History of Mexico (Bancroft)/Volume 5/Chapter 1

by Hubert Howe Bancroft

 

HISTORY OF MEXICO.

 

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CHAPTER I.

 

REPUBLICAN ORGANIZATION.

 

1823-1824.

Demoralized Condition of the Army — A Bad Precedent — The New Government — Congressional Acts the Triumvirate Foreign Loans and Financial Measures — National Coat of Arms and Flag — Federalists and Centralists Their Press Organs — Political Troubles — Honors To Heroes of the Independence — A Constituent Congress Installed — Acta Constitutiva — Federal System Adopted — Revolutions — Lobato's Revolt — Disturbances In Jalisco — Victoria Elected President — The Constitution — Organization of States and Territories — Union of Chiapas with Mexico — The Federal District.

Liberty, equality, fraternity: these words fall pleasantly on ears accustomed for three centuries only to the grinding of the chains of tyranny. But even now all is not sunshine; and what light there is dazzles rather than cheers. Many years must yet elapse before the full benefits of the long and bloody struggle for independence will be fully felt. But the more immediate infelicities, whence do they arise?

After this manner. There is set in motion among men caring more for themselves than for their country the wheel of retribution, which scarcely stops turning for half a century. Somewhat as Iturbide had dethroned the viceroy Apodaca, Santa Anna and others had dethroned Iturbide. Made governor in Vera Cruz, Santa Anna revolted, and detached that place from the emperor's control. Echávarri, the trusted friend, proclaimed the plan of Casa Mata at the head of the troops given him to put down Santa Anna. Other military officers enjoying Iturbide's confidence were equally perfidious. But the chief trouble was the faithlessness of his army. Iturbide had himself set a bad example to his troops. It was a pernicious lesson to teach soldiers; and unfortunately for Mexico's future, it was too well learned. Thenceforth all pretensions, whether personal or otherwise, found a ready support in that large and demoralized element of the army which had no respect for public opinion, personal rights, or any interest in the national welfare, and was always willing to fight for those who paid best, either in money or some species of personal advancement.

 

The national congress, as heretofore narrated, having been reinstalled on the 29th of March, 1823,^[1] decreed on the 31st the cessation of the powers conferred on the executive created on the 19th of May, 1822, appointing in its place a triumvirate, consisting of generals Nicolás Bravo, Guadalupe Victoria, and Pedro Celestino Negrete. This selection of military men exclusively established a bad precedent. The next day Mariano Michelena and Miguel Dominguez were chosen substitutes to discharge the duties of the regular triumviri in the event of absence, or inability to act from death or any other cause.^[2]

The executive authority, now held by Bravo, Negrete, and Michelena in Victoria's absence, at once entered upon its duties. One of its first acts was the construction of a cabinet: Lúcas Alaman, minister of foreign and interior relations; Pablo de la Llave, of justice and ecclesiastical affairs; Francisco de Arrillaga, of the treasury; and José Ignacio García Illueca, of war and the navy; but this last department, on the death of the incumbent, July 12, 1823, was given to Brigadier José Joaquin de Herrera.^[3]

The whole system of administration was soon changed: the capitanías generales instituted by Iturbide were reduced to mere comandancias in each province.^[4] The congress and government devoted their energies to repair the evils inflicted on the country during the last days of the empire. Political prisoners were liberated; the appointments for members of a supreme court were made null;^[5] the council of state was suppressed. Every mark or badge of the late empire was done away with, it being taken for granted that the future form of government would be republican. The issue of paper money was discontinued,^[6] and other important commercial and financial measures were enacted. To provide resources for the current expenses and for other urgent obligations was a matter of paramount necessity.^[7] Orders were accordingly issued for the immediate sale at lower than regular rates of all tobacco and cigars in the government warehouses, and for the disposal of the temporalities of the Jesuits, and of the property of the hospitallers and inquisition. Money was borrowed from an English house, which was repaid later out of the proceeds of a loan of $16,000,000 negotiated in London. The government likewise, as a matter of policy, effected a second loan of an equal amount from the house of Barclay and Company in England, believing that the British government, for the protection of these interests, would have to recognize and uphold Mexican independence. The terms of the loans were indeed burdensome, a large part of the second being received in military supplies, such as armament, ships, and clothing, at exorbitant prices. However, the ships proved useful, for with them two years afterward was captured San Juan de Ulúa from the Spaniards. With the specie received the government met its most pressing obligations, such as paying for the Manila conducta, and for the one which had been seized at Perote, and cancelling a number of forced loans.

Another measure of the congress, enacted on the 14th of April, 1823, was the establishment of the na tional coat of arms and flag. The former represented an eagle perched on a nopal growing on a rock rising from the waters of the lake; in his right claw he holds a snake, and is in the attitude of tearing it to pieces with his beak. The flag consists of three vertical bars, respectively green, white, and red, the first color being next to the flag-staff. These colors are symbolical of the three guaranties of the plan of Iguala. White denotes the purity of the Roman catholic religion; the green, independence; and red the union of the Spanish element with the Mexican nation. The bars were originally horizontal, but were changed to vertical by the first congress.^[8]

 

I will now review the political condition of the country. The victorious republicans soon divided themselves into two distinct parties, namely, federalists and centralists. The former, as their name denotes, preferred a federal system of government, and to them the partisans of Iturbide attached themselves in order to be revenged on the men that overthrew him. This party had an organ in the press called at first the Archivista, but which later assumed the name of El Águila Mexicana, and being edited under the influence of Juan Gomez Navarrete, Iturbide's attorney, and printed on his premises, added strength to the Iturbidists. The centralist party was formed of the masons of the Scottish rite, and the old monarchists, from whom it unjustly obtained the nickname of Bourbonists. To this party belonged the existing government and congress. Its press organ, El Sol, was ably supported by Santa María, the Colombian minister, who was honorably reinstated in his official position from which he had been dismissed by Iturbide's government. His writings were widely read, and appeared under the pseudonyme of Capitan Chinchilla In some issues, with no small wit, he would criticise the occurrences of the day; in others he would censure with great bitterness the errors of the opposing party, or ridicule them as mercilessly as he had the ceremonials of the imperial court.

The government had, however, most to fear from the exaggerated pretensions of the provincial juntas. These from the first kept the country in agitation; but timely rebuke put them down.

