History of Mexico (Bancroft)/Volume 5/Chapter 11

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History of Mexico (Bancroft) (1886)
by Hubert Howe Bancroft
Chapter 11
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2932538History of Mexico (Bancroft) — Chapter 111886Hubert Howe Bancroft
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CHAPTER XI.

INTRIGUES, MISRULE, AND OVERTHROW OF SANTA ANNA.

1842-1845.

A Prospective Liberal Constitution Santa Anna Withdraws behind the Arras — Intrigues against Congress — The Chambers Forcibly Dissolved — Installation of the Junta de Notables — New Organic Bases — Further Political Juggling — A Dummy President — Reëlection of Santa Anna — His Ridiculous Vanity and Peculiar Mode of Life — Administrative Corruption and Abuse — Paredes again Pronounces at Guadalajara — Santa Anna Promptly Takes the Field — The Hall of Congress Closed — The Capital Joins the Spreading Movement — Herrera Proclaimed President — Bluster and Vacillation of Santa Anna — His Flight, Capture, Impeachment, and Exile — Efforts at Reform Hampered by Factions

Mexico's internal afflictions kept pace with those arising from foreign and border relations. In accord ance with the bases of Tacubaya, the convocation for a congress to frame a constitution had been issued on December 10, 1841, to meet at Mexico. The election of deputies, by indirect vote, through electoral colleges, was calculated for the 24 departments at one member for every 70,000 inhabitants, the population being estimated at 7,044,140.[1] The result was a pronounced ​federalist victory, greatly to the disappointment of Santa Anna, who had striven hard by intimidation and other unfair practices to modify the issue,[2] and who from the very day the congress was installed, on June 10, 1842, sought to influence the discussions, although with little success.[3] The deputies exerted themselves only the more to produce a constitution that should meet the evidently liberal feelings of the country and cut short a despotism that threatened even the nation's representatives. Several projects had been presented and rejected, including an elaborate plan partaking of both central and federal systems.[4] This was referred back to the committee, which in November presented a revised outline that received greater favor and promised to pass, for the departments were left to adıninister their affairs with almost the same freedom as under the federal system, electing their own legislatures and governors.[5]

Foreseeing what was coming, Santa Anna had recourse to his now well understood manœuvre of retiring to his estate in Vera Cruz, and thence watching and directing operations, leaving the brunt of the contest to be borne by a proxy, with perhaps the humiliation of defeat, while in case of success he could step forward to reap the fruit. He withdrew ​amidst the somewhat doubtful éclat attending the reburial, with imposing public ceremonies, of the leg he had lost four years before.[6] Bravo, as president of the council, once more assumed nominal charge of the administration on October 26, 1842, with some repugnance, however, for while a strong centralist, he was not in accord with the personal ambition here seeking to thwart the national will. Tornel, the minister of war,[7] was the real executive for the ruler at Manga de Clavo, who, with a view to strengthen his control, had already taken steps to disband the auxiliary and rural forces of the towns and haciendas, which naturally belonged to and sympathized with the people, to strengthen the garrison at the capital, and to ordain that army officers must be educated at the military college, under government control.[8] He had the control and intended to keep it; for there were soldiers and centralists enough at his command. The proposed constitution, aimed against him and his party, could not therefore be allowed to pass into law. Pains had been taken to circulate several of its least favorable clauses, together with the startling discussion on the religious feature, which could not fail to prejudice a large class. Tolerance, indeed, was admitted; the army was to be placed under greater restraint, and during the heat of argument ultrademocratic sentiments had found free expression.[9] ​On December 11th a pronunciamiento was started at the obscure town of Huejotzingo against the congress, as unworthy of confidence, and demanding the installation of a council of notables to revise the constitution.[10] This movement was duly seconded throughout the central provinces by the manipulations of the cabinet and the clergy, and on the 18th, at Mexico, by the garrison. The deputies, who had nearly concluded the discussion on the constitution, could obtain no assurances of protection from the government.[11] Finding the hall of congress closed against them, they recognized the futility of resistance, and dissolved of their own accord on the 19th, announcing the act in a manifest wherein they avowed their loyalty to the people whom they represented and the purity of their motives in framing the proposed organic law.[12] It was not long ere protests appeared against the arbitrary procedures of a faction that prevented the people from deciding in a matter belonging to them and of such vital interest. Of this no notice was taken, however, and as the semi-voluntary dissolution left Bravo at greater liberty, he joined the cabinet[13] in proclaiming that as the public interest demanded the formation of the organic law, the government would appoint a council of patriotic and intelligent men to frame it, assisted by the ministry.[14] ​The result was the installation on January 6, 1843, of a body of eighty prominent centralists,[15] who proceeded energetically to work and produced bases for the political organization of the republic, which was formally sanctioned by the government on June 12th, and adopted with imposing ceremonies — the sugar coating of the pill. xxx representative system, yet the franchise, limited to an income of not less than $200, excluded a great part of the population;[16] the election was subjected to a triple filtering process, during which the government could find ample opportunity to influence it, and the departments continued to be left almost wholly at the mercy of a central government, which appointed the governors and indirectly the subordinate officials, the departmental assemblies being merely councils with the power of a municipal police.[17] Deputies for congress were required to possess an income of $1,200 and senators $2,000. Of the senate, one third was chosen by the three supreme powers and the rest by the departmental assemblies, which also elected the It declared for a popular ​supreme judges and the president, the latter for five years. The Roman catholic religion was exclusively sustained; the special privileges, fueros, of clergy, army, and other bodies were confirmed, and the government obtained release from the annoying interference of a poder conservador, with sufficient loop-holes in the complex text of the bases to intrude its power and influence in numerous directions. The new constitution was, therefore, in several respects more obnoxious and anti-liberal than that of 1836.[18]

The inauguration of the system received the personal supervision of Santa Anna, who in March already had emerged from his retreat to secure the acquired victory. He procured for himself a fine reception at the capital by reinstating the ayuntamiento and removing Governor Vieyra for having dissolved it on rather trivial grounds,[19] and gained credit with a large class by subsequently forbidding retail trade to foreigners, and authorizing the restoration of the Jesuits in the northern departments to assist in controlling the wild Indians with whom the troops were unable to cope.[20] The momentary impression was soon effaced, however, by a fresh dose of taxes and forced loans,[21] and by the arrest of Gomez Pedraza and other liberal men, whose firm attitude and utterances through. the press proved distasteful.[22] The political aspect assumed a less encouraging tone, and the dictator soon again thought it prudent to seek the retirement of his ​estate. The strongest reason for the withdrawal was undoubtedly the approaching reunion of the new congress,[23] with which was connected the election of a proprietary president. He preferred to play his game for that tempting prize in the background, where also a defeat would be less felt, under cover of an apparently voluntary surrender of power. For a first move he issued a plausible manifesto, explaining the manner in which he had used the extraordinary power conferred upon him in 1841, taking pains to place in the most favorable and absorbing light the several progressive measures of his rule and covering the rest with pleas for public necessity, national honor, the safety of religion, and so forth.[24] A second move was to include among the stanch members selected for the government council a proportion of men whose appointment would please the people and conciliate cliques. A third was to appoint, not a lukewarm adherent like Bravo, nor a strong man whose ambition might prove dangerous, but one who could be relied upon to act wholly and faithfully as a machine of the hidden ruler. The choice fell on Canalizo, comandante general of Mexico, formerly the loyal supporter of Bustamante, and therefore a less apparent partisan of Santa Anna, although now wholly devoted to him.[25] In addition all the vast political machinery ​controlled by the dictator was put in motion to support him with intrigue and pressure.

The people, on the other hand, had had enough of such autocracy as Santa Anna's, and looked with expectant hope to the now uniting congress for its termination. So well was this feeling understood that a wide-spread surprise arose when, on January 2, 1844, the national representatives in their opening session[26] announced the presidential vote of the departmental assemblies to be nineteen for Santa Anna, and one each for Francisco Elorriaga and General Muzquiz.[27] Congress shared in the disappointment, and sought to make the situation as bearable as possible by restricting the presidential power, and forbidding the further exercise of the legislative faculty. Minister Tornel stood up in warm defence of his assailed patron, and the latter paid little heed to the injunction, confident in the subservient adhesion of the majority among the senators, creatures of his, partly by election, partly by influence. A test of this control was furnished by the failure of a motion to remove the acting president, Canalizo, who had become extremely unpopular as the blind tool of the dictator, and his reëlection to the position by a large majority.[28] Santa Anna naturally objected to a substitute who night prove less tractable, and this requisite he also bore in mind when selecting governors for the departments.

