History of Oregon (Bancroft)/Volume 1/Chapter 11

by Frances Fuller Victor

CHAPTER XI.

WHITE'S ADMINISTRATION OF INDIAN AFFAIRS.

1842–1845.

The Indian Agent's Troubles—His Negotiations with the Cayuses and Nez Percés—A Code of Laws for the Indians—The Peace Broken again, and again Patched up—White's Troubles with Illicit Distilleries—The Killing of Cockstock—The Oregon Rangers—Yellow Serpent's Disastrous Expedition to California—Death of his Son Elijah—White's Interview with Chief Ellis—His Conciliatory Promises, and how They were Kept—His Departure from Oregon.

The new Indian agent had not been many weeks in Oregon before he was called upon to act in his official capacity. Word came to Fort Vancouver that the Cayuses had burned a mill at the Waiilatpu mission, besides insulting Mrs Whitman, and that the Nez Percés had threatened violence and outrage at Lapwai. This news greatly alarmed the colonists, as it seemed to confirm a rumor then prevalent that all the Oregon tribes were preparing for a general attack on the settlers.^[1]

New to office, White acted with promptness. He consulted with the veteran McKay, by whose advice it was decided to visit the disturbed localities without delay. Accordingly, on the 15th of November, White and McKay set out, accompanied by six well-armed men and two interpreters, Cornelius Rogers and Baptiste Dorion. At the Dalles they found Mrs Whitman, who had abandoned her home, together with Littlejohn and his wife, and Geiger. Littlejohn and Geiger joined White's party, which received another important addition at Walla Walla in the person of McKinlay, who declared that he would make common cause with the Americans in dealing with the Cayuses. But few natives were found at Waiilatpu, and those were shy; so leaving an appointment for a meeting with the Cayuses on their return, the party proceeded to Lapwai. A courier had been sent in advance to collect the Nez Percés, and when Spalding's station was reached on the 3d of December, White was received by the assembled chiefs with gravity and reserve. Wishing to gain the confidence and goodwill of the natives before meeting them in council, White began by visiting and prescribing for the sick, and holding informal conversations with the chiefs, in the course of which he took care to praise the performance of their children at school, and otherwise to judiciously flatter them.

At the general conference which followed, he made an appropriate and well-turned speech explaining the nature of his office. He told them that the object of his visit was to show them the friendly intentions of the United States government, which would protect them in their rights, even against white men who would do them wrong; he dwelt upon the high esteem in which the missionaries were held by their great chief, the president of the United States, and the offence which would be given by injuring them in their persons or estate.

McKinlay also addressed them, alluding to the former good understanding between the Nez Percés and the fur company; and assuring them that English, French, and Americans were one in interests and feelings, and allied in the same manner as were the confederated tribes, the Cayuses, Walla Wallas, and Nez Percés. Rogers next made an appeal to them, as their former teacher, and hoped they would avoid the troubles into which some of the tribes east of the Rocky Mountains had fallen through unreasonable resistance to the just measures of white men. But perhaps the most effective speech of all was that made by McKay, who addressed the chiefs in their own tongue and picturesque style of oratory. He reminded them of the tragical death of his father, and of the many years he himself had spent among them, during which they had fought and suffered together, and enjoyed their peaceful sports in common. Now, however, he was growing old, and thinking to enjoy repose, had settled on a farm in the Willamette. But at a moment when all was quiet, the voice of his white brethren had aroused him, and he had come in haste to tell them, his former friends and associates, to be advised, and not to stop their ears, for the children of the great chief were as numerous as the stars in the heavens or the leaves on the trees, and they, who were not fools, as their advancement in learning showed, surely would not refuse to hearken to the voice of wisdom.