Commissioners from Oajaca, Zacatecas, San Luis Potosí, Valladolid, and Guanajuato demanded a new congress.^[9] The minister of relations laid before the chamber the information that in Monterey a junta of delegates had been organized, representing Nuevo Leon, Tamaulipas, Coahuila, and Texas, which desired a federal union with the province of Mexico.^[10] A few days later news reached the capital that the governor of Texas had proclaimed the empire, and had been joined by several savage tribes. The bishop of Sonora refused his support to the plan of Casa Mata. This was of little consequence; but affairs in Guadalajara were assuming a serious aspect. The clergy was ridiculed in El Pensador Mexicano, a popular journal, and manifestations of disloyalty and disobedience to the govenment were daily occurring.

The diputacion and people of that city, seconded later by other provincial capitals, demanded the convocation of a congress to estalblish the federal system with a suitable constitution. On the 12th of May resolutions were passed in that city to suspend the enforcenment of decrees and orders issued by the executive or congress until the popular demand was complied with. The chief authority within the province was then vested in the diputacion provincial, strengthened with the niembers of the ayuntamiento of Guadalajara.^[11]

The congress, in its anxiety to allay the agitation, increased the powers of the provincial deputations in the nomination of public officers within the respective provinces, giving them also supervision over the administration of their revenue, and at the same time declared its willingness to accept the desired federal system. But these concessions did not satisfy the demands, and it finally became necessary to convoke a constituent congress to assemble in Mexico on the 31st of October. The decree was issued on the 21st of May,^[12] and the rules for the elections appeared on the 17th of June.

In several provinces revolutionary movements against the government had been promoted, not only by those who in good faith desired the establishment of the federal régime, but in some of them by Iturbidists who hoped to secure, in the midst of the turmoil, the restoration of the empire. Guadalajara and San Luis Potosí presented the most formidable opposition. In the latter province Santa Anna with his troops^[13] had established a protectorate to be maintained until the federation of states should be constituted; but the energetic resistance of the authorities, supported by General Armijo with the force placed under his command, soon compelled Santa Anna to abandon his plan, and report himself in Mexico to answer for his conduct.^[14] In Guadalajara the case was quite different; the cry for a federation was a mere pretext, the agitators' real aim being Iturbide's recall. The deputies from there had been instructed to demand that one person only should hold the executive authority, and that a strictly federal constitution should be framed. The authorities and people pretended a willingness to obey the government, but continued the opposition.^[15]

The executive, therefore, resolved to check by force the insubordination of the Iturbidists, whose chiefs were generals Quintanar and Bustamante. Two thousand men under Bravo and Negrete marched to Guadalajara, and on approaching Nueva Galicia, Negrete induced Colima with all its district to refuse further recognition of the authorities at Guadalajara, and the troops stationed there under Colonel Correa joined Bravo's force. This action led to the erection of Colima as a federal territory,^[16] and brought about temporarily the settlement of affairs in that quarter, an arrangement being made at Lagos between Bravo and Quintanar. The former then retired with his army to Guanajuato and established his headquarters at Celaya, his troops acting as a corps of observation to be ready for possible disturbances in the future.

The absence of Victoria in Vera Cruz, and of Bravo and Negrete in Nueva Galicia, had left the executive in charge of the substitutes Michelena and Dominguez, and necessitated the appointment of a third substitute, the choice by the congress falling on General Vicente Guerrero. The government was then practically in charge of Michelena.^[17]

The congress in its deliberations enacted measures for the improvement of the country's industries, and for the reorganization of the army. The frequency of conspiracies in favor of the ex-emperor, as well as of robberies on the public highways, prompted the adoption of a law giving the cognizance of such cases to the military courts, and fixing a very short and peremptory term for the termination of each cause. This law was used afterward as a weapon in the warfare of parties. The government was also authorized, October 2d, to confine at convenient places persons of whose guilt there was a moral certainty, even though it had not been actually proved by process of law. This last measure was adopted in consequence of the alleged discovery of a plot that was to be carried into execution on the fourth of that month, and in which were implicated several officers and bodies of troops, whose chief, General Andrade, though a deputy, was arrested, and finally exiled to Guayaquil, where he died.^[18]

Congress did not neglect to pay due honor to the original heroes of national independence. On the 19th of July a law was enacted recognizing the services rendered in the first eleven years of the war as good and meritorious. Its promoters and leaders^[19] were declared "benemeritos de la patria en grado heróico," and their names were ordered to be inscribed in letters of gold in the hall of sessions of the national congress. Monuments to the memory of those who had suffered for the cause were ordered to be raised on the sites where they were executed, and their remains, such as could be found, were exhumed and brought to Mexico, where funeral honors on a magnificent scale were paid them at the cathedral, several of the very men who had caused them to be shot being present at the ceremonies. Their bones were placed in an urn and deposited in the vault of the Altar de los Reyes, and the two silver keys of the urn delivered, one to the congress, and the other to the executive. The latter was placed in charge of the department of relations.^[20] In the midst of these solemn obsequies, the rabid haters of Spain and everything Spanish urged the Indians to fall upon Hernan Cortés' sepulchre, burn his bones, and throw the ashes to the winds. The disgraceful plan would have been accomplished had not the government averted it by causing the sepulchre to be opened in the night, and the remains to be deposited in a place of safety.

 

In the mean time the elections for the constituent congress were proceeding, and as was to be expected, the majority of the members chosen were federalists; there were also some centralists elected, equally hostile to Iturbide. The freemasons lost the preponderance they had in the preceding body, and the monarchists were wholly excluded, Fagoaga, Tagle, and others of their party not being reëlected. Had it not been for subsequent mistakes on the part of the republicans, the royalist party would have been forever dead in Mexico.

The old congress, after adopting measures for paying the deputies, and appointing a permanent deputation from its body, closed its sessions on the 30th of October, just one year from the date of its dissolution by Iturbide, thus ceasing to exist at the urgent demand of the very diputaciones provinciales that had revolted against Iturbide in order to force its reinstatement.

In the midst of so much agitation, the constituent congress was installed with great solemnity, and on the 7th of November, 1823, began its labors^[21] to place the country under the most liberal institutions, according to the express national will. The most influential man among the federalists was Miguel Ramos Arizpe, deputy from Coahuila; he was aided by Rejon, Velez, Gordoa, Gomez Farías, García, Godoy, and others. Among the centralists figured prominently José L. Becerra and Servando T. de Mier, Cárlos M. Bustamante, Jimenez Mangino, Cabrera, Espinosa, Ibarra, and Paz.

The secretary of justice and ecclesiastical affairs, Pablo de la Llave, by order of the executive, moved on the 14th that the house should proceed at once to carry out the wishes of the people; and Ramos Arizpe, as president of the committee on constitution, promised to present within three days the draught of an organic law fulfilling that object, and which was to remain in force until a constitution could be framed and promulgated. Such is the history of the acta constitutiva,^[22] the draught of which was circulated to the authorities on the 22d of November, the discussion of it being formally begun on the 3d of December.