For six months longer Santa Anna chose to remain in the seclusion of his country estate, under the plea that the winter air of the capital did not agree with his broken health. Finally the warm weather ​produced a change, and on June 3d he made his formal entry with the pomp suggested by fawning adherents and subordinates, who had gone so far as to erect a gilt bronze statue to him in the Plaza del Volador.[29] The fears roused by his arrival among the oppressed tax-payers were only too speedily to be realized, and this time he came with cogent reasons. The United States were freely entertaining the proposal to annex Texas, their troops were gathering along its border, and a squadron of their fleet had just appeared off Vera Cruz. While the foreign office demanded an explanation of these threatening movements, Santa Anna seized the opportunity to obtain an extraordinary forced contribution of four million pesos for war preparations.[30] His efforts to have the amount increased, and obtain special power to raise it, were thwarted in a manner that provoked his deep indignation. He had become so used to carry his points, or at least to a deferential attitude, that snappish resistance proved most irritating. As a relief to his feelings, he directed a bitter attack on the deputies through the government organs, including the official Diario, with a suggestion from one side of a dictatorship. The chambers demanded an explanation in order to make the ministry responsible, but could obtain no satisfaction. One result, however, was that the foreign portfolio changed from the hands of Bocanegra to Rejon, a talented but young and impulsive ​man, while the war department had, fortunately for the impulsive Tornel, passed shortly before to General Reyes.[31]

Santa Anna began to find the situation somewhat uncomfortable, and to long again for the freer atmosphere of his estates. The death of his wife[32] gave him the necessary excuse. Such it evidently appeared to him, for five weeks later he outraged public sentiment by the ceremonious espousal of a young lady.[33] Not that people were surprised. His character was too well known, with his undignified indulgence in dissipations of all kinds, from Lotharian intrigues and free association with low and doubtful persons in the common cock-pit, to the most imposing and extravagant entertainments, with glittering guards of honor sustained by means drawn from sources not only suspected but known to be dishonest, from the funds extorted by forced contributions and loans, from infringement of industrial protection, from gifts of favor-seekers, from bribes and fraudulent contracts. It may readily be supposed that the subordinate officials did not fail to profit by the example, and the result was the most wide-spread corruption in all ​branches. Commanders of forces and districts committed the most outrageous abuse of trust and power with a view to enrichment, either dividing the gains with those above them or relying on their knowledge of defects elsewhere to escape accusation.[34] Incited by the spoil, those in authority, from the president down, sought to increase their share by appointing creatures of their own to positions of responsibility, irrespective of merit, and frequently under the most unjust circumstances, dismissing or retiring before the proper time able and experienced administrators, swelling the already disproportionate ranks of officers with improvised captains and colonels, and granting sinecures and allowances, while worthy servants and deserving widows cried aloud for the reduced or withheld pay and pensions due them. Under such mismanagement the country could not possibly advance, weighed as it already was with taxes in every conceivable form, and menaced at every moment with fresh forced loans. Capital sought to hide itself; trade languished; industries broke down under the additional infringement of protection by special decrees or patronized smuggling; agriculture suffered from the flight of laborers before the harsh enlistment and impressing regulations; and while in the north wild Indians spread desolation unhindered, the depressed state of affairs in the central and southern provinces added to the hordes of bandits infesting the roads.[35]

Canalizo was again forced upon the senate for reelection as acting president,[36] and relieved himself ​somewhat by a commendable activity in organizing troops for the impending Texan campaign, for which he had been designated as commander-in-chief. The most striking measures were the organization of the presidial companies and the demand from the departments of 30,000 men in addition to the contingent of 15,000 required at the close of 1843,[37] made the more urgent since General Woll had received instructions in June to declare at an end the armistice with Texas,[38] agreed upon in the early part of the year with a view to bring about a peaceful settlement. Mexico then offered her practical self-government, if she would recognize the sovereignty of the republic, with representation in congress;[39] but this was not entertained. No hostile movement was undertaken by Mexico, however, for want of money, and in the following spring the chambers permitted the government to listen to proposals from the other side, based on the recognition of Texan independence, with the stipulation that the state should not annex herself to any other country.[40] Negotiations never took place owing to the infringement of the latter bases, leading to results the most memorable in modern Mexican history, as will be seen in due time.

The funds so far collected by acting President Canalizo had melted away as if by magic, during the ​process of passing through so many hands,[41] and in September the ministry astonished the chambers by pressing anew for more means, this time in the shape of a loan for ten millions, pleading as additional motives the invasion of California by adventurers, and the intimation that England and France would side with the Texans in case of a protracted struggle. The demand was refused, to the general delight of the people, who had been striving to avoid the last contribution. In the districts of the present Guerrero the appearance of the collectors only

Michoacan.

tended to give fresh impulse to the rising started at Chilapa two years before. This town was captured by the Indians and desolated with fire and pillage; and although troops marched against them and obtained several advantages, the struggle continued with its attendant inflictions.[42] In Michoacan also the feeble ​remnant of federalist bands found encouragement in the spreading discontent, and elsewhere ravages of storms and floods assisted to foster it.[43]

Several departmental assemblies raised their voice in protest against the contribution, notably those of Jalisco and Querétaro. The former had, moreover, been roused from its passive attitude by a demand on the part of the executive for a loan of $150,000 toward certain contracts, and on October 26th, it addressed a formal representation to the congress supported by leading citizens, the governor, and the comandante general, wherein the demand was made for the repeal of the obnoxious tax decree, the exacting of an account from the government for its administration and its disposal of funds,[44] and the reform of the constitution so as to promote the prosperity of the departments.[45] Aware how little a mere protest would be considered under so independent an executive as Santa Anna, the authorities took advantage of the strongly manifested sympathies of the people to procure an armed indorsement of their course. Galindo, the comandante general, accordingly headed the garrison in support of the resolutions, and then appealed to General Paredes, who had so successfully initiated the former revolution to assume the leadership.[46]

It may be readily understood that Paredes was a leading, if not the chief, promoter of the movement. He had several motives for taking the step. His former uprising, to which he naturally ascribed the restoration of Santa Anna to power, had not in his opinion been recognized as fully as it deserved; hence ​his manifest discontent. In order to keep him under supervision, as well as to appease and win him back, Santa Anna gave him a seat in the council of notables, made him comandante general of Mexico, and subsequently senator; but Paredes evidently expected at least the position of acting president, for which the other party considered him unfit, as lacking in administrative talent.[47] Propitiation came too late. He saw in the increasing popular ferment fully as good an opportunity as before for directing it to his own ends, for midst the many claims on its attention, the government had been obliged to neglect several of the more remote army corps, notably that of Jalisco,[48] and the clergy, already estranged by the many heavy and arbitrary inroads on its property, looked with alarm on the prospective contributions to be levied for the costly war now looming in the north.

It is related that he had for some time been sounding different military leaders for this project. Some of these hastened to curry favor with the dictator by transmitting the correspondence. Santa Anna was hardly surprised at so common a feature of political intrigue, but it served to remind him that an opponent so influential, especially with the army, must not be disregarded. He had studied the life of Napoleon, and recalled among other incidents his magnanimous reply to the woman who pleaded for the life of her as the conspiring husband. He looked upon himself Napoleon of America, and resolved to act in imitation of his great prototype, always, however, with a prudent regard for what seemed most expedient. He called Paredes, recited the French story, and added: "I also have letters, proof of crime on your part, but I shall ignore them. Behold!" saying which he tore the documents into fragments.[49] Be this as it may, ​Paredes was not to be moved by so flimsy a display of generosity, for his prominence secured his life, at least under actual circumstances. It is certain, however, that he was placed under momentary arrest and exiled to Toluca for refusing to fall in with the views of a government which sought to remove him to a safe distance, by charging him with the expedition to Yucatan.

Paredes wished to be with his friends and near the scene of action; and leave of absence having been granted, he found himself at Guadalajara to manœuvre the pronunciamiento now bursting upon the country. Accepting the proffered leadership, he on November 2d issued a manifesto, charging the government in the most scathing terms with violation of pledges and abuse of trust, especially during the dictatorship, and declaring Santa Anna suspended from office pending an examination of his acts by the congress.[50] The government, now thoroughly startled, sought to conceal the importance of the movement, and came forward with exaggerated reports of some petty victories over the Indians on the south coast. Finding this useless, it openly hastened to take precautions, including a reënforcement of the garrison at Mexico, which revealed its doubts regarding the capital itself. In a flaming proclamation it thereupon stamped the pronunciados as enemies of the country, and Paredes as ​doubly a traitor, who, instead of carrying out his instructions for defending the country against a threatening invasion, had increased the peril by stirring civil war for ambitious aims.[51] Such a charge from an unpopular and intriguing administration obtained no weight. The people remembered Paredes' former able stand in favor of reform, and ascribed its misdirection entirely to the holders of the spoils, against whom his charges appeared only too true. As for defending the country against invasion, the government had shown its incapacity by squandering the vast means destined for the purpose, and could not be trusted even with that task, however imminent.