When McKay had ended, several of the leading chiefs replied, avowing friendliness toward the white men, and expressing their gratitude to the United States government for sending an agent to look after their welfare. White next proposed that for their better government and organization the Nez Percés elect a head chief, with authority to control the young men and punish them for wrong-doing, the sub-chiefs acting as his aids, each with a suite of five men to execute his orders. He also read to them, clause by clause, a code of laws which he suggested they should adopt.^[2]

Although this code was specially levelled against the class of misdemeanors from which settlers and missionaries suffered most annoyance at the hands of the Indians, yet its provisions were readily approved and accepted by the chiefs, who even proposed that in some instances the penalties should be made heavier. But they were by no means so unanimous in the matter of electing a head chief. The canvassing caused much agitation, on account of jealousies among themselves, but after a great deal of anxious consultation with one another and the Americans, who endeavored not to give advice in this important matter, Ellis, the educated son of the Bloody Chief, was at length chosen, to the general satisfaction of the tribe. ^[3] Appreciating the truth that the shortest road to an Indian's heart lies through his stomach, White had provided a fat ox for a barbecue, together with abundance of corn and pease. After the feast the pipe was smoked, and then both the civilized and savage gave themselves up to song and merriment. On the fifth day of the visit a final council was held, when White took occasion to lecture the savages on their begging propensities, explaining to them as well as he could the low estimation in which beggars were held by white people. Fifty garden-hoes were then presented to the chiefs and Mr Spalding for distribution among the industrious poor; together with some medicines, to be given as needed. Then, with a parting admonition not to disagree among themselves or with their teachers, and an intimation to the chiefs that they were to be held responsible for the good conduct of their people, the agent and his party returned to Waiilatpu, being escorted several miles upon their way by the Nez Percés.

On reaching Whitman's station, White found only a few of the Cayuse chiefs assembled, and the people still shy. Hearing that the Nez Percés had so readily accepted laws, and chosen a high chief, they were much distressed. It seemed to them as if their relatives and allies had turned against them, while the presence of McKinlay, and especially of McKay, warned them that all the white people, English and Americans, were likely to combine for their punishment. McKay spoke first and was followed by Rogers. Their earnest reproaches had considerable effect upon their hearers, one of whom, Tauitau, formerly head chief of the tribe, made a long speech deploring the incorrigible wickedness of his people, and expatiating upon his own sincere but fruitless efforts to control them. White replied in terms of encouragement, taking care, however, to warn the savages that there was trouble in store for them unless they mended their ways. Finally, it was arranged that a meeting between the agent and the Cayuses should take place in April, when it would be expected that a satisfactory settlement of the existing troubles should be had.

Returning to the Dalles on the 25th of December, and finding the natives much excited between the warlike rumors they had heard and curiosity about the mission of White, several days were spent in instructing and inducing them to accept the laws instituted for the Nez Percés, to which they finally consented. Having thus smoothed the way, White recommended that Mr and Mrs Littlejohn should proceed to Lapwai to reënforce the Spaldings, which they did immediately after the winter holidays, while he returned to the Willamette Valley.^[4]

White had hardly reached home when he was called to the mouth of the Columbia to take measures for the arrest and punishment of George Geer, a sailor who had deserted from an American vessel which had been in the river selling liquor to the natives.^[5] Geer had acted as agent in this nefarious business, which had occasioned battles and bloodshed among the Clatsops and Chinooks; and Frost had protested somewhat warmly, as his own life as well as the lives of the contestants was endangered. This so enraged Geer, who was, as White expressed it, "a fool as well as a villain," that he offered a bribe of five blankets to the natives to murder Frost. White arrested the man, but not knowing what to do with him in the absence of any law, prevailed on McLoughlin to allow him to accompany the Hudson's Bay Company's express across the mountains, on a promise never to return to the country.