The main point to be determined was the system of government embodied in the fifth article,^[23] yet in the face of the provincial demands, it was made the subject of a warm discussion. Several deputies spoke against the plan of federation, and Doctor Mier, deputy from Nuevo Leon, on the 13th of December, expatiated on the evils that a separation of the till then united provinces would bring upon the country. The proposed acta constitutiva, he said, was but a translated copy of the constitution of the United States of America, which he contended was entirely unsuited to Mexico. The federating of her provinces would be equivalent to separating them — a policy that must necessarily entail upon them the very evils that the Anglo-Americans of the north endeavored to avert with their federation.^[24] It must be confessed that Doctor Mier's prophecy became nearly realized, the threatened evils actually covering a long period of years. However, article five was adopted and solemnly proclaimed; and when the discussion was ended, and the acta adopted on the 31st of January, 1824,^[25] both the executive and congress made known to the people the patriotic spirit that had presided at its formation, expressing hopes for the best results.

The adoption of the fifth article, so boisterously demanded, should have acted like oil upon troubled waters; but it did not. Revolutions followed one another with various intents, and arising from different causes. In the tierra caliente, and in Puebla, San Luis Potosí, Guadalajara, and Querétaro the government had to quell disturbances. The infamous mutilator of Spaniards, Vicente Gomez, el capador, was forced to sue for pardon, which was granted him on condition of his living in California.^[26] General Echávarri, who had given signs of hostility to the government in Puebla, was removed by force, and Gomez Pedraza sent there to hold the civil and military authority.^[27] Disorders in Cuernavaca and Cuautla obliged Guerrero to hasten thither in person. His presence sufficed to restore quiet in the south. The most serious trouble occurred in Mexico in the night of January 23, 1824. It was headed by General Lobato, and had for its pretext the same one advanced in Cuernavaca by Colonel Hernandez, namely, hostility to the Spaniards. The executive authority, now held by Michelena and Dominguez, found itself without other support than a small body of troops. The two triumviri repaired to the hall of congress and reported the alarming state of affairs. Santa Anna, who was then subject to prosecution for his acts at San Luis Potosí, tendered his good offices as a mediator; but the congress energetically refused, at two o'clock in the morning of the 24th, to consider any representation of the rebels until they laid down their arms; and on the 26th stringently ordered all army officers that were not with the mutineers to hasten to the defence of the country and its constituted authorities. All officers failing to obey that order were declared traitors, and outlawed. The rebels, finding themselves unsupported and awed by the prestige of the authority vested in the executive and congress, and more so by their fear of Bravo, Guerrero, and Gomez Pedraza, who with their forces would soon be upon them, submitted to the government, with the exception only of the mounted grenadiers under Lieutenant-colonel Stáboli; but these were soon forced to surrender. Stáboli was tried and sentenced to suffer death; but the penalty was finally commuted to exile.^[28] The revolution was thus repressed; Lobato accusing Michelena and Santa Anna.^[29] of being the chief promoters.

The acta constitutiva having been published on the 31st of January, 1824, congress summoned the regular members of the executive to the discharge of their functions, and Michelena was given leave to retire. General Bravo obeyed the summons in March, and the executive was then represented by him with Dominguez and Guerrero, as Negrete, who had also returned, resigned his position under the pretext of ill health.

Disturbances soon broke out afresh in Guadalajara. The authorities had not only refused to recognize General José Joaquin de Herrera as comandante general, but also exhibited a marked partiality for the enemies of the government, and began to exercise powers not vested in thenm under the acta constitutiva. Indeed, they manifested generally a spirit of insubordination to the national authority, and gave encouragement to the Iturbidist party. The government, therefore, again sent Bravo and Negrete to that part of the republic, which now bore the name of Jalisco, with a strong division. Victoria having by this time returned to the capital, took the place of Bravo in the triumvirate. Bravo and Negrete entered Guadalajara June 11th, without meeting with resistance, having made a convention with Quintanar and Bustamante. Herrera was installed as comandante general. A relative of Iturbide, named Eduardo García, and Baron de Rossemberg, a German whom Iturbide had made a lieutenant-colonel, attempted resistance in Tepic, but Colonel Luis Correa defeated them, and García, Rossemberg, and some others were executed. Quintanar and Bustamante were sent to Acapulco for the purpose of being shipped to South America, but the order of banishment was not carried out^[30], and both were allowed to go unpunished.

These revolutionary movements placed the government and congress in so difficult a position that the extreme measure was contemplated of vesting the executive authority in a single member of the triumvirate, under the title of Supremo Director, with large though well defined powers. The executive, however, opposed the creation of this supreme magistrate, and circumstances being now changed, it became unnecessary. The termination of the attempted effort on behalf of Iturbide, followed shortly after by his death, gave the coup de grace to his party.^[31]

After the Jalisco campaign General Bravo returned to Mexico, and congress decreed that the executive should consist of Victoria, as president, Bravo, and Guerrero; the last named being authorized to retire if his health demanded it, in which event Dominguez was to replace him. From this time to the end of the provisional rule Victoria, Bravo, and Dominguez constituted the executive. Till then the minister of relations, Lúcas Alaman, and the minister of war, Manuel Mier y Teran, who were intimate friends and entertained the same views on public policy, had the chief influence in the administration of the government.^[32] Victoria's presence in the government caused a material change, which greatly influenced subsequent events. He caused Arrillaga to be dismissed, notwithstanding the opposition of Bravo and Dominguez, and of ministers Alaman and Mier y Teran; but Dominguez finally assenting, José Ignacio Esteva was placed in charge of the treasury.^[33] The new minister was an able, energetic, industrious man. He laid himself open to obloquy, however, by unduly interfering in the affairs of other departments; hence his differences with the minister of war.

Meanwhile the discussion of the federal constitution had been going on in congress since the first of April. The work progressed slowly, owing to the necessity of attending to much executive business, and it was only on the 1st of August that the first article was adopted. After that date, Iturbide having been put out of the way, and with him all dynastic pretensions, the progress attained was satisfactory. There was not much warmth in the debates till the point was reached whether the executive authority should be vested in one person or in three.^[34] It was finally decided in favor of one, with the expectation that in the course of time, and checked by laws en acted by congress, the president would not have it in his power to do much harm. In the matter of terri torial division, grave difficulties were encountered from the absence of reliable statistical data respecting pop ulation, revenue, and resources; for it was noticed that some of the states were more powerful than others, and it was necessary to establish a sort of equilibrium. The last territorial division of intendencias under the Spanish rule was recommended by some members, but objected to by others, because Queretaro and Tlascala, which at that time were mere corregimientos de letras, wanted to be separate states. Some trouble was experienced with respect to the territories, namely, Colima, the Californias, and Tehuantepec. But the greatest difficulty was to fix upon the quota of reve nue that each state was to contribute for the support of the general government, inasmuch as the revenue of each being unknown, the distribution as fixed upon was mere guess-work,^[35] and the result was, that after ward very few of the states punctually paid their quotas.

