, and of entering into none beyond what was conducive to the public welfare.

Much more time would probably have been wasted in the conflict of these intrigues, if news had not arrived from the westward, which renewed the former apprehensions of the approach of Sujah Dowlah from Luck now, who was now to be accompanied by a great body of Morratoe horse, and as before by the party of Europeans with Mr. Law, who were remaining under his protection and support at Allahabad; and with those reports, arrived in the camp the Morratoe Subut, who, instead of proceeding directly to his government of Orixa, came from Nagore with a commission from Jonagee and Balagerow, to demand the arrears of chout due to the Morratoe nations from the province of Bengal, which amounted to 24 lacks of rupees. The vicinity of an army of Morratoes at this time in the Doab, not only protected Subut from indignity, but obliged Meer Jaffier to suppress any manifestation of his former suspicions of the union between him and Roydoolub; and the same dread rendered the English as necessary to him as when he took the field at Muxadavad; and on the 23d, he performed the ceremony of disposing of the government of Patna, sitting in full Durbar, attended by all his courtiers. A suit of dress with jewels on a golden plate was laid before him, which he ordered to be carried away immediately with an escort to his son Meerum at Muxadavad, whom he called Nabob of Patna. Then another suit of the same presents, which he gave with his own hand to Ramnarain, pronouncing him deputy to Meerum in the Nabobship. The appointment of Meerum was merely nominal, not derogating from the authority of Ramnarain, which continued responsible to the Nabob alone, but rendering him liable to some additional presents; and the bargain for Rammarain's appointment had been settled at seven lacks of Rupees, which were exacted under the pretext of a balance remaining due on the adjustment of the accounts of the province. Other sums, unknown, but supposed not inconsiderable, were likewise collected by the Nabob; for the chiefs of all the districts, as well Moors as Indians, were summoned, as usual in such visitations, to pay homage, and none came empty-handed; and those against whom were any real or fictitious causes of complaint, were severely fined. Of these Comgar Cawn and Sundersing, two petty rajahs in that part of the mountains which lie between the province of Behar and the district of Berboin in Bengal, had been fighting for three months, and only laid down their arms on the approach of the Nabob. Both were summoned to attend the Durbar. Comgar Cawn, who was most in fault, evaded; and Sundersing would not come until he received assurances from Clive of being treated with justice, Pulwansing, another of these Indian chiefs whose districts lye at the s. w. extremity of the province amongst the mountains along the banks of the Caramnassa, was a notorious plunderer, and had incurred the resentment of Ramnarain: he likewise refused to appear until he had received the same security. These attentions to the mediation of Clive grated the Nabob's mind, which returned to its former antipathies, on intelligence that neither the Morratoes nor Sujah Dowlah were likely to prosecute their intended project of invading Behar. Clive, nevertheless, did not relax the rein.

All the salt-petre provided by the European settlements in Bengal is made in the country on the other side of the Ganges above Patna. The farm was always monopolized, and had long been in the hands of Cojah Wazeed, the great merchant of Hughley. Disputes had often risen between his servants and those of the English factory at Patna; and two months before they had come to blows, when two of the factory's servants were killed. This accident gave Clive the plea of asking the Nabob to grant the farm to the English company, as the only means of preventing such disputes in future. He offered the highest terms at which the farm had ever been rated; but the Nabob knew, that he could not exact on any pretence from the company the additional presents, which the renter, whilst his subject, could not refuse. This motive of his repugnance was, however, below his dignity to acknowledge, and after many objections he consented, reserving the receipt of 20,000 maunds, or 1,600,000 pounds weight a year, for his own use. The agents of the Dutch East-India company protested against the grant; which Clive answered by producing a letter, in which they had asked the farm of Surajah Dowlah for themselves. However it was agreed to supply them with the quantity they used to purchase.

The obtainment of this favour did not induce Clive to any remission in the authentic demands. The droops were in the fourth month of the campaign, and only the pay of two, amounting to two lacks, had been supplied. Although the Rajahs of Burdwan and Kisnagur had accepted the tuncaws given on their districts, they had hitherto paid nothing; and Omarbeg, as Phousdar of Hughley, declared that he had no means of satisfying any part of the 6,500,000 rupees charged on him, excepting by giving a quantity of salt, which when sold might produce two lacks. On this, Clive wrote to Roydoolub that he should send his troops to ask their money of him, and signified to the Nabob that he might spare the English five out of the seven lacks he was to receive from Ramnarain. The Nabob replied, that this very sum was appropriated, to pay the Mogul's tribute at Delhi, but offered bills on Ramnarain for two lacks, payable at 50,000 rupees a month, which Clive was contented to receive.

The to and fro of these official discussions had brought the time to the 18th of March; and the Nabob having now nothing to March, fear from foreign enemies before the end of the rainy season in September, resumed his first views of giving the government of Patna to Meer Cossim, but, still afraid to venture whilst the English troops remained in Behar, resolved to outstay them, and became as anxious to send them away as he had been to bring them with him. Knowing their want of money, he thought the more he should delay to supply it, and postpone their other business, the sooner they, themselves would become desirous of departing, to save expence to no purpose.