By the 1st of April, 1843, White had eight prisoners on his hands, mostly Indians, guilty of various crimes, principally horse-stealing and petty larceny of articles of food. He says in his report that "crimes are multiplying with numbers among the whites, and with scarcity of game among the Indians." The crimes of which the white men were guilty seem to have been few, and were probably violations of the laws of the United States regulating intercourse with the natives. In his zeal to perform his whole duty, White may have sometimes listened to complaints which might have been disregarded. He was confessedly in doubt as to his authority to prevent certain acts which he found injurious to the general peace, and was compelled to ask the commissioner of Indian affairs for specific instructions in the premises.^[6] Letters received from Spalding and Brewer testified to the better behavior of the natives at their stations during the winter, but it was rumored that at the Jesuit stations the priests had been robbed of their cattle and were in fear for their lives.^[7] The peace at the Protestant missions was not, however, of long duration. In the spring White received information from Lapwai, Waiilatpu, and the Dalles that the natives were again threatening the extinction of the settlers, assigning as a reason that the white men intended to take away their lands. The Cayuses, Walla Wallas, and Nez Percés were exasperated because there were so many strangers in the country, and rumor had it that they contemplated cutting off Whitman, who was expected soon to return from the States with a party of colonists.^[8]

The alarm was great and general. Almost every man had a plan of his own for averting the impending catastrophe, for should the savages combine, it was probable that the settlers would be exterminated. Several isolated families abandoned their homes and sought the settlements. Some urged the Indian agent to erect a strong fortification in the midst of the colony, and furnish guns and ammunition. Others thought it better to go with an armed force into the midst of the conspirators and bring them to reason with words, if possible, and if these failed, to use force. White himself wished the settlers to pledge themselves, under forfeiture of a hundred dollars in case of delinquency, to keep on hand, ready for use, a good musket or rifle, and a hundred rounds of ammunition; and to hold themselves ready to march at a moment's notice to any part of the country, not to exceed two days' travel, for the purpose of repelling the savages should they attempt to invade the settlements. But no plan could be formed upon which all would unite.

To add to the general excitement, the Indians in the Willamette Valley became unusually insolent, owing to a quarrel between some Molallas and the negro George Winslow, or Winslow Anderson as he now called himself. Moreover there was hostile agitation among the Calapooyas because White had ordered some of them to be flogged for stealing from the missionaries.^[9]

On the 20th of April White received a letter from Brewer urging him to come up to the Dalles without delay, and endeavor to quiet the excitement among the natives. He was under an engagement to visit them this month, and immediately began to prepare for the expedition, which involved the raising of both men and means. On all other occasions when the Americans lacked anything, they had obtained whatever they needed at Fort Vancouver, and from the Canadians. But Spaulding's report and the Abernethy–Shortess petition had given great offence to McLoughlin, who declared that henceforward he would extend no favors to the authors of that memorial, whoever that might be. Nor did McLoughlin favor White's proposal to go among the Indians with an armed force. Such a step he thought might bring on a conflict, whereas to remain quiet might soothe their excitement—an opinion which he communicated to White by letter.

The Americans, however, held different views. But when White was ready to proceed, not a Canadian could be induced to accompany him, so that when he set out only Le Breton, one Indian, and an Hawaiian servant were with him. Nor were the requisite equipments at hand, or the funds to procure them at Fort Vancouver. On arriving at the fort, where according to Hines they "found it rather squally,"^[10] White requested provisions, ammunition, and articles for presents, on an order on the United States treasury, ^[11] which request was granted, notwithstanding the late affront to the company and its chief officer in Oregon, and on the 29th the party proceeded by canoe to the Dalles. There White was visited by a deputation of Indians from near the mission of Lee and Perkins. The chiefs complained that they had much difficulty in enforcing the laws, as the people resisted the whipping penalty. The chiefs, however, were in favor of continuing the code on account of the authority it gave them. As for those who had been whipped, they inquired of White what benefit the whipping system was going to be to them; they had been flogged a good many times, they said, and had received nothing for it. If this state of affairs was to continue, the law was bad and they did not want it. But if blankets, shirts, and gifts were to follow, they had no objection to its continuance. When White told them not to expect pay for being whipped if they deserved it, they laughed and dispersed, giving their guardian plainly to understand that they did not propose to suffer the penalties of civilization for nothing.