Each part of the constitution, when passed, was published and given the force of law. This was done respecting the election of president and vice-president and their salaries, and the manner of electing deputies and senators, and justices of the supreme court.^[36]

At the presidential election the centralists made Nicolás Bravo their candidate, Guadalupe Victoria being the favorite of the federalists. The latter obtained a majority of the seventeen votes that were cast, and congress declared him constitutionally elected. The votes for vice-president being divided between Nicolás Bravo and Vicente Guerrero, neither of them having the requisite majority, congress chose the first-named.^[37]

The constitution required that the president and vice-president elect should assume their offices on the first of April, and hold for four years; nevertheless the congress decreed that they should enter at once upon the discharge of their duties, inaugurating without loss of time the new system of government.

The constitution of Los Estados Unidos Mexicanos, the name given the republic,^[38] having been solemuly published on the 4th of October, 1824,^[39] this day and the 16th of September were declared the· only national anniversaries.

The constitution thus adopted confirmed the federal system already established by the acta constitutiva. After declaring the absolute independence of the country, and the Roman catholic religion as the only one permitted therein, and recognizing the states that were to be the component parts of the federation, the instrument divides the powers of the supreme government into three branches, to wit, the legislative, executive, and judicial. The instrument is epitomized in a note.^[40]

Several of its articles are transcripts of corresponding clauses in the constitution of the northern United States. Here and there appears the old Spanish leaven, particularly in the fourth article, which declares that the Roman catholic religion "is and shall perpetually be the religion of the Mexican nation," and forbids the enjoyment of any other. It must be said, however, to the honor of the framers of the instrument, that they manifested a praiseworthy interest in the improvement of the country and in the advancement of education, science, and trade; for the establishment of copyrights and patents, freedom of the press, and abolishment of barbarous practices in the administration of justice, such as torture, arbitrary imprisonment, confiscation of property, retroactive laws, and other procedures by which life, limb, personal liberty and property were at the mercy of unscrupulous tribunals or officials. We note the absence of clauses to establish trial by jury and publicity in administering justice. It cannot be denied that many of the provisions of this constitution produced good results and roused the country into useful activity, even in the midst of the turmoil and confusion Mexico was afterward subjected to during the succeeding half-century.or more. Comments, almost without number, were made even in those early days, by both Mexicans and foreigners, endeavoring to show that the troubles Mexico soon found herself involved in were the result of the liberal institutions she had adopted by servilely copying, as the commentators said, her more fortunate neighbor of the north. The opponents of republican government have argued from their standpoint the manifest incompatibility, as they allege, of such political institutions with the habits and education of a people who had been for three centuries in leading-strings, ruled by a system of royal command emanating from a court several thousand miles away. and enforced by officials who had nothing in common with the country. No good could, in the estimation of these men, be expected from the sudden change, the fact that the change was absolutely needed being ignored. The subsequent troubles that constantly succeeded one another confirmed them in their preconceived ideas, affording them the opportunity to ascribe to the federal institutions faults that were really faults of the enemies of such institutions — of those who caused the disturbances for their own selfish purposes, and often forced well intentioned men in power, in order to save the government and themselves, to go beyond the orbit of their constitutional authority. It will be seen in the coursè of this history that such was the beginning of the revolutionary movements that disturbed Mexico almost from the promulgation of the first constitution.^[41]

The functions of the provisional government ceased when the constitutional executive went into office. During the interregnum of eighteen months the country was often imperilled, and the provisional authorities experienced much difficulty in securing the free institutions that the people demanded. Among the obstacles they had to contend against was the scarcity of property. Amidst constant political disturbance, and notwithstanding the frequent changes in the personnel of the executive, and the unanimous disapproval by it and the cabinet of the system of government demanded, all rose superior to their preferences, laboring zealously to satisfy the popular aspiration. By blending moderation with rigor, they restored public peace, left abundant resources, though unfortunately the proceeds of loans, and removed all hinderances to administrative action. The provisional government was accused of excessive severity, but the facts prove that no more was used than the preservation of the public peace called for, and that the government and congress made themselves respected without resorting to arbitrary penalties. Punishments inflicted were in almost every instance pronounced under process of law by the regularly established courts.

Having arrived at the end of the provisional administration, I will now consider the organization of the country into states and territories.

 

The constituent congress on the 8th of January, 1824, passed a law establishing constituent legislatures in the "provinces that had been declared states of the Mexican federation," and in which such legislatures did not yet exist. The states thus summoned to choose their own legislative bodies were Guanajuato, Mexico, Michoacan, Puebla de los Angeles, Querétaro, San Luis Potosí, and Vera Cruz. The same law prescribed the mode of choosing the deputies, whose number was to be for each legislature no less than eleven, nor more than twenty-one, aside from the suplentes, who were to be respectively no less than four, nor more than seven.

Meanwhile the authorities then existing in each of the states were recognized, and were to continue in power till the legislatures should be installed, by which time the nation's acta constitutiva would be already promulgated. Under that acta the states of the federation were: Guanajauto; Interno de Occidente, composed of Sonora and Sinaloa; Interno de Oriente, formed of Coahuila, Nuėvo Leon, and Texas; Interno del Norte, which comprised Chihuahua, Durango, and New Mexico; Jalisco; Michoacan; Oajaca; Puebla de los Angeles; Querétaro; San Luis Potosí; Tabasco; Tamaulipas, formerly Nuevo Santander; Vera Cruz; Yucatan; and Zacatecas. The two Californias and the partido de Colima were temporarily made territories of the federation, to be under the direct control of the general government.^[42]

A law of May 7th made Nuevo Leon a state, and Coahuila and Texas another. Decrees of May 22d and July 6th raised Durango and Chihuahua respectively to the same rank, New Mexico being made a territory.^[43]

Under the acta constitutiva the congress of the state of Mexico was installed on the 2d of March, 1824, and the next day the election of governor took place, General Manuel Gomez Pedraza being chosen for the position.^[44] On the 9th of August the state congress adopted a provisional organic law, which bears the signatures of José Figueroa, president, and Manuel de Cortazar and Joaquin Villa, deputies, acting as secretaries.^[45] The other states pursued the same course, organizing their respective congresses, and choosing their governors. All in due time were acting in their capacity as sovereign states of the federation.^[46]