Energetic as ever, Santa Anna resolved to place himself at the head of the army and crush the revolution in its cradle. He entered Mexico on the 18th, midst the customary artificial pomp and demonstration, and after an unsatisfactory meeting with a body of deputies and senators, he caused the acting president to formally invest him with the command of the army, whereupon he set out for Querétaro to enforce his will with the sword.[52] His assumption of the military control was at once challenged by the chambers as unauthorized by them and therefore illegal. War minister Reyes explained that Santa Anna had not reassumed the presidential office and could therefore be regarded only as a general.[53] His further observations proved so weak and defiant that he was hooted out of the house and formally accused. He himself thought it best to resign, probably to the relief of his colleagues, for no objection was made, and ​General Basadre took his place.[54] The cabinet continued to maintain a firm attitude, relying on Santa Anna's promptness and strength and the expressions of loyalty from different quarters, although influenced by subservient officials and dictated mostly by fear.[55] Congress received still more assuring notices, thanks to the energy of Paredes. Aware of the necessity for obtaining a wide indorsement of his plan before the imposing appearance of a strong army should spread dismay and silence the outbreak, he had lost no time in sending circulars to the departmental authorities, and scattering inspiring proclamations throughout the country, with effective allusions to the precarious position of the government and the strength of his own just cause. Aguascalientes, Zacatecas, and Querétaro at once signified their adhesion, Tamaulipas followed, Michoacan, San Luis Potosí, and other provinces were preparing to overcome the still hesitating garrisons, and Guanajuato was certainly not friendly to the central authorities.[56]

Santa Anna reached Querétaro on November 25th, without meeting any resistance, for the garrison had stood aloof during the late agitation, but so chilling ​was the reception that he sent a force to bring out the corporations for a reprimand. He insisted that the assembly should retract its indorsement of Paredes plan and tender obedience, and this being refused, he ordered the members to be arrested and consigned to the fortress of Perote. At the same time he re placed Governor Dominguez by General Juvera for having undertaken to transmit the declaration of that body.[57] On receiving the news Deputy Llaca at once

Santa Anna's Movements.

arose in behalf of his constituents, and caused the ministry to be summoned before the chambers to an swer for the arbitrary proceedings of their selfappointed commander-in-chief. The message being disregarded, they were arraigned, like their former colleague. Among the charges was tampering with ​the mails by opening private letters in quest of conspirators. Minister Baranda now hastened to Querétaro to confer with Santa Anna, and there it was decided to repeat the act which had proved so effective at the close of 1842 in sustaining the dictator.

The chambers met as usual on December 1st, but during a brief recess the doors were closed against the returning members by an armed force. They had no alternative but to submit, yet not without uniting to issue a solemn protest against the different arbitrary acts committed against them and the country.[58] The ministry sought to counteract it by a proclamation, wherein they cast odium on the representatives for unpatriotic opposition to the measures of the administration. The dissolution was required for the prompt reëstablishment of order and the recovery of Texas, and would be maintained till these objects were accomplished. Under the direction of the constitutional president, Santa Anna, and his substitute, the government proposed to exercise all functions to this end, with particular attention to the financial, military, and foreign departments, yet without increasing. the contributions, or encroaching upon life and property or upon the proletariat. Specious pretexts like these, from such a source, 'deceived no one. hand of the despot was only too płainly seen[59] in the very resemblance to former acts and arguments. Deputies and senators exposed them in their protests, and the people manifested their indignation in tumultuous gatherings and loud denunciation, wherein the assembly and ayuntamiento of Mexico joined, the former voluntarily suspending its sessions till the ​constiution should again prevail, and the latter disbanding rather than take the oath of obedience now exacted by the government from all officials and authorities.[60]

Every one of these acts added to the ferment at the capital. Pasquinades and threatening notices appeared against the executive, and the statue of Santa Anna was made an object of ridicule by means of a hangman's cap and other devices. Now came news that the garrison at Puebla had pronounced against Santa Anna. The government fully understood the effect this would have at Mexico, and sought to create a diversion by fomenting a pronunciamiento in favor of the federal system, to be subsequently directed to its own advantage, as on more than one previous occasion. The opponents saw the move, and recognizing the danger of a split, hastened to anticipate it.[61] On the 5th of December the battalion of recruits under Céspedes caught the Puebla infection, and in course of the day other sections of troops at the capital also declared for the plan of Paredes, including the Pueblan corps at the palace, and called on General José Joaquin Herrera, president of the council, to assume direction of affairs in accordance with the constitution.[62] Without hesitation Herrera summoned the deputies to the convent of San Francisco, and thence issued on the 6th an appeal to Canalizo to assist in upholding the constitutional government and prevent bloodshed. Finding by this time that he could not rely even on the few troops still around him, the representative ​of Santa Anna yielded a passive acquiescence. A series of salvos and a general ringing of bells announced the triumph, taken up by the vivas of crowds surging toward the convent. The deputies now marched back in procession to their hall at the palace, many of them borne aloft on the shoulders of enthusiastic followers. At the sane time a portion of the rabble broke open the tomb containing Santa Anna's leg, and dragged this member with a cord through the streets midst insults. Another entered the theatre recently erected in his honor, and smashed his large gypsum effigy in the vestibule. The bronze statue in the plaza would have fared a similar fate, but for the prompt action of the authorities to forestall the mob and hide it.[63]

That same evening the chambers reopened formally and joined in perfecting plans for the new government, whereof the senate confirmed Herrera as temporary president.[64] The ministry now installed was composed of Luis Cuevas, Riva Palacio, Pedro Echeverría, and General Pedro García Conde,[65] selection that met with general approval. Before the grand jury formed by the two houses Santa Anna was arraigned in common with his subservient ministers, and orders were issued for the arrest of these as well as Canalizo. Basadre was captured on the way to Querétaro, disguised as a friar,[66] but Haro succeeded in gaining that place, and his two colleagues remained in hiding.

The revolution at Mexico came most opportunely. ​Santa Anna, with a select army of nearly 14,000 men, was already at Silao, on the way to crush Paredes and reduce to obedience the adjoining provinces. The task seemed easy enough, for their forces were scattered, and the mere appearance of so imposing an opponent might suffice to restore order. Paredes himself felt so little confidence that he prepared to intrench himself in some strong position. The news from Mexico upset the whole plan. In a council of officers it was decided that Santa Anna should reassume the role of president in order to give legality to his acts, and march at once against the capital, as the present centre of the revolt. A preliminary measure was to seize all the funds he could lay hands upon at the mint and public offices of Guanajuato and other towns,[67] and to impress additional men at the settlements en route, all of which swelled the popular outcry. A force was left at Guanajuato to check the speeding outbreak, and as a further precaution Governor Cortazar was inveigled and made a prisoner, after having rejected the different offers of Santa Anna for obtaining his adhesion,[68] while a partial concession was made at Querétaro by reinstalling the assembly and governor.[69]

Fully aware that the wrath of the suspended president would turn against them, the new authorities at Mexico took prompt steps for defence, authorizing a loan of half a million and the free introduction of ​supplies into the city, enrolling troops from among the eager crowd of volunteers, under the direction of Valencia, as second in command, and issuing a decree for similar enlistments throughout the departments of auxiliary forces to be maintained only during the present crisis.[70] In this task they were cheered by a continuous influx of recruits from all parts of the country, showing that the successful movement and decisive attitude of the capital had turned many departments. A most important accession was that of Bravo, who added greatly to the enthusiasm and strength by marching into Mexico with a considerable force and announcing that Álvarez was also coming.

When Santa Anna, therefore, presented himself before the city he found it strongly protected, with an enthusiastic garrison of fully 8,000 men, with Paredes approaching at the head of 4,000, and other leaders from different directions, while he himself stood proclaimed by the congress as a rebel, divested of authority, and somewhat under the fear of being deserted by his men, to whom alluring baits were held out.[71] To besiege the place seemed hopeless under the circumstances; and so, after a vain exchange of demands with Herrera, together with a blustering challenge to decide the question in a pitched battle, he moved onward to Puebla, hoping by the capture of this less formidable point to check the spread of the revolution eastward, and probably to turn the current. His overtures being firmly rejected by Commandant Inclan, he opened fire against the city on January 2, 1845, and in course of the following days carried several outlying positions. But Inclan offered a stout ​resistance, yielding only step by step. This tenacity was wholly unexpected, for he had only a few hundred men, of whom less than 200 were regular troops, while the besiegers numbered more than 10,000.[72] Still the place could not hold out much longer. Now came news, however, that Paredes and Álvarez had reached Mexico and were already on the way with relief, under the direction of Bravo, as commander-inchief, further, that Arias had pronounced for the revolution with the northern army, arresting General Woll, one of the stanchest supporters of the late government. These blows, together with the demoralizing effect of the retrograde march from Silao and the retreat before Mexico, proved decisive. Santa Anna had more bluster than resolution. Although the allied forces were little or not at all superior to his own in number,[73] and inferior in training, he no longer held out the challenge for a battle, but raised the siege, abandoned the several advantageous positions gained, and withdrew to an adjoining village, allowing the allies to enter Puebla on the 12th.[74] To this step contributed probably a doubt of his soldiers' loyalty. He nevertheless proposed to make use of them, if not to fight, to back by their imposing number the negotiations which he now opened with Herrera for securing all the concessions possible. To this end he sent Minister Haro,[75] supported by the now liberal Cortazar, to ​demand the acceptance of his spontaneous resignation of the presidency, permission to retire to a foreign country of his own selection, with full pay and restoration of his statues and portraits, and the retention of his officers in their position.[76] But under the changed aspect of affairs, with reënforcements increasing, Herrera refused to entertain any other terms than unconditional submission with surrender of the military command to Cortazar, and Santa Anna now directed his attention wholly to escape, even before a definite answer came. A large proportion of his men[77] urged him to make a bold stand, promising to sustain him to the last; but he had no faith in the prospect. He counselled them to submit, and then departed for the coast with a small force.[78] On approaching Jalapa, he sent to ask General Rincon for a pass under which to embark at Vera Cruz. Instead of consenting, this officer took steps to secure his person; and bidding farewell to the escort, the alarmed Santa Anna hastened away by paths little known, attended only by two intimates. He was discovered near Jico, however,[79] and taken to Perote, there to await the sentence of congress. This solution of the trouble was celebrated with great demonstrations at Mexico and elsewhere.[80]