White found on coming nearer to the seat of disturbance that rumor had not overstated the seriousness of its aspect. The Indians, to justify themselves, asserted that Baptiste Dorion, while acting as White's interpreter on his first visit, had told them that the Americans designed taking away their land. The young Cayuses were in favor of raising a war party at once, surprising the Willamette settlements, and cutting off the colony at one blow, which by concert of action could easily have been done. But the older chiefs counselled more cautious measures, pointing out the lateness of the season, and the difficulty of crossing the mountains in the snow. It would be wiser in any case, they added, not to be the first to attack, but to be prepared for defence should the Americans attempt their subjugation. So impressed were they that such design was in contemplation, that they could not be induced by Geiger to prepare the ground for cultivation, as usual, early in spring, and could with difficulty be made to believe that White's small party was not the advance guard of an armed force.^[12] The Cayuses declared that the laws introduced by White among the Nez Percés had effected more harm than good, being made an excuse for petty tyranny to such an extent that the new code was regarded by the Indians as a device of the white people to accomplish their subjection. They were uneasy also because McKinlay and McKay had intimated their determination to act with the Americans, if the Indians exhibited a hostile purpose.

In their perplexity they had sent Peupeumoxmox to ask McLoughlin what course he intended to pursue in case they were attacked by the Americans. For answer McLoughlin advised them to keep quiet, assuring them that they had nothing to fear from either the Americans or the Hudson's Bay Company so long as they behaved themselves.

News now reached White that seven hundred Nez Percés, fully accoutred for war, were coming to the appointed rendezvous at Waiilatpu. It was thought important to prevent a conference or a quarrel between them and the Cayuses, by holding a council with the latter at once, and every endeavor was made by the whole company of the Americans, which now embraced Geiger, Perkins, and Mrs Whitman, to bring about this object, but withont success; the Cayuses would not talk until they had seen Chief Ellis. When White proposed to go to Lapwai, and bring the Nez Percés at once, they were suspicious that his intention was to prevent the coming of Ellis, and objected. At length White and his aids were allowed to go, and were received with a grand parade, such as had been given to the missionaries in the Rocky Mountains in 1836, and were escorted back to Waiilatpu by several hundred of the principal men of the tribe with their families, Ellis signifying his intention of influencing the Cayuses to accept the laws adopted by the Nez Percés .

It was not until the 23d of May that the chiefs on both sides were ready for council, the meeting being opened by Tauitau. The savages were assured that the white men had not come there with the design of deceiving or injuring them. If they would be united, would cultivate the ground and obey the laws, they might become a great and happy people; but if they persisted in disorder, disobedience, and an unsettled manner of life, their condition could never be bettered.

On the laws being called for and read, Peupeumoxmox arose and inquired: "Where are these laws from? Are they from God, or from the earth? I would that you might say they were from God; but I think they are from the earth, because, from what I know of white men, they do not honor these laws." When told that the laws were recognized by God, and imposed on men in all civilized countries, the chief expressed himself pleased to hear that it was so, because many of his people had been angry with him when they were whipped for crimes, and had declared that he would be sent to hell for it. Therefore he was relieved to know that his conduct was pleasing to God. Here Tiloukaikt, jealous of the apparent consent of Tauitau to the proceedings, and thinking he might be looking forward to a high chieftainship, inquired why the laws were read to them before they had indicated a desire to adopt them. "We do not take the laws because Tauitau says so," said the chief, angrily. "He is a Catholic, and as a people we do not follow the Catholic worship."^[13] But White explained that the Americans had different modes of worship, yet obeyed one law.

A Nez Percé sub-chief, called the Prince, complained that the white people had not given them cattle, but they had been compelled to pay for them. He wanted something tangible, cattle and presents, because his people had been kind to Lewis and Clarke. Illutin, also a Nez Percé, declared that he was wearied with the wickedness of the young men, and asserted that it was because they had stolen property in their possession that they objected to the laws. But the prince argued that the white people had long since been promising them benefits, though they passed on and left no blessing behind. If the Americans designed to do them good, why did they not bring presents like the British traders, who not only promised but performed. To this very pointed argument White replied that the Americans among them were missionaries, and not traders. Thus the first day passed without anything definite being accomplished. After the meeting adjourned Ellis and Lawyer came privately to the sub-agent to tell him that they expected pay for being chiefs. The former had counted the months he had been in office, and thought there must be enough due him to make him wealthy. It certainly was a singular civilization, this of White's, which allowed officials no salary, and criminals no recompense.