Chiapas, during the confusion prevailing after Iturbide's fall, kept aloof from all participation in Mexican events. The partisans of Mexico and Guatemala in that province endeavored to arrive at a conclusion that would favor their respective wishes. The governments of Mexico and Guatemala invited the province to unite her fate with the nation they respectively represented. The former was for a time indisposed to allow her the discretion conceded to the other provinces of Central America,^[47] and she was in hourly danger of becoming a bone of contention between these two nations, or a prey to internal strife, each power having numerous partisans in Chiapas.^[48] Fortunately a more generous policy was adopted by the Mexican congress, on the 26th of May, 1824, the executive being instructed to place Chiapas in absolute liberty to make her choice.^[49] The decree was hailed by the junta suprema gubernativa of the province with demonstrations of delight. Compliance therewith was decreed June 24th, and the departments were required to clearly manifest their opinions and disband the troops. The ayuntamientos of the capital and of almost all the other towns, holding the junta in high respect, left to it the decision of the question. The partisans of Guatemala did not fail to make efforts to win the province for Central America. Opposition was also encountered on the part of the asamblea of Guatemala, and much trouble was caused by the contending elements. The junta in all its proceedings exhibited prudence, and thereby averted a revolution with its concomitant evils. On the 12th of September the junta proceeded in the presence of a Mexican commissioner^[50] to the examination and qualification of the reports of the committees named at the session of August 28th. It appeared therefrom that there were 12 departments, one of which was Soconusco, with 104 pueblos, the population being 172,953 inhabitants, 96,829 of whom favored aggregation to Mexico, and 60,400 annexation to Guatemala. In this last number were included the voters of Soconusco; 15,724 cast no votes. The junta therefore declared that Chiapas had legitimately pronounced in favor of union with Mexico. This declaration was solemnly made on the 14th,^[51] and celebrated with a te deum. Thus were the destinies of Chiapas fixed. With the aggregation to Mexico the office of the junta properly ceased; but as there was no political organization of the province, that body undertook to effect one. Its two principal duties were to bring together a convention to form the constitution of the state, and to see that the oath to support the federal constitution was duly taken. As to the first duty, it issued the necessary convocation, and fixed upon November 12th for the publication of the federal constitution, and the 13th and 14th for administering the oath. Notwithstanding some opposition on the part of the partisans of Guatemala, its decrees were carried out. On the 27th of September the junta addressed an energetic note to Guatemala containing a formal reclamation of Soconusco, which had been occupied by that government, but no effect was produced. However, the constitution of the state of Chiapas, framed November 19, 1825, in designating her territory, included Soconusco, one of the signers of the document being Pedro Corona, as representative of that department. The Mexican government confirmed Manuel Zebadúa as gefe político. State congress was installed on the fifth of January, 1825.^[52]

 

Under the constitution of 1824 the following political divisions were declared to be states of the union, namely: Chiapas, Chihuahua, Coahuila and Texas, Durango, Guanajuato, Jalisco — then spelled Xalisco — Mexico, Michoacan, Nuevo Leon, Oajaca, Puebla de los Angeles, Querétaro, San Luis Potosí, Sonora and Sinaloa under the title of Estado de Occidente, Tabasco, Tamaulipas, Vera.Cruz, Yucatán, and Zacatecas. The two Californias, Colima, and New Mexico were admitted as territories. for future decision, and finally, on the 24th of November, the congress decreed that it should also be a territory.^[53]

The states proceeded to frame their constitutions, making them conform with the general one. In a note I give the dates on which each adopted its organic law.^[54]

Among the last acts of the constituent congress was the creation of a federal district. During the work of framing the constitution no thought had been given to the establishment of a capital or place of residence for the supreme powers of the republic, it being taken for granted that the city of Mexico was the natural capital of the nation. But no sooner had the state authorities become established than differences arose with the governor, Melchor Muzquiz, and it was decreed by the national congress, on the 18th of November, that the city, including a radius of two leagues from the centre of the main plaza, should be under the exclusive control of the general government, which was to appoint a governor to exercise Tlascala's position was left open civil jurisdiction over the district. José María Mendívil became the first appointee. The state of Mexico strongly remonstrated against the spoliation, declaring it a manifest violation of her rights so solemnly guaranteed by the constitution lately adopted. But it availed naught; the congressional decree was carried out, and the city of Mexico, under the law making it the federal district, was deprived of all participation in framing the laws of the country, and in the choice of the president, and became subject to such taxation and authorities as the general government chose to impose upon it, as well as to other inconveniences.^[55] The altercation, however, was continued, the state's claims being supported by several congresses and ayuntamientos, as well as by prominent statesmen and writers; nor was it till the end of January 1827 that the state congress and authorities moved to Tezcuco. During that interval the congress held its sessions in the old building of the inquisition; and when the transfer was made the authorities took with them about $500,000 that Governor Muzquiz had saved.^[56] Even as late as 1829 the state congress renewed the claim for the restoration of the city of Mexico,^[57] but all such efforts have been unavailing, and the city has ever since remained as the national capital.

 

 