Santa Anna protested loudly against. his ​merit, and against the presumption, as he termed it, of bringing to trial the constitutional president of the country, guiltless as he was at least of treason.[81] Nevertheless, he considered it best to present a de fence of his late attitude. As virtual president, it was his duty to take steps to suppress the revolution of Jalisco, which threatened the peace of the country and stood arrayed against the constitution itself. If in so doing he had among other acts proceeded arbitrarily

Fortress of Perote.

against the authorities at Queretaro, it was because they stood as the avowed accomplices of rebels.[82] The grand jury of congress nevertheless ​declared for his impeachment, on the ground that he had attacked the system of government established by the constitution, dissolving the departmental assembly of Querétaro, and so forth; that he had promoted the decree suspending congress, and that he had risen with armed force against the reëstablished constitutional government.[83] Proceedings were also continued against Canalizo and the ministers, and a large number of the leading officers who had upheld them were suspended to answer for their course.[84] The late party was influential, however to be treated with great severity, and by decree of May 24th the past was consigned to oblivion in a general amnesty, yet this did not restore to the pardoned their offices,[85] and it included Santa Anna, Canalizo, and the four ministers only on condition that they should leave the country, the first-named forever, the others for ten years, giving bonds to answer pecuniary claims against them.[86]

​This termination was probably the best; for with the growing agitation in their party, the influence and obstacles brought to bear on the process, and the difficulties enveloping the new administration, a fresh revolution might come at any time to release the culprits. Some of them accepted the offer at once, including Santa Anna, who embarked with his young wife and a few adherents on June 3d for Habana.[87] Before leaving he issued one of those well studied appeals wherewith he had more than once touched the ready sympathies of his countrymen. He begged them to forgive the unintentional errors of a man mutilated in defence of his country, and who now in his old age was seeking a refuge among strangers. He would ever, to his last breath, offer up his humble prayers to the eternal one for their prosperity so that they might rank among the foremost and happiest of nations.[88] He knew well that a flourish of his severed limb could not fail to impress compassionate hero-worshippers, while an array of his 'innocent children,' with a glimpse of his locks turning gray on a distant shore, must stir the tender heart of a people so filial and patriotic.

At Habana he received a merited rebuke in meeting his illustrious predecessor, Bustamante, exiled by him and now on the way home from Europe. Juicios de Dios![89] The new administration sought also to ​counteract the schemer by displaying in the worst light the evils he had brought upon the country by his despotic, dishonest, and extravagant measures. By seizure and illegal sale of national or corporation property, by outrageous contracts, suspended salaries and payments, by embezzlement of funds and other means, the nation had been defrauded during his last rule of fully thirty millions, and burdened with an enormous taxation that oppressed every industry and checked development. A large part of these extortions was held and displayed by his adherents in the most unblushing manner, partly in estates taken from the nation or from institutes and occupied as grants or under lease or trust, Santa Anna himself having increased his estates in Vera Cruz to princely proportions, and elsewhere by new accessions.[90]

The efforts of the new government were directed for a time wholly to reform, one feature of which consisted in replacing the many inefficient officials introduced in every department either by favor or with a view to serve as tools. Partisanship prevailed even now in many instances over merit, yet the change, involving a reduction of the excessive staffs,[91] proved most acceptable. At the same time the administration sought to secure itself by redistribution of ​certain leading gubernatorial and other positions, although not always with prudence. Paredes, for instance, was disposed of with the comandancia general of Mexico, greatly to the discontent of this now popularized revolutionist.[92] Finances required special and delicate investigation, with a view to conform to the popular clamor for reduction of taxes and relief of industries, yet without hampering the treasury too much. One step in this direction was to check the enormous leakage in the shape of smuggling and the evasion of just tax payments.[93] Economy, however, was a difficult task under the involved state of affairs inherited from the late administration. Echeverría abandoned the portfolio of finance in January, Palacio surrendered it in despair two months later, and Luis de la Rosa held it only till August.[94] A loan was indispensable for giving a semblance of impulse to national defences, but the chambers dared not yield readily to a demand which had so lately proved a main cause for revolution. Yet the mere prospect of fresh imposts was enough to raise a thoughtless outcry, in which joined lustily the horde of malecontents roused by official pruning operations, and the government was assailed for its very lack of power or means to put an immediate end to afflicting evils, such as the continued raid of Indians into the northern provinces. They even used against it, as an argument with the ignorant, such occurrences as the transit of Mercury, and an earthquake of great severity which, on April 7th, did damage in different parts ​of the republic, especially in the central part bordering on the southern range of the valley of Mexico. Xochimilco suffered extremely, and in the capital a number of buildings were ruined, involving also several lives.[95]

All these circumstances added fuel to party spirit, now stirred also by approaching elections. Federalists and Santanistas grew vociferous, and even the persecuted monarchists ventured to wag their tongues,[96] under the protecting folds of clerical gowns, and partly by virtue of the government's invitation to send in suggestions for constitutional reforms, a task which now mainly occupied the attention of the chambers, as required by the late revolution.[97] The chief projects were those from the assemblies, and as these existed in virtue of the actual centralist constitution, it may be seen that the demand for a federal organic law could not prove overwhelming. The proposal to change the system was therefore rejected, partly also on the ground that a new appeal to the nation might place the issue at the mercy of army and mob leaders, with perhaps another dictator. The Santanistas had been watching the progress of the ​agitation. Their object was return to power at any price. They were too greatly in the minority at the moment to effect anything by themselves, but the federalists were stronger, and so they proposed a fusion, offering to sacrifice principles if their captive champion were adopted as joint leader. This was readily agreed to, as it had been substantially during the Urrea-Farías outbreak under Bustamante.[98] A positive declaration against the segregation of Texas was added to gain support from the hot-headed portion of the community, and emissaries were despatched in different directions to promote coöperation. In Puebla sympathetic manifestations became apparent; the still subsisting hostilities in the Mizteca region obtained a fresh impulse; the assemblies of Zacatecas and Yucacan spoke firmly for a restoration of the constitution of 1824; the governor of Chihuahua was deposed by a bloodless uprising, and so also in Tabasco, although here the comandante militar Martinez prepared to assert with arms the supremacy of the federalists.[99]

Santa Anna, who had lent the aid of his purse to these manifestations, was daily waiting for an opportunity to obtain his release in order to place himself at the head of forces, but the alarmed authorities hastened to send him out of the country.[100] This served greatly to disconcert the plans laid; nevertheless, the factions at Mexico resolved to strike a blow, availing themselves of the well known federalist sympathy there, and the popularity of their chief among certain sections of the rabble and of the army, which had become discontented under the economic pressure of a distressed government.[101] On June 7th, ​accordingly, General Rangel of the artillery[102] entered the palace with some of the seduced troops, and seized the president and three of his ministers. Fortunately Herrera had, in anticipation of an outbreak, taken pre cautions; and warned by the war minister who had eluded the rebels, Uraga, the colonel in command at the palace, hastened to the rescue with a strong force. A brief though sharp contest, involving a loss of twenty-three men, sufficed to reduce the intruders; and elsewhere similar prompt measures served to counteract the effort of conspirators, who with bellringing and shouts of Federation and Santa Anna! sought to rally the populace.[103] Rangel was captured in a hiding-place, yet let off by a sympathetic courtmartial with ten years confinement to Acapulco fortress,[104] while the rebellious troops were distrib uted in different directions to brood and brew fresh trouble. The Tabasco movement was also quelled, with the arrest of the leader.[105] ​ ​