Clive, suspecting this cunning, insisted that Roydoolub should immediately give security for the deficiency of the Hughley tuncaws; but Roydoolub was on the point of making a visit of devotion to Guyah, a town of great sanctity and pilgrimage, situated at the foot of the mountains, 60 miles to the south of Patna. He set out on the 19th of March, and Clive resolved to remain until he returned: but on the first of April sent forward the main body of the English troops on the road to Bengal, with orders to proceed slowly. They were augmented by 1000 Sepoys, who had been levied in the Bodgepore country, where the natives are much hardier than in Bengal, and even more than in any part of Behar. On the 7th, Roydoolub returned from Guyah, and by this time the Nabob had taken the resolution of going to pay his devotions likewise, at a famous, durgar, or tomb of a saint, near the town of Bahar, which is situated 40 miles to the south-east of Patna: by this journey he said no time would be lost, as it would require ten days to adjust some affairs and accounts in dispute between his brother Meer Cossim and Ramnarain: he hoped in this interval that the English troops would have been far advanced on their way, and Clive have joined them, in which case he intended to return to Patna, and remove Ramnarain. But Clive resolved not to separate himself from Ramnarain until he saw him out of danger, and advised Roydoolub likewise, although in the field, to keep at hand. A momentary instant of general satisfaction and compliments occurred on the 14th by the arrival of messengers from Delhi, with the authentic patents of the honorary titles conferred on the Nabob, his relations, and Clive: they likewise brought sunnuds, or the commission for the Nabobship, but deficient in some essential formalities, which were withheld until the Nabob should have remitted a sum of money to Delhi: the sunnuds were, nevertheless, proclaimed as fully valid, and few knew the contrary. The next day, the Nabob proceeded to Bahar; and, seeing that Clive still remained at Patna, instructed his brother Meer Cossim to dissemble, who accordingly pretended to be perfectly satisfied with the adjustment of his affairs with Ramnarain, and promised to leave Patna and come to Muxidavad as soon as he had settled his more private concerns; and the Nabob himself, instead of returning as he had intended from Bahar to Patna, proceeded from thence on the 24th straight across the country to Bahar on the bank of the Ganges, about 35 miles below Patna, where the main body of his army and their fleet of boats were assembled; on which Clive left the city, carrying Ramnarain with him, to take leave of the Nabob. On the 30th, the Nabob, Roydoolub, and Ramnarain, met by appointment on board of Clive's budgerow. The Nabob expressed perfect satisfaction in Ramnarain's integrity and fidelity, assured him of being continued in the government, and permitted him to set out the same day on his return: he then ordered a part of his army to march on to Muxadavad, and kept the rest to amuse himself with in huntings along the hills; but consented that Roydoolub should accompany Clive, in order to discharge the deficiencies of the balances of money due on the treaties. Thus ended this political campaign, in which an army of 50,000 men had marched 300 miles out of their own province, and continued four months in the field, without firing a musket; but produced the full accomplishment of all that Clive intended, who maintained his decision over all interests, by not yielding to the prejudices of partiality, or the proffers of private advantage.

The French party which had escaped from Dacca to Rungpore, had raised a mud fort not far from the foot of the mountains' on the bank of the river Testa, in which they maintained themselves unmolested, until Cossim Ally, the Phousdar of the country, received the Nabob's orders to attack them; when they were surrounded by a great number of his people, who in less than a month reduced them to famine; on which they embarked in their boats, and went down the river, intending to regain the Great Ganges; but were followed and harassed so much, that they landed again, but on the other side of the river, and marched to the neighbouring town of Dinagepore, the capital of a Rajah, who with much timidity was a good man, which Mr. Courtin knowing, refrained from any violence to his people; who were all as timorous as the Rajah himself, and maintained the party with provisions, until an officer at Mr. Courtin's request came from Cossimbuzar, to whom they surrendered prisoners, and were received with some terms of indulgence. Their number was reduced from 30 Europeans to 11, and from 100 to 30 Sepoys.

The small number of troops left in Calcutta after the army took the field with Col. Clive was not sufficient to keep up the necessary guards with sufficient strictness; which encouraged the French prisoners to attempt their escape. The building of the gaol was not sufficient to hold them; and, as the enclosure had very high walls, they were permitted to remain in the area; taking advantage of this liberty, they dug under the wall in a part unfrequented and covered with bushes, and in the night of the 18th of December, all of them, being 90, escaped through the hole, and before morning most of them had crossed the river, and not one was immediately retaken. Some were suspected to have gone to the Danish factory opposite Hughley; but the agents there would not permit the search. A month after fifteen were stopped in Midnapore; and in the month of March, 30 more at Cutteck, going through Orixa, to join their countrymen in Chicacole.

The squadron with Mr. Pococke sailed for the coast of CoromandeL, in the beginning of February; the condemnation of the Kent, and the dispatch of the sloop to England, had reduced it to three ships of the line, and two frigates of 20 guns. Their departure, frequent although vague reports from sea of French armaments, the expectation of sending a great part of the English force into the field again with the Nabob, and above all the recent remembrance of calamity, had determined the presidency to provide for the future safety of Calcutta, by raising a fort capable of the utmost defence; and all the natives which could be hired were continually employed in the work. The spot was chosen 1200 yards to the south of the old fort; but not so near the river.

Various reports had been brought to Muxadavad, during the campaign to Patna. In February, soon after Ramnarain joined the camp on the road, it was said that the Nabob had caused him to be assassinated; but, at the same time, came other news, that the Rajah Sundersing, by the instigation of Roydoolub, had fallen on the Nabob's quarters in the night, and had killed him in his tent. However improbable, Meerum believed both reports, and assembled all the forces quartered round the city: this alarm was soon quieted by authentic letters from the camp; but the same principles of suspicion and animosity had driven Meerum to greater excesses of apprehension, on the approach of Colonel Clive and Roydoolub returning from the campaign. The Cossimbuzar river from January to June is too shallow for boats of burthen, which obliged the English troops, with their fleet, to keep along the great river, until they came to Bogwongola, and from whence they marched across the island to Muxadavad, where Clive arrived on the 15th, and found the whole city in the utmost consternation; and, on the same day, he received advices of great importance from the coast of Coromandel; to which our narrative now returns.

End of the Eighth Book.