1. Bustamante, Cuad. Hist., MS., viii. 135-51; Alaman, Hist. Méj., v. 744-6, 759-60, 766-7; Gaz. de Mex., i., 1823, 171-4; Dispos. Var., iii. 122; Mex. Col. Dec. Sob. Cong. Mex., 92-3.
2. Mex. Col. Leyes, Órd. y Dec., ii. 89-91, 118; Mex. Col. Dec. Sob. Cong. Mex., 93-4; Bustamante, Hist. Iturbide, 149-50, 158; Id., Cuad. Hist., MS., viii. 163-4; Ward's Mex., i. 281
3. The four portfolios had been for a time in charge of Illueca; that of relations to the 15th of April; that of the treasury till the 30th of April; and that of justice till the 6th of June. Mex. Mem. Hacienda, 1870, 1027; Alaman, Apuntes Biog., 19, 21-2; Ramirez y Sesma, Col. Dec., 307; Bustamante, Hist. Iturbide, 150.
4. That of Mexico was left in charge of the Marqués de Vivanco, detached from the civil government; Echávarri went back to that of Puebla; Victoria retained that of Vera Cruz, but having gone to Jalapa together with the Spanish commissioners, left the command with Colonel Eulogio de Villa Urrutia; Anastasio Bustamante resigned his position in the provincias internas, the eastern portion of which was again detached from the western, and its command given to Brigadier Felipe de la Garza. Bustamante became comandante general of Guadalajara, his native place. Alaman, Hist. Méj., v. 760.
5. Mex. Col. Leyes, Órd. y Dec., ii. 115; Mex. Col. Dec. Sob. Cong. Mex., 95, 134, 147-8.
6. This measure was decreed by the junta instituyente at the latter part of 1822. It was ordered that notes to the amount of $4,000,000 should be manufactured. From Jan. 1, 1823, one third of all public salaries was to be paid in this money, which was also made a legal tender, in the same proportion, in all commercial and retail transactions for amounts over three dollars. This currency was, however, received with disfavor. Alaman, Hist. Méj., v. 682-3.
7. On the day the provisional government was installed there were only $42 in the treasury. Alaman, Hist. Méj., v. 811.
8. Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, ii. 145; Mex. Col. Leyes, Ord. y Dec., ii. 94.
9. This was on April 4th. Bustamante, Hist. Iturbide, 159-60. Bustamante, a member of the congress, and a centralist, calls those men demagogues wanting a legislature subservient to their will, as their schemes could find no favor with the one then sitting.
10. The matter was submitted April 21st. Id., Cuad. Hist., MS., viii. 177.
11. Other provinces were urged to pursue the same course. Bustamante, Hist. Iturbide, 162-8, 172-4; Id., Cuad. Hist., MS., viii. 175-7, 180-9; Mex. Dictámen de la Com., 1-22; Yuc. Represent., 3-5; Baqueiro, Ens. Yuc., iii. ap. 4-8; Suarez, Informe, 5-6; La Minerva, 1845, May 15, 1.
12. The ratio for the election was one deputy for every 50,000 inhabitants, every freeman of eighteen years and upwards being a voter without other restriction. Alaman, Hist. Méj., 760-5, 771-2; Bustamante, Cuad. Hist., MS., viii. 193-7, 201-3; Id., Hist. Iturbide, 174-80; Ward's Mex., i. 281; Mex. Col. Leyes, Órd. y Dec., ii. 121-35, 142-3, 146, 172-3, 180-1; Disposic. Var. iii. 118-23; Suarez y Navarro, Hist. Méx., 50; Lizardi, Advert., 1-8; Yuc. Manifiesto del Cong, del Est. 1-23.
13. After the declaration of the plan of Casa Mata, Santa Anna played no prominent part in subsequent events connected with the downfall of Iturbide. He remained in Vera Cruz when the army marched toward the capital, and soon afterward went to Tampico to promote the revolution in that region. He was later made comandante general of Yucatan.
14. His troops were transferred to Querétaro. Santa Anna, Manif., 41-43; Alaman, Hist. Méj., v. 717, 738, 765-6, 781-2; Suarez y Navarro, Hist. Méx., 34-5.
15. The province, being called on for a quota of troops to serve in Vera Cruz against the Spaniards on San Juan de Ulúa, refused to furnish it unless Bravo and Negrete were removed from office. Bustamante, Cuad. Hist., MS., viii, 208.
16. The authorities of Guadalajara in the latter part of 1823 made an unsuccessful attempt to bring Colima again under their control. Bustamante, Hist. Iturbide, 189, 217, 237-43; Id., Mеm. Нist. Mex., MS., ii. 13; Id., Cuad. Hist., MS., viii. 179, 192-3, 215, 229-30; Dispos. Var., iii. 55, 116; Colima, Represent., 7; Mex. Col. Leyes, Órd. y Dec., ii. 147-8, 159.
17. Dominguez was very aged. Guerrero, though possessed of much penetration and sound sense, was uneducated, and inexperienced in state affairs. The latter's appointment appears in Mex. Col. Leyes, Ord. y Dec., ii. 141-2.
18. About 50 persons were arrested; among them, besides Andrade, generals José Velazquez and the conde de San Pedro del Álamo, 5 colonels, 7 captains, and about 11 subalterns; schoolmasters, and even barbers, were imprisoned for complicity. Suarez y Navarro, Hist. Mex., 50; Alaman, Hist. Méj., 772-4; Bustamante, Hist. Iturbide, 183-5.
19. Hidalgo, Allende, Juan Aldama, Abasolo, Morelos, Matamoros, Leonardo and Miguel Bravo, Hermenegildo Galeana, Jimenez, Mina, Moreno, and Rosales. A little later were added to the list Nicolás Bravo, Victoria, Guerrero, Joaquin Leño, and others. Alaman, Hist. Méj., v. 768, 771; Mex. Col. Dec. Sob. Cong. Mex., 143, 175, 189.
20. On one occasion when the national palace was captured by revolutionists, this key was stolen, together with the silver seals of treaties with foreign powers. The monuments ordered were not all erected; one was raised in Puebla where Miguel Bravo was shot, and one in Morelia on the site of Matamoros' death. Abasolo having died in Cádiz, his bones were not obtained; and those of Galeana and Leonardo Bravo were not found. Alaman, Hist. Méj., v. 769; Bustamante, Cuad. Hist., MS., viii. 202-3. A description of the funeral ceremonies may be found in the Gaceta Extraordinaria of September 20, 1823.
21. The proceedings of installation, list of members, etc., appear in Mex. Col. Ley. Fund., 116; Id., Col. Leyes, Órd y Dec., iii. 1-2, 84-7; Id., Actas Cong. Constituc., 1-2; Prov. Mex. Lista Ciudad elej., 1.
22. Mex. Acta Constit. (Mex. 1824), 1-12; Mex. Col. Dec. Sob. Cong. Mex., 145-6.
23. Though not lengthy, the future institutions of the country depended upon it. It was as follows: The nation adopts the republican, federal, popular, representative form of government.' Mex. Col. Constituc., i. 2.
24. He said that the United States had been separate provinces which federated to resist England's oppression. They suppressed the king's name from their constitution, and the instrument answered very well for their republic; whereas Mexico had as a whole suffered the yoke of an absolute monarch during 300 years. He therefore thought the difference between the two cases to be immense. Mier, Profecía Polít., 3-28; Bustamante, Cuad. Hist., MS., viii. 200.