  1. ↑ The exclusion of Texas reduced the departments to 23. The federalists sought to exclude the clergy from being representatives, and to assign Celaya or Querétaro as meeting-place; but Santa Anna prevailed. The congress had to open on June 10, 1842, and sit not over one year. The departments had to pay $250 per month to their deputies, with $4 per league for travelling expenses. For convocation and rules, see Méx., Col. Ley. y Dec., 1841, 101-85; Archivo Mex., Col. Ley., i. 147-63; Mex., Manif. y Convoc., 1-22. Discussion on rules in Méx., Dictámen sobre Convoc., 1-20; Pap. Var., Ixxxii. pts 8-9. By decree of 1838 the country was divided into two sections, by a line drawn from north of Quere taro to south of Michoacan, the northern departments re newing their deputies for the first biennial term, the southern for the next. Pinart, Coll., no. 525.
  2. ↑ As even Bustamante admits. Hist. Santa Anna, 49. See later influence exerted in Diario Gob., Siglo XIX., etc., April 5, 1842, et seq.
  3. ↑ Thompson, Recoll. Mex., 167-8, pays a tribute to the independent attitude of Mexican deputies toward despots like Santa Anna.
  4. ↑ This was rejected by a vote of 41 against 36. The minority of the committee urged a revised issue of the constitution of 1824, which Minister Tornel attacked with great heat. Text in Bustamante, Diario, MS., xlv. 165-6, 207, 211. For text and comments on projects, see Méx., Proyecto Constitut. Mayor., 1842, 1-119; Id., Minor., 1-42; Méx., Constituciones, i. pts 1-2; Pap. Var., clv. pt 12; Zarco, Hist. Cong., i. 50-5, 62. Also Plan Proyect. sobre Dictadura, 1842. The northern army had been conspicuous in demanding a plan partaking of those issued in 1824 and 1836.
  5. ↑ They still remained 24 in number, including Texas, but Aguascalientes was merged into Zacatecas, and the department of Acapulco took its place. Election was indirect, with franchise based on property. Two senators were allowed for every department. The president held office for five years, assisted by five ministers. Text in Constituciones, i. pt iii. 1-44. Tornel characterized the project as anarchical, and the clergy took alarm at the prospect of tolerance being carried. Cabilde de Gualal., Observ., 1-19; Diario Gob., Nov. 9, 1842, etc.; Siglo XIX., Jan. 14, 1843, etc.
  6. ↑ He had the weakness to attend the ceremony and inspect the magnificent tomb, and was covered with no little ridicule by certain journals. Another monument was founded in the same month of September in commemoration of the defeat of the Spaniards under Barradas. Santa Anna having shared in this also, a medal was struck with a laudatory inscription of the dictator. Bustamante, Hist. Santa Anna, 84, 240. A pretence for his retirement was found in the illness of his wife.
  7. ↑ Dublan and Lozano, Leg. Mex., iv. 223, 284. The presidio of Tlatelulco was reëstablished in July.
  8. ↑ General José María Tornel was the son of a Frenchman by the name of Tournelle, a form changed by the son to obliterate the connection with foreigners, whom he had learned to detest. He belonged to the independent bands and joined Santa Anna in 1820, remaining ever his firm supporter, rising from a position in the war ministry to private secretary of Victoria, governor of Mexico district, deputy, minister to Washington, and cabinet minister. Fossey, Mex., 535-6; Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, iii. 602-3.
  9. ↑ Tornel issued a special circular, wherein he condemned the constitution as anarchical, aiming at the destruction of sacred institutions.
  10. ↑ Meanwhile the bases of Tacubaya should remain in force. The congress should be dissolved, and the deputies for Puebla, to which Huejotzingo belonged, recalled. Siglo XIX., Dec. 13, 1842; Diario Gob., Dec. 13, 19, 1842. Many attributed the movement chiefly to clerical influence. For sympathetic pronunciamientos elsewhere, see Id., Dec. 20th; Siglo XIX., Jan. 1, 8, 10-11, 14, 1843, etc.; S. L. Potosí, Plan, 1842, 3-10; Pinart, Coll.; La Cruz, v. 633. Rincon of Ulúa fame succeeded Gutierrez as governor of S. Luis Potosí.
  11. ↑ Bravo and Comandante General Andrade alone assuring them that they had not joined in the pronunciamiento, and would issue no order to dissolve the congress.
  12. ↑ It was essentially a protest and a defence against the abusive comments on some of the articles passed by them. Text in Bustamante, Diario, MS., xlv. no. 261. Comments in Méx. Cong., 1842, 1-6; Pap. Var., clxv. pt 16.
  13. ↑ Bocanegra, Velez, and Tornel, Trigueros of the finance department having resigned on Dec. 12th.
  14. ↑ The council to complete the task within six months. Political attitude during this crisis was to be overlooked. All officials and authorities were obliged to adopt the resolution.
  15. ↑ Termed the junta nacional legislativo, with Valencia for president and Quintana Roo for vice-president. Decree with list of names in Dublan and Lozano, Leg. Mex., iv. 352-6. Rules for internal government in Méx., Reglam., 1843, 1-20; Pap. Var., lxxxiii. pt 4. The proceedings of the body are reported in Siglo XIX., Diario Gob., and other journals. The preliminary meetings began on Jan. 2d.
  16. ↑ Together with domestic servants, and, after 1850, those unable to read and write.
  17. ↑ Deputies to the lower house were elected for 4 years at the rate of one for 70,000 inhabitants; the senate was composed of 63 members, one third from the industrial classes, including merchants, the rest from distinguished men. The congress sessions began on Jan. 1st and July 1st; during the recess sat a deputation of 4 senators and 5 deputies. Four ministers and a perpetual council of 17, appointed by the president, assisted the government. Laws required the sanction of two thirds of the congressional members. The departmental assemblies consisted of from 7 to 11 members, also limited by the clauses affecting deputies. Governors were appointed by the president from at least 5 nominees presented by the assemblies. The supreme judges were, like the president, elected by the assemblies. For full text, see Méx., Bases Orgán., 1843, 1-45. Signed by over 60 members, headed by Baranda as president, and sanctioned by Santa Anna and the four ministers. Also in Méx., Col. Leyes Fund., 228-03; Constituciones, i. pt 4; Vallejo, Col. Doc. Mex., ii. no. 472. Preliminary projects in Méx., Proyecto Bases, 1-51; Pap. Var., clvi. pts 1, 3. Reports and comments in Id., 1xxxiv. pts 1-3; Méx., Observ. sobre Proyecto, 1-16; Ramirez, Mem. Hist. Tehuan., 13-15; Guadal., Observ. Bases. Liberty of the press was declared, but subject to enough restrictions to prevent despotic interference.
  18. ↑ March 5th. Coronel, Doc., 80.
  19. ↑ Ayuntam. Méx. Doc., 1843, 1-20, 5-16; Pap. Var., clvi. pts 21-2. Vieyra was succeeded by General Paredes. Dispos. Varias, v. 42.
  20. ↑ This was mainly due to the efforts of Cárlos M. Bustamante, the historian and zealous churchman. Diario Exact. Mex., MIS., 3. The decree is dated June 21, 1843. The sisters of charity were established later in the year.
  21. ↑ This was especially to meet the payment to the United States, already spoken of, and the continued preparations against Texas and Yucatan.
  22. ↑ On the proclamation of the new organic law they were included in the amnesty then issued. Their protests appear in Conejo, Acusacion, 1-24, with defence also in Otero, Obras, MS., iv. 129-96; Pap. Var., clxxv. pt 9. In Villa-Amor, Biog. Santa Anna, 19 et seq., the vanity, immorality, and other bad traits of the dictator are freely exposed. There had even been signs of defection on the part of Valencia, and, in the north, of discontent, involving a change of army commanders. Domenech, Hist. Mex., ii. 173-5.
  23. ↑ Rules for election issued on June 19th, in Dublan and Lozano, Leg. Mex., iv. 461-4, 486.
  24. ↑ When the council of notables dissolved at the close of the year, its president replied sneeringly to the thanks of the government for its aid by saying, 'Aquella corporacion no habia sido la luz que guiara el gobicrno, pues éste habia hecho cuanto le habia venido en gana.' Bustamante, Hist. Santa Anna, 247.
  25. ↑ Un maniquí ó títere,' puppet, etc., is the term applied to him. Id., 245. 'Tonto é ignorante,' adds Arrangoiz, Méj., ii. 237. The decree of Oct. 2d appointing him cautiously divided the power between him and the four ministers, the latter removable by Santa Anna. Dublan and Lozano, Leg. Mex., iv. 609-10. A ridiculous position for a president, observes Rivera, Gob. de Méx., ii. 259. Valentin Canalizo, born at Monterey about 1797, became a cadet in the Celaya regiment in 1811, joined the independents under Iturbide in 1820, and after this served with credit in different engagements on the conservative or centralist side. For his share in the death of Guerrero he received the rank of general and the command of Oajaca. In 1841 he was promoted to a division, and subsequently he played a conspicuous part in the pronunciamiento against congress. Ib.; Perez, Dicc. Geog. Estad., iii. 173-80.
  26. ↑ The junta de notables closed theirs on Dec. 31st, issuing a farewell address to the public to explain their attitude and work.
  27. ↑ The former a prominent legislator from Durango, the latter well known as acting president in 1332. Muzquiz died in Dec. 1844, and was in 1845 accorded the title benemérito.