On the following day it was found somewhat easier to proceed with the business of the council. The Cayuses accepted the laws, and Tauitau was elected high chief, these matters being probably expedited by the prospect of the feast which followed. But on the following morning Tauitau, remembering what Tiloukaikt had said, when the natives were assembled voluntarily resigned the chieftainship, saying that it was better so, on account of the difference in religious matters between himself and the majority of the people. His brother, Five Crows, was thereupon elected in his place, the day closing with another feast of fat beef. On the 27th of May, White took leave of the Nez Percés and Cayuses, well satisfied with having averted the thunderbolt of war. Mrs Whitman returned to the Dalles with the fur company's brigade, just down from the upper forts, and there remained till the return of her husband in the autumn.

Thus ended, more fortunately than might have been anticipated, White's second official essay for the protection of citizens of the United States in Oregon. But though he was frequently called on to interpose his authority in conflicts between the white inhabitants and the natives, or where the laws of the United States concerning intercourse with the natives were being violated, he was no nearer being recognized as governor of the colony than on his arrival, the missionary influence being directed against him, and the number of aspirants for that office belonging to the Mission party causing the other colonists to oppose the election of such dignitary. ^[14]

During White's administration the colony adopted a provisional form of government—an action which was undoubtedly hastened by missionary jealousy of White's pretensions in connection with another matter, of which I shall give the history in its proper place. In January 1844 complaints were made to the Indian agent that a distillery was in operation at Oregon City. His authority for interfering was supposed to be derived from the laws of Iowa touching the sale of liquor in the Indian territory, the colonists having adopted the Iowa code. Since the United States had not extended the laws of Iowa over Oregon, he had really no authority. But he was sustained by public sentiment, and even required by the colonists to proceed in the matter. Accordingly, he seized and destroyed the distillery, and placed^[15] the offender under bonds to the amount of three hundred dollars. Before the summer was over another distillery was in operation. This also was promptly suppressed. Conner, who was owner in both adventures, challenged White to fight a duel, for which he was fined five hundred dollars by the circuit court and disfranchised for life, but was restored to citizenship by the legislature of 1844.^[16]

Considering that he was waging this war on whiskey with no better warrant than the sanction of those settlers who did not care to buy or drink it, one would think that White would at most have taken notice only of cases where the liquor was supplied directly to the natives. But this did not satisfy his zeal, which several times led him into embarrassing positions. On one occasion he boarded a vessel of which J. H. Couch was master, and attempted to search for liquors, but Couch, knowing his rights and duties better than the Indian agent, ranged his guns fore and aft along the deck, whereupon the search was relinquished as hastily as it had been begun. Private individuals also came in for a share of his officious attention. For instance, F. W. Pettygrove, described as "a merchant of good habits," was put under bonds in the sum of one thousand dollars for having in his house wine and brandy for his own use. White also attempted to confiscate the whiskey-barrel of an Englishwoman named Cooper, but thought it advisable to desist when the Amazon vigorously protested "in the name of Great Britain, Ireland, and Scotland."

There was but one instance of serious trouble with the Indians in the Willamette, and that was brought about by the quarrel between the negro Winslow and the Molallas, to which I have already alluded. It appears that Winslow overreached an Indian named Cockstock in some business transaction. To right the account, the latter appropriated a horse belonging to the negro, but was compelled by White to restore it. Thereupon Cockstock, who was a bold and vicious fellow, vowed vengeance against Winslow and another negro named James D. Saules, who was in some way involved in the dispute. Saules complained to White, who offered a reward of a hundred dollars for the safe delivery of the Indian into his hands, intending to send him to the Cayuses and Nez Percés to be tried by their laws. This so enraged the turbulent Cockstock that on the 4th of March, 1844, he called together a few followers, and putting on his war-paint, rode into Oregon City with many hostile demonstrations. After creating some alarm, he crossed the river to a village in search of recruits. When shortly afterward he reappeared on the Oregon City side, his landing was opposed by a confused crowd of white men, who, without a leader, or concert of action, endeavored to capture him, some for the reward, and others with a more deadly purpose. Fire-arms were discharged on both sides simultaneously, and in the mêlée Cockstock was killed, and three Americans wounded, George W. Le Breton and a Mr Rogers mortally.^[17]