25. Alaman, Hist. Méj., v. 776-7; Bustamante, Cuad. Hist., MS., viii, 227-31; Id., Hist. Iturbide, 185-9, 199-230, 243, 270-7; Mex. Col. Leyes, Órd. y Dec., iii. 18-24; Actas del Cong. Constituy. iv.; Cong. Constituyente, Manif., 1-16; Mex. Col. Constituc., i. 1-15; Mex. Mem. Hacienda, 1870, 76-7.
26. More of him in Hist. Cal., iii.; Mex. Col. de Leyes, Ord. y Dec., iii. 53.
27. General Guerrero's report to the secretary of war, from Puebla, Jan. 6, 1824, at 11 P. M., in Gaceta Extraord. Gob. Sup. Mex., iii. Jan. 8th, l5-16.
28. One of the reasons assigned was that his wife was a daughter of the sculptor Tolsa. Bustamante, Hist. Iturbide, 188-9; Id., Cuad. Hist., MS., viii. 218-26; Mex. Col. Leyes, Órd. y Dec., iii. 15-17; Alaman, Hist. Méj., v. 778; Suarez y Navarro, Hist. Méx., 51-72; Zavala, Revol. Mex., i. 267-72; Tornel, Breve Reseña Hist., 163-4; Liceaga, Adic. y Rect., 617-18.
29. Santa Anna was acquitted. His course in Vera Cruz was declared meritorious, the nation having adopted the federal régime.
30. Bravo was falsely accused by Zavala, Revol. Mex., i. 286-7, of bad faith; it is on record that every act of his was pursuant to orders from Mexico. Ali the occurrences in Guadalajara and Tepic appeared in the government gaceta for June and July. Bustamante, Cuad. Hist., MS., viii. 240-7, 262; Alaman, Hist. Méj., v. 787.
31. Bustamante, Cuad. Hist., MS., viii. 235-8; Id., Hist. Iturbide, 230, 235-6; Alaman, Hist. Méj., v. 787.
32. Arrillaga attended exclusively to his department, the treasury; and Llave spent much of his time in scientific studies. Alaman, Hist. Méj., v. 807-8.
33. The following statesmen had the several portfolios between April 1, 1823, and October 10, 1824: Relations: José Ignacio García Illueca, April 2 to 15, 1823; Lúcas Alaman, April 16, 1823, to April 23, 1824; Pablo de la Llave (ad. int.), April 24 to May 14, 1824; Lúcas Alaman, May 15 to Sept. 21, 1824; Juan Guzman, chief clerk, Sept. 22d to Oct. 10, 1824. Justice: Illueca, April 2 to June 6, 1823; Llave, June 6, 1823, to Jan. 25, 1824; Gerónimo Torrescano, chief clerk, Jan. 26 to April 20, 1824; Llave, April 21 to October 10, 1824. Treasury: Illueca, April 1 to 30, 1823; Francisco de Arrillaga, May 2, 1823, to Aug. 8, 1824; José Ignacio Esteva, Aug. 9 to Oct. 10, 1824. War: Illueca, April 2 to July 11, 1823; José Joaquin de Herrera, July 12, 1823, to March 11, 1824; Manuel Mier y Teran, March 12 to Oct. 10, 1924. Мех. Mem. Hасiеndа, 1870, 1027.
34. The point was in doubt, because, according to Bustamante, Cuad. Hist., MS., viii. 202, it was presumed that if the power was vested in one only, Vic toria would be the chosen one. Bustamante and his fellow-centralists did not like Victoria.
35. The sum of $3,136,875 was to be yearly paid into the national treasury by the states as follows: Mexico, $975,000; Jalisco, $365,625; Puebla, $328,125; Oajaca, $262,500; Guanajuato, $218,750; Michoacan, $175,000; Yucatan, $156,250 Zacatecas, $140,025; San Luis Potosi, $101,250. The rest ranged from $97,875 (Vera Cruz) down to $15,625 (Coahuila). The payments were to be made in instalments every month or fifteen /lays from the time the states collected their revenue. Mex. Col. de Leyes, Órd. y Dec., iii. 60-2.
36. The president's salary was fixed at $36,000, and the vice-president's at $10,000. The other laws were passed Aug. 4th and 27th. Mex., Col. de Órd. y Dec., iii. 62-3, 67-9, 72.
37. The congressional acts appear in Gaz. Gob. Sup., 1824, Oct. 5th, 209; Mex. Col. Órd. y Dec., iii. 78; Alaman, Hist. Méj., v. 808-11; Bustamante, Cuad. Hist., MS., viii. 266; Id., Hist. Iturbide, 273-4.
38. With the change of system was introduced a new practice in some particulars, namely: to the date of a degree or official letter were added, 4° de la independencia, 3° de la libertad, and 2° de la federacion; the word Ciudadano superseded Don before a person's given name; and in lieu of Dios guarde á Vd muchos años, with which official letters were formerly ended, were put Dios y Libertad.
39. Appropriate addresses were made on this day to the Mexican nation by the congress and the executive. Bustamante, Hist. Iturbide, 278-91; Mex. Col. Leyes Fund., 125-31; Gac. Gob. Sup. Mex., 1824, 221-4; Dispos. Var., iii. 125-8; Tornel, Nac. Méj., 24-5.
40. The legislative power is vested in a congress consisting of a house of deputies and a senate; the members of the former to be chosen every two years, one for every 80,000 inhabitants, as well as for every fraction exceeding 40,000. A deputy must not be under 25 years of age; must have resided two consecutive years in the state electing him. Adopted citizens with eight years' residence and property to the value of $8,000, or an occupation yielding $1,000 yearly, could be chosen. Natives of other Spanish colonies needed only three years' residence. The president and vice-president, members of the supreme court, secretaries of state, and employés of their departments could not be elected deputies; neither could governors of states or territories, military commandants, archbishops, bishops, vicars-general, judges of districts, and commissaries general of finance and war, for the states or territories in which they exercised their functions. To become deputies, such officials had to resign their offices at least six months before the election. The senate is composed of two senators from each state, chosen by a plurality of votes in the state legislature or congress. The junior or last chosen senator is replaced by a new appointment at the end of two years; the first chosen holds his place for four years. Both must be 30 years of age or upwards, and possess all the qualifications requisite for a deputy. Deputies and senators are made inviolable. The congress is required to meet every year on the 1st of January, closing its session on the 15th of April, unless it or the executive deem it necessary to prolong the session for 30 days more. It nay also hold an extra session between the dates of the ordinary sessions. Either chamber may impeach the president, supreme judges, secretaries of state, and the governors of states for infractions of the constitution; if two thirds of the votes sustain the impeachment, the accused is suspended from office and surrendered to a competent court to try him for the offence.