  28. ↑ By 24 votes against 13 for Muzquiz, and 2 for Tornel and Rincon respectively. Constitucional, Jan. 30, 1841; Méx., Col. Ley. y Dec., 1844-46, 6-8. The election took place in the senate on Jan. 27th.
  29. ↑ It rose on a high column and presented him in a general's uniform, standing with the right hand extended northward to indicate his resolution to recover Texas. The unveiling was performed on June 13th by Canalizo and Oropeza, the latter having paid for the erection $8,000. Bustamante, Hist. Santa Anna, 265–6. Among eulogies is one by the governor of Puebla. Discurso, Pap. Var., xxxix. pt 11. In unveiling, the cord became entangled round the neck, and not long after a cord round its neck brought it low, as we shall see. The administration took care to order the different corporations into procession to give éclat to the reception, which otherwise might have proved chilling. Fire-works and feasting followed.
  30. ↑ After long discussion, the decree was passed by 37 votes against 35, and issued on August 21st, levying two per mille on country estates. city property eight per cent of renta s, and so on for industries, rents, etc. Méx., Col. Ley. y Dec., 1844-46, 50-60. See comments in Defensa Integ. Nac., Aug. 7, 24, 1844, devoted above all to uphold the integrity of the national territory.
  31. ↑ Lately commanding in the north-east. He was appointed on June 10th. Tornel's separation was forced upon him by Santa Anna, who had become jealous of his assumption, it is said. Constitucional, Feb. 2, 9, 1844. Bocanegra had held office since Nov. 1841, with a brief interval, during which Monasterio figured. Rejon was an able and energetic Yucatec, with strong Indian traits. The interior department was managed by Baranda, who succeeded Velez in July 1843, and had a warm defender in Defensa Integ. Nac., Sept. 14, 1844. Trigueros continued, since Nov. 1841, as finance minister, save during the beginning of 1843, when Gorostiza relieved him.
  32. ↑ Inés García de Santa Anna, on Aug. 23d, at Puebla, after a marriage of 19 years. She was buried on the 26th with the pomp of a sovereign, the archbishop officiating at Mexico, and in other cities and towns officials and citizens joined in demonstrating their respect. Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, iii. 6301. Among the stinging insinuations concerning the real motives for Santa Anna's retirement was one in pamphlet form, Ya el Presidente se Va pura Volver Coronado, a title which indicates its purport.
  33. ↑ María Dolores Tosta, a girl of 15 years, married in the palace at Mexico on Oct. 3d, by proxy, in the person of Licenciate Cañedo, who is said also to have acted as godfather at her baptism. Canalizo figured as one of the padrinos at the marriage. An illumination of the public edifices and other demonstrations followed, during which the bride appeared to receive an ovation. Cañedo thereupon conducted her to Jalapa, to Santa Anna. Account of ceremonies in Diario Gob., Pabel. Nac., etc., Oct. 5, 1844, and following dates.
  34. ↑ The commanders in the north-east, Arista, Canales, and others, openly dealt in contraband, or favored others for a consideration, as revealed also in the documents published in journals like Amigo del Pueblo, Nov. 25, 1845, by Domenech, Hist. Mex., ii. 177 et seq., and others. Instance cases as recorded in Salinas del Peñon Blanco; Pap. Var., xxxix. pt 16. The finance minister opened the treasury to the mercantile firm with which he was connected
  35. ↑ It needs but a glance at the journals of the day, Diario Gob., Constitucional, Defens. Integ. Nac., Pabel. Nac., Abeja, etc., to realize the extent of the corruption and misery.
  36. ↑ Méx., Col. Ley., 1844-46, 61-2; Defens. Integ. Nac., Sept. 11, 25, Oct. 16, 1844. Canalizo being absent when Santa Anna departed, Herrera, president of the council, took charge till he arrived, from Sept. 12th till 21st. Allusions to the changes in Mata y Reyes, Oracion, 1-8.
  37. ↑ On Dec. 29th; all to be tendered in successive detachments. from Chihuahua and Durango were to be retained there. The assembly had to issue the necessary orders within a fortnight. Decree of July 2, 1844. Dublan and Lozano, Leg. Mex., iv. 759. The presidio reorganization was, by decree of Mar. 29th, to be given 'toda preferencia.' Méx., Col. Ley., 1844-46, 19. Those Comments on, in Constitucional, Apr. 9, 19, etc., 1844; Bustamante, Mem. Hist. Méx., MS., i. 10-43; Voto de Son., Aug. 22, 1844.
  38. ↑ President Houston remonstrated at receiving such an announcement from a subordinate, but the government at Mexico deemed it undignified to treat with him.
  39. ↑ One of Woll's prisoners, I. W. Robinson, formerly lieutenant-governor of Texas, was sent with the proposal in 1843, and commissioners met at Salinas. Thrall's Hist. Texas, 337-8.
  40. ↑ Boundaries and other questions should if necessary be settled by arbitration. The Mexican government agreed on May 19th to treat on this basis. Santa Anna, Apel. al buen Criterio, 15, ap. 2-3.
  41. ↑ The ministerial statement disposed of $800,000 under the vague term of secret expenses.
  42. ↑ Pabel. Nac., Oct. 29, 1844; Defens. Integ. Nac., Oct. 3Q, 1844; La Minerva, June 3, 1845. The lack of energetic interference by General Alvarez roused an outcry from the sufferers, who began to petition for his removal, and elicited a warm defence of his conduct. Chilapa, Repres. Emigrados, 112; Pap. Far., cxxii. pts 1-2; Méx., Mem. Guer., 1845, 6-9.
  43. ↑ Abeja, Oct. 9-10, 1844. The floods at Durango in the early part of the year were most disastrous, as will be related in Hist. North Mex. States, ii., this series.
  44. ↑ As required also under the bases of Tacubaya from the provisional government.
  45. ↑ This was followed on the 30th by an Exposicion signed by the assembly president Barajas setting forth the grounds for the representatious in administrative abuses and sad condition of affairs. Jal., Iniciativa, 1-10. Governor Escobedo, successor of Cañedo, issued an address confirming the hopes of the people for relief.
  46. ↑ Brig. Romero joined his to the 37 signatures of officers. Id., 11 et seq.
  47. ↑ This, indeed, is claimed to have been the main reason for consigning him back to the comandancia general of Jalisco. He refused the senatorship, mainly because his plans had already taken shape.
  48. ↑ Which, among its grievances, complained loudly of the discounts cutting into the pay. Abeja, Oct. 19, 1844; Amigo del Pueblo, Nov. 29, 1845.
  49. ↑ Bustamante, who relates this incident, adds that further proof appeared of Paredes' perseverance in his course. 'Santa-Anna obró como un caballero,' but he was treated as he had treated Bustamante. Hist. Santa Anna, 306. As additional propitiation, Paredes was offered the well-paid and almost sinecure office of administrator of mails at Mexico.
  50. ↑ The power intrusted under the bases of Tacubaya was probably excessive, but only provisional. Santa Anna's protestations had been accepted and proved false. Instead of carrying out the great reforms to which he stood pledged, he had abandoned himself to a course the most mean and selfish. The manifesto enumerates the proposed reforms in army, public offices, etc., and proceeds to paint the work effected in the most abusive terms. The ayuntamiento of the city on the same day signed approval of the act. Jal., Iniciativa, 19-34. The abuse herein poured upon his late patron by Paredes was hardly consistent with the language and acts used not long before in his support. Indeed, Santa Anna caused to be inserted in the Diario Gob. of Nov. 11, 1844, a number of letters from Paredes, written at the very time the revolution was planning, wherein he addresses him in the most affectionate terms. See also Pabel. Nac., Nov. 12, 1844.
  51. ↑ Diario Gob., Nov. 9, 1844; Abeja, id.
  52. ↑ His address and manifesto issued on Nov. 21st and previously may be consulted in Pabel. Nac., Nov. 12, 26, 1844; Defensa Integ. Nac., Nov. 23, 1844; also in separate form. Manifiesto, 1-11; Pap. Var., xxxix. pt 13. The strongest point in it is to recommend a peaceful and deliberate reform of the constitution.
  53. ↑ Further, the clause of the constitution forbade the president from commanding in person the army and navy of the republic, but Santa Anna had headed only a division. This argument was received with jeers both by house and galleries. The question is discussed in Couto, Defensa; Pap. Var., xiv. pt 6.
  54. ↑ On Nov. 23d. Trigueros, the finance minister, had on Oct. 29th been replaced by Haro y Tamariz, an intimate friend of Santa Anna. Lombardo had been suggested for the post. See Pap. Var., 1xxvi. pt iii. 10; Boletin Notic., Nov. 12, 1844, etc. Deputy Llaca of Querétaro and Gomez Pedraza took the leading part against the cabinet.
  55. ↑ Instances in Defensa Integ. Nac., Nov. 23, 1844, etc.; Pabel. Nac., Nov. 12th, 21st, 30th, etc.; even from Jalisco, Abeja, Nov. 1lth, 15th.
  56. ↑ Prosperous Aguascalientes had long aspired to become the capital of the country, and stood generally ready to conspire against it. Concerning its condition, see Gonzalez, Hist. Aguascal., 132 et seq. Esparza was governor of Zacatecas. The garrison of Santa Anna de Tamanlipas seconded the revolution alrcady on Nov. 15th, the other districts following gradually. Bustamante, Mem. Hist. Mex., MS., i. 220-6, ii. 13. Colima had long been agitating to become a territory, Colima, Repres., 3-18, independent of Michoacan. Mich., Informes, 1845, 28. Opposing arguments in Colima, Reflex. al Informe, 1-8; Pap. Var., clxxxv. pt 3, cxciii. pt 7; Monit. Constit., Mar. 20, 1845, etc. For Guanajuato, see Cos, Silao, in Soc. Mex. Geog., Bolet., ép. 2a, iv. 746; Boletin Notic., Dec. 24, 1844. In San Luis Potosí, several tumults were required to prevail on the authorities. Tlascala joined on Nov. 24th. Vera Cruz at first sided strongly with its favorite hero and resident, in a petition to the congress against the Iniciativa from Jalisco, but causes soon appeared to change its tone. Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, iii. 618 et seq. Remonstrance of Guadalajara in Jal., Espos., 3-12; Pinart, Coll. Among Paredes' precautions had been to secure the revenue of the port of San Blas.
  57. ↑ Quer., Rel. Hist., 1-66; Miscel., iii. pt 4, giving the history of the proceedings at Querétaro from Nov. 9. Also testimony in Santa Anna, Causa, ap. 133-80.
  58. ↑ That of the deputies was signed by all but ten members. The prefect sought to dissolve the senatorial meeting at the house of its president, but had to retire. Congress, after sitting during the first three months of the year, relieved the permanent deputation on June 1st in extra session. The usual session beginning July lst was prorogued on Sept. 25th. References to and reports of proceedings in Constitucional, Pabel. Nac.; Diario Gob., Defensa Integ. Nar.; Méx., Col. Ley., 1844-6, 19-22, 35-65, passim.
  59. ↑ Revealed besides by intercepted letters to Canalizo, his tool, and published in Santa Anna, Causa, to be referred to later.
  60. ↑ By decree of Dec. 3d. Pinart, Coll., no. 731. The proclamation concerning the suspension had been prepared already on Nov. 29th, Dispos. Varias, v. 46, signed like other important acts by Canalizo, Rejon, Baranda, Haro, and Basadre. It was evideutly submitted to Santa Anna for revision. Alcalde Cañedo, the proxy at Santa Anna's marriage, sought to intimidate the regidores, and when he returned with a posse for the purpose he found the body dissolved. The supreme court also refused to take the oath. Bustamante, Hist. Santa Anna, 357-61, etc., considers the exacting of the oath the culminating motive for the revolution at Mexico.
  61. ↑ The federalist move was planned for Dec. 4th, but could not be perfected in time and was deferred till the night of the 5th. Ib.
  62. ↑ Which declared that the head of the council should fill the vacant presidency.
  63. ↑ The leg was also secured and reburied. On the preceding day Santa Anna had celebrated the sixth anniversary of the action wherein he lost the leg, and acquired the reputation of a hero. Allusions to the statue in the report of the theatre committee. Teatro Santa-Anna, Observ., 1844, 1-15.
  64. ↑ By decree issued on Dec. 7th. Dublan and Lozano, Leg. Mex., iv. 769.
  65. ↑ For relations, justice, finance, and war, respectively.
  66. ↑ 'Cierto que haria un fraile de bella figura,' observes Bustamante ironically. Hist. Santa Anna, 356; Id., Mem. Hist. Mex., MS., i. 203, etc. Deputy Llaca, who had played so prominent a part in these changes with his eloquence and stanch attitude, died on the 16th of liver complaint, in the midst of hi triumphs. Constitucional, Dec. 17, 1844, etc.; La Minerva, Mar. 25, 1845, etc  As governors of Mexico department and capital districts during the year are named Juan Olmos, Juan Casaflores, General Rincon, and finally General Condelle. Dispos. Varias, v. 46.
  67. ↑ From the mint $135,000 were taken, $90,000 of which, belonging to the conde de Perez Galvez, were subsequently restored. The duties from the fair at Lagos yielded $50,000, and so forth, of which Minister Haro took charge.
  68. ↑ Such as the war portfolio and the captaincy general of Guanajuato. Santa Anna wrote that he wished to confer with him about resigning the presidency. Cortazar set out, but was seized at Tula on Dec. 25th. Boletin Notic., Dec. 19, 1841. Correspondence between him and Paredes, in Pabel. Nac., Nov. 26, 28, 1844.
  69. ↑ He had no sooner passed the place, however, than they reasserted their adherence to the revolution. The garrison had thought it best to declare their loyalty to Santa Anna. The latter had turned back from Silao on Dec. 13th, sending on the way a warning to Herrera. This and other documents may be found in the different journals of the day, including such remote issues as Meteoro de Sin., Jan 17, 1845.
  70. ↑ They were to be known as Voluntarios Defensores de las Leyes, and raised by the respective assemblies. Méx., Col. Ley, 1844-46, 71. At Mexico all classes hastened to join. Martial law was soon after proclaimed. Boletin Notic., Dec. 26, 28, 1844.
  71. ↑ Decrees concerning deserters and destitution of Santa Anna, dated Dec. 11th and 17th. Méx., Col. Ley., 1844-46, 72-3; Pinart Coll., no. 829. Herrera had offered to resign in favor of a more efficient man, but his tender was not accepted. Salas, later regent, displayed great activity in organizing the garrison.
  72. ↑ A plot was fostered to betray him for 200 ounces of gold, but failed. The flower of his small garrison had gone to Mexico. Bustamante, Hist. Santa Аппа, 395; Id., Mem. Hist. Mеx., MS., 237-63; Мех., Мmm. Guer., 1845, 12-14.
  73. ↑ The details of forces under Paredes and his companions, in Boletin Notic., Jan. 12, 1845, etc., show 11,688, of which 3,386 were cavalry.
  74. ↑ The names of Inclan and Governor Cabofranco were by decree of Sept. 6, 1845, ordered inscribed in the assembly hall in commemoration of their valiant defence, and so at Querétaro that of Governor Dominguez, and at Guadalajara those of Paredes and Governor Escobedo. All who joined in the revolt received certain privileges, such as exemption from militia service, and 'llevará la Puebla el renombre de Invicta.' Méx., Decret. Min., 1845, no. 34. The siege was practically over on the 7th.
  75. ↑ Although provided with a free pass by Bravo, he narrowly escaped maletreatment from the people at Mexico. An informant of Bustamante declares that a council of war under Santa Anna had decided against firing on the people at Puebla, and even to submit to the new government. Hist. Santa Anna, 406-7. Haro's commission is dated Jan. 9th.
  76. ↑ The documents bearing on the case exist in separate form in Santa Anna, Corresp. entre el Sup. Gob., Mexico, 1845, 1-51; also in Pinart Coll., no. 735; Boletin Notic., Jan. 7, 1845, et seq.
  77. ↑ 'Todos le aconsejaron que siguiese la campaña,' says Zamacois, Hist. Méj., xii. 378; but this is wrong, for the retreat from Puebla had increased the demoralization and desertions.
  78. ↑ Of 400 light cavalry under Ávalos, and 300 dragoons, and some hussars under Torrejon, who left with him on the 11th. The former abandoned him at an early stage. Inclan, in Pinart Coll., no. 735. When Morales surrendered the army on the 13th there were little over 5,000 men left in camp. Méx., Mem. Guer., 1845, 14.
  79. ↑ With 4 servants, on the 15th. The two intimates escaped. They are said to have been Torrejon and Badillo, but this is doubtful. No bribes prevailed with the Indian captors. According to Villa-Amor, Biog. Santa Anna, 20-1, they would have made a tamale of him and burned him, but for the cura's interposition. Official despatches, in Boletin Notic., Jan. 6, 1845, et seq.
  80. ↑ Already on the 13th, when the public announcement was made of his flight. Méx., Col. Ley., 1844-6, 79–80.
  81. ↑ 'Contra la independencia, ni contra la forma de gobierno.' Reply to interrogations, in Santa-Anna, Causa, 73, etc.
  82. ↑ He had approved the suspension of congress, but this approval was merely an opinion expressed of an act already accomplished. He called attention to his many efforts for improving different departments of ad ministration and fostering public institutions, and to his services for the republican cause, which he was the first to proclaim by rising against Iturbide. He also seeks to influence his judges by explaining that his wealth is but the natural result of long and prudent management, assisted by the high pay from his offices. The argument is swelled by repetitions and pointless verbiage, which add to its weakness. It exists in separate form under SantaAnna, Exposicion, 1845, 1-43, also in Pap. Var., xxvi. pt 6, lxxxv. pt 2.
  83. ↑ This report was made on Feb. 24, 1845. As regards the first charge, he was declared liable under art. 90 of the organic law. His share in suspending congress was manifested in several official and intercepted private letters, as reproduced in the Causa. See Santa Anna, Dictámen del Gran Jurado, 1-24; Pap. Var., xxvi. pt 8. The dictámen was approved by a vote of 90 against 7. The case thereupon passed to the supreme court, where it continued till May. The process with documents attached exists in Santa-Anna, Causa Criminal, Acusado del Delito de Traicion, Mex., 1846, 1-245, ap. 1-180. Portions of this appear in separate form under Méx., Causa Santa Anna, 1-180; Santa-Anna, Expediente, 1-176; Id., Proceso, 1-53; Pap. Var., xxvi. pts 7, 10 With additional points and comments in Bustamante, Mem. Hist. Mex., MS., i. 202-84, ii. 2-140, passim; Diario, Exact. Mex., MS., 1-68; Santa Annu, Apel. al Criterio, 8-14; Escalera y Llana, Méx. Hist., 70, etc.; and in the journals of the day, as Monit. Constit., Mar. 4, 1845, etc., and others already quoted. Voz del Pueblo and Defensor Leyes defended him warmly.