    The executive power is placed in the hands of a president; in the event of his becoming morally or physically disqualified, the vice-president assumes his functions, temporarily or for the rest of the term, as the case may be. None but a Mexican-born, at least 35 years old, and a resident of the country is eligible for president or vice-president. The president cannot be reëlected till four years have elapsed after his term. The election of president and vice-president is made by the congresses of the states, each of which, on the 1st of September of the year immediately preceding the installation of a new president, names two individuals as candidates, one of whom at least must not be a native of the state. A committee of the lower house of the national congress, composed of one deputy from each state, passes upon the validity of the certificates received from each state, and the chamber then declares who arc the elect. Should two candidates have an equal number of votes, or no one have an absolute majority, then the house of deputies chooses the president or vice-president from among the candidates having the greatest number of votes from the state congresses. Many precautions are enjoined against possible encroachments on the part of the president.

    The judicial power is vested in a supreme court of justice, and in superior courts of departments and districts. The supreme court is composed of eleven judges and the attorney-general. The members must be natives of Mexico, and 35 years of age or upwards. They are elected by the legislatures of the states in the sane manner and with the same formalities as the president of the republic.

    The state governments are also divided into three branches, the same as the federal government. The states have the management of their local affairs with entire independence of the general government. Their constitutions must conform with the requirements of the national organic law.

    The full text may be found in Méx. Col. Constituc., i. 16-101; Méx. Col. Ord. y Dec., iii. 78-106; Gaz. de Méx., 1824, iv. 173; Ward's Mex., i. 285-302.

41. The following authorities are referred to: Alaman, Hist. Méj., v. 883-6; Suarez y Navarro, Hist. Méx., 74-76; Gaudal. Exposicion del Cabildo, 1-16; V. Cruz, El Plan Repub., 1-27; Martinez, Sinóp. Hist. Revol. Méx., i. 135-9; Gutierrez, Carta y Opin. Aut., 6-18; Becerra, Voto Particular, 1-16; North Am. Rev., xxxi. 112-14. Cárlos M. Bustamante solemnly protested on the 4th of October, 1824, against the adoption of the constitution. The text is given in his Gabinete Mex., ii. 248-9.
42. Mex. Col., Órd. y Dec., iii. 12-14. A law of Feb. 4th provided that for the legislature of the estado interno de Occidente, Sinaloa should choose six diputados proprietarios and two suplentes, and Sonora five diputados end two suplentes; for that of the interno del Norte, Chihuahua five diputados and one suplente; Durango, five diputados and two suplentes; New Mexico, one diputado and one suplente; for that of the interno de Oriente, Coahuila was to choose five diputados, Nuevo Leon five, and Texas one; of suplentes, Nuevo Leon was to clect two, and the others one each. The following places were provisionally made capitals for the purposes of the decree: Villa del Fuerte for the estado interno de Occidente; ciudad de Chihuahua for the interno del Norte; and ciudad de Monterey for the interno de Oriente. The legislatures were to designate their future capitals.
43. On July 19th each territory was given the privilege of choosing one proprietary deputy and one substitute to represent it in the national congress. Id., 18, 19, 25, 26, 46, 47, 57, 58; ''Austin, Espos. al Púb., Asuntos de Téjas, 14-15.
44. Bustamante, Cuad. Hist., MS., viii. 231; Id., Hist. Iturbide, 230.
45. Mex. Ley Orgánica, 1-24.
46. Gaz. Gob. Sup. Mex., 1824, nos 40, 45, 47; Mex. Col. Constituc., ii. 294-368; Zamacois, Hist. Méj., xi. 575.
47. Mexico recognized the independence of the united provinces of Central America, by decree of congress, on the 20th of August, 1824. Mex. Col. Leyes, Ord. y Dec., iii. 66.
48. Méx. Decreto del Sob. Cong. Mex^no, in Dispos. Var., iii. no. 8, 2; Larrainzar, Notic. Hist. Soconusco, 31-52; Pineda, Descrip. Chiapas, in Soc. Mex. Geog. Boletin, iii. 350; Alaman, Hist. Méj., v. 759.
49. The existing government of the province, namely, the junta suprema gubernativa, which had been reinstated by the action of the Mexican military authorities, was called upon to convoke, within three months from the date of the decree, a congress to delare its will on the subject of annexation to Mexico. Mex. Col. Leyes, Órd. y Dec., iii. 50.
50. Guatemala had failed to send such an officer, though invited so to do.
51. The acts were forwarded to Mexico at once. Gaz. Extra. Gob. Sup., 1824, 201.
52. The junta's functions finally ceased the same day. Larrainzar, Notic. Hist. Soconusco, 52-77; Zavala, Revol. Mex., 198; Bustamante, Cuad. Hist., MS., viii. 260-7; Id., Diario Mex., MS., xlv. 203; Id., Hist. Iturbide, 273-4.
53. The territory of each state is clearly defined in her organic law. Mex. Col. Leyes, Órd. y Dec., iii. 79, 125; Soc. Mex. Geog. Boletin, i. 96; Romero, Mich., 150-1; Col. Constituc., vols. i., ii., and iii., passim.
54. Chiapas, Nov. 19, 1825; Chihuahua, Dec. 7, 1825; Coahuila and Texas, March 11, 1827; Durango, Sept. 1, 1826; Guanajuato, April 14, 1826; Jalisco, Nov. 18, 1824; Mexico, at Tezcuco, Feb. 14, 1827; Michoacan, July 19, 1825; Nuevo Leon, March 5, 1825; Oajaca, Jan. 10, 1825; Puebla de los Ángeles, Dec. 7, 1825; San Luis Potosí, Oct. 16, 1826; Estado de Occidente (Sonora and Sinaloa), Oct. 31, 1825; Tabasco, at Villa Hermosa, Feb. 5, 1825; Tamaulipas, at Ciudad Victoria, May 7, 1825; Vera Cruz, June 3, 1825; Yucatan, April 6, 1825; Zacatecas, Jan. 17, 1825. Guan., Const. Polít., 1-78; Mich. Constituc., 1-78; Id., Dec. del Cong. Constituyente, 1-83; Puebla, Const. Polít., 1-54; Pineda, Descrip. Chiapas, in Soc. Mex. Geog. Boletin, iii. 370; Méx., Col. Constituc., i. 102-473, ii. 3-469, iii. 3-484; Méx., Mem. Rel., 29-30; Pinart, Doc. Hist. Son., MS., 38-53; Cor. Fed. Mex., Nov. 2, 1826.
55. The state congress and governor were, however, permitted to reside in Mexico till such time as they could prepare a capital to remove to with their rccords, etc. Mex. Col. Leyes, Ord. y Dec., iii. 122; Dispos. Var., iii. 128-9; S. Miguel, Seg. Guía, 189–91; Mex. Represent. Ayunt., 1-12; Mex. Mem. Rel., 30-1.
56. They were soon consumed for necessary expenses. Bustamante, Voz de la Patria, ii. no. 5, 5-6.
57. Mex., Iniciativa que la Leg. del Est. eleva al Cong. de la Union. 1-16.