  84. ↑ Over 60 in number, nearly all from the army abandoned by Santa Anna before Puebla.
  85. ↑ Although even these were conceded to most of them. Distinctions and life positions were recognized. Méx., Col. Ley., 1844-46, 111-12. The amnesty, so common a measure in Mexico, had been mooted since February, Algunas Observ., 1845, 1-20; Amnistia, 3, etc.; Pap. Var., lxxxv. pt 1, clxxiii. pt 19, and considered in congress, in éx., Dictámen sobre Amnistia, 1-8; Id., De la Mayoria, 1-20, and practically conceded by May 12th, La Minerva, May 13, 1845. Ex-president Bustamante took advantage of it to return.
  86. ↑ They were to be allowed half of the pay granted them under the last life position held previous to Nov. 29, 1844, on condition of residing where the government indicates. They had to ask for a stay of proceedings against them, as a preliminary step. Rejon, Baranda, and Haro were in hiding. For the protracted suit against them, see Variedades Jurisp., iii. 112-35, 157-96; Bustamante, Mem. Hist. Mex., i. 202-20, passim, ii. 6-9, 111-15; Basadre, à sus Compat., 1-8, his defence; Miscel., iii. pt 1; also Monit. Constit., Mar. 9, 1845; Amigo del Pueblo, July 29, 1845; Boletin Notic., Mar. 8, 1845, and other numbers and journals. With review by ministers, in Méx., Mem. Rel., 1845, 12-120; Id., Guer., 1845, 3, etc. The predecessor of Basadre, Reyes, was actually sentenced, after a brilliant defence, to loss of honors, office, and pay, with ten years' imprisonment, for authorizing Santa Anna to take command of the army; but he was pardoned. Rejon had escaped on board an English packet in April. Canalizo, although unwilling to accept the amnesty, was sent out of the country. Rivera, Gob. de Méx., ii. 274.
  87. ↑ Not without a certain pomp, although a strong guard had been thought advisable to save him from popular insult. Diario Gob., June 4, 1845.
  88. ↑ In Voz del Pueblo, and other journals of June 6, 1845, beginning: 'Mejicanos! en mi ultima edad y mutilado.'
  89. ↑ Exclaimed the later archbishop of Guatemala, then administering the see at Habana, when he related this meeting. Bustamante, Nuevo Bernal Diaz, 20. Santa Anna's health had suffered somewhat during the long imprisonment at Perote, and his life had even been conspired against by a party of jarochos, as the coast rancheros of Vera Cruz were called. Id., Hist. Santa Аnnа, 419-20.
  90. ↑ Notably the fine property of Encero, where he lately lived in regal pomp. 'Era sabido por todos que de Vera Cruz hasta cerca de Jalapa todo el territorio habia llegado à scr propiedad suya.' Rivera, Gob. de Méx., ii. 265, etc. From this Vera Cruz estate he derived a large income by using his influence to monopolize, at times exclusively, the market at the port. Nor did he scruple at smuggling and other illegal methods. See also the ministerial reports. Méx., Mem. Rel., 1845, 60-2; Id., Mem. Hac., 5 et seq. Others came forth in a sweeping invective against this 'Hombre funesto! Hombre de maldicion!' who has consumed the wealth of the country, corrupted its institutions, violated all laws, betrayed all parties. 'Fathers will teach their children to curse thee, and defrauded widows and orphans and impressed and betrayed soldiers and peasants will join in the outcry,' and so forth. An apostrophe issued as a letter in Siglo XIX., Dec. 28, 1844.
  91. ↑ 91 Santa Anna had issued over 12,000 army commissions between 1841-44. Rivera, Gob. de Méx., ii. 282.
  92. ↑ For appointments, see Boletin Notic., Jan. 20, 23, Feb. 17, etc., 1845; San Miguel, Rep. Mex., 71-2; Dispos. Varias, v. 47, etc.; Bustamante, Mem. Hist. Mex., MS., ii. 13, iii. 74, 99; Monit. Constit., Ap. 19, 1845. The reorganization of the departments was considered in Méx., Dictámen Puntos Constit., 1845, 1-8; Dublan and Lozano, Leg. Mex., v. 4; Pap. Var., clxxii. pt 7, clxxiii. pt 21, one point being the union of Aguascalientes with Zacatecas.
  93. ↑ To which end informers were lured by a premium of two per cent on confiscations. Méx., Legisl. Mej., April 1853, 381-4. Protest against free importation of cotton. N. Leon, Dictámen sobre Algodon, 1-8.
  94. ↑ He was appointed on March 29th. Méx., Col. Ley., 1844-6, 98; Pap. Var., lxxxvi. pt iii. 14, 29-30. Thompson comments on Echeverría's hatred of foreigners. Recoll. Mex., 90; Payno, Méx. y Cuest. Financ., 13.
  95. ↑ The most severe shock here took place at 52 to 56 minutes past 3 p. m., with a marked recurrence on April 10th. The dome of the magnificent Santa Teresa chapel fell in; the San Lázaro hospital was ruined; the aqueduct was broken in several places, and so forth. 'En Xôchimilco no ha quedado una casa.' Bustamante, Nuevo Bernal Diaz, 31; Id., Mem. Hist. Mex., MS., ii 40–54. The virgin image de los Remedios was carried round to calm the terrified people, and the authorities took several precautions, together with measures for relief. Consult Monit. Constit., April 8 to May 4, 1815; also La Minerva, Diario Gob., and other journals; Cortina, Carta; Pap. Var., cxciv pt 6.
  96. ↑ Comments on growth of this party in Amigo del Pueblo, July 5, 1845; Pap. Var., cvi. pt vii. 33-5.
  97. ↑ The invitation was issued on Dec. 10, 1844. As specimen of the conflicting suggestions may be noted: N. Leon, Dictámen sobre Constit., 1-18; Сoah., Iniciativa Reformas, 1-43; Dur., Id., 1-14; ., Id., 1-38; Mich., Id., 1-14; Z., Id., 1-34; p. Var., 1xхxv. pts 4-5. Also in Monit Constit., April 11, 13, May 13, 1845, Boletin Notic., Diario Gob., La Minerva, Amigo del Pueblo, and other journals. Comments in Bustamante, Mem. Hist. Mex., MS., ii. 158-9; Gutierrez, Contest., 24-32; Miranda, Espos., 18-58. Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, iii. 687-9, 703, takes a very impartial view, although a federalist. Otero advocates strongly federalism. Ensayo, 63-4, 118-36. While Rosa upholds a middle course. Pap. Var., xlii. pt viii. 45-6, clv. pt 5, clxxi. pt 17.
  98. ↑ This president also enlisting the federalists just before his fall, as Santa Anna likewise attempted to do.
  99. ↑ This the most pronounced of the provincial manifestations took place on June 14th. For details concerning them all, see Siglo XIX., Monit. Constit., and other journals during June and July 1845.
  100. ↑ 'Creyó que con quince dias mas de existir en la República recobraria su imperio.' Bustamante, Nuevo Bernal Diaz, i. 22.
  101. ↑ Among the promoters are named the reconciled Tornel, Bores, deputy for Yucatan, Lafragua, Farías, and Olaguibel, who is said to have written the pronunciamiento.
  102. ↑ Seized in December as a leading Santanist officer. Boletin Notic., Dec. 29, 1844.
  103. ↑ Among the fallen was Captain Othon, the captain of the guard which joined Rangel.
  104. ↑ This court, one of Santa Anna s permanent institutions, was now dissolved by the congress. The defence and judgment were based on technicalities, Requena, Defensa del Gen. Rangel, 1-16; Id., Segunda Defensa, 1-8, of so shallow an order that the court was assailed and obliged to defend itself. Rangel, Espos. por la Corte, 1-53. For additional details, see Pap. Far., xiv. pts 4-5, lxxxv. pts 10-12, lxxxvi. pt. 3, cxcviii. pts 1-2; Rivera, Mex. Pint., i. 23, with account of the palace movement; also Monit. Constit., June 1, 8 to 20, 1845, passim, and other journals. Bustamante, Mem. Hist. Mex., MS., ii. 123-73, 211, iii. 18-20, 66-7. Some of Rangel's fellow-officers were degraded.
  105. ↑ Tab., Manif. que hace el Com., 1-19; Amigo del Pueblo, July 19, 1845. The following additional authorities have been consulted for the foregoing chapter: Bustamante, Voz de la Patria, MS., vi. 1; Id., Gabinete Mex., 98-104, 155-7, 205-12, ii. 55-7, 164-206; Id., Nuevo Bernal Diaz, i. 18-32, 67-70, 90-2; Id., Hist. Iturbide, 214, 291-3: Id., No hay Peor Cuña, 1-15; Id., Santa Anna, passim, MS., ii. 1-8, 17-26, 40, 46, 54-66, 81, 127-8, MS., iii. 22-61; Id., Mem. para la Hist. Mex., MS., i.-iii. passim; Id., Diario Mex., MS., xliii. 291-2, 336, xliv.-xlvi. passim; Id., Diario Exact Mex., MS., nos 3 and 5; Dublan and Lozano, Legist. Mej., iii. 535-6, 709-10, 722, 731-3, 753, iv. passim, v. 10-11, 17-18; Córtes Diar. Congreso, iv. no. 91, 1751; Cong. Globe, 1842-3, 62; Willie, Noticias Hacᵈᵃ Públ., 30, 32, 53-7, 76-7, ap. 14-28; Arrillaga, Recop., 1838, 204-6, May 1849-April 1850, 12-26; Niles S. Am. and Mex., i. 116-19; Id., Register, lii. 97, 113, lviii. 354, lix. 17, lxi. 66, 196, 241, 322, lxii. 51, 64, 96, 145, 163-4, 192, 210-11, 258, 305, lxiii.-lxv. passim, lxvi. 211, 257, 292, 305-6, 321, 326, 337-8, 353, lxvii. 2, 178, 193, 256-7, 273, 304, 321, 343, 368, 385, lxviii. 129, lxix. 83, 91, 99, lxxiv. 310-123; Domenech, Hist. du Mex., ii. 158-201; Derecho Intern. Mex., 3d pt, 218-32; Méx., Col. Ley. y Órd., Jan.-May 1854, vi. 14-20; Méx., Col. Leyes Fund., 227-65; Méx., Legisl. Mej., 1848, 493-4; 1850, 53-6; 1853, April-July, 381-4, 531-4; Méx., Col. Leyes y Decr., 1840, 436-8, 507, 620-1, 771; 1841, 161-83; 1844-6, passim; 1848, 366-77, 465, 492-3; Cuevas, Espos. Dif. Francia; Disposic. Varias, v. fol. 40-47; Archivo Mex., Col. Leyes, i. 147-63; Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, iii. passim; Id., Gob. de Méx., ii. 170, 227-75; Id., Méx. Pint., i. 223, 143-5, 157-61; Estado May. Gral. Ejér., 4-8; Novarro, Informe sobre frec. Revol., 108; Zarco, Hist. 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