The death of Le Breton, who was an active young American, and conspicuous in the early politics of the colony, was severely felt; and a public meeting was called at Champoeg to consider the subject of the outbreak, the result of which was the formation of a volunteer company of mounted riflemen under the name of Oregon Rangers, this being the first military organization in the territory.^[18] Resolutions were passed indorsing and supporting the measures taken by White in his official capacity, the reason for this step being that McLoughlin had censured the conduct of the Americans, alleging that the killing of Cockstock was an assassination, a view which, however well founded in the fact that the citizens had not waited for the overt act,^[19] was extremely offensive to the Americans. An investigation was ordered by the executive committee, and White cited to appear before the colonial judge, O. Russell, to vindicate himself, and remove the stigma from the fair name of the American colonists.^[20] Probably the trial never took place, as no record of it exists. It is likely enough that when the excitement had died away, and all the circumstances were known, it became apparent that the encounter might have been avoided by the exercise of coolness and moderation.

Not long after the affair of the 4th of March, Saules, the negro who had complained of Cockstock, was himself arrested for joining the Clackamas Indians in making threats against the life and property of Charles E. Pickett. There being no prison in which to confine him, he was permitted to go to Clatsop with his Indian wife, where he was employed about the Mission until its suspension in 1846, soon after which he was arrested on the charge of murdering his wife, but the necessary proof being wanting, he was discharged.^[21] The trouble occasioned by Winslow and Saules aroused a strong prejudice against persons of African blood, which was exhibited in a communication sent by White to the secretary of war, inquiring if the emigration of negroes could not be prohibited, and in the subsequent legislation of the colonists.

As to the Indian relatives of Cockstock, they were pacified by McLoughlin paying to the widow of the chief, on White's order, some blankets and other goods,^[22] and there the matter ended, so far as they were concerned.

The executive committee, however, being determined to oppose the policy and advice of McLoughlin, declared that "the idea should be hooted out of countenance, that they allowed Indians to be murdered, and paid for it with blankets." If White found it necessary to take such measures as he had taken, he should go on, and the committee would "support him with thirty mounted riflemen."^[23] This was easy to promise, but the riflemen themselves must have a voice in the matter. The officers of the rangers wrote to the committee demanding to know if after all there had been any cause for raising troops, or if there existed any need of their services at that moment. They were also anxious to be informed where the military stores, provisions, and pay were to come from, and concluded by remarking that if they were expected to fight at their own expense, they had enough to do to fight their own battles.^[24] The formation of the company was in fact a mere piece of braggadocio, intended quite as much to alarm the Hudson's Bay Company as to awe the natives. The only service in which the rangers were engaged was in the pursuit now and then of a band of hungry savages who had stolen a beef. White himself ridicules the course of the committee in calling out the troops because a miserable party of natives, whose single gun was broken and unserviceable, had been tempted to kill an old ox which chanced to stray in their vicinity, and for which they were forced to pay the gun and eight horses. Several of these small affairs signalized the existence of the Oregon Rangers. The last of the kind occurred in July 1846, when a small party of natives from east of the Cascade Mountains, being encamped on the Santiam River, near Looney's place, and suspected of stealing some horses belonging to him, were surrounded and fired on without further inquiry, though, as afterward transpired, they were innocent of the theft.^[25]

The next serious trouble with the natives came from an unexpected source. Early in the spring of 1845 White received a communication from Whitman at Waiilatpu, informing him of the return of a party of Spokanes, Cayuses, and Walla Wallas from California under circumstances which led him to fear for the safety of the settlers in the upper country,^[26] as Elijah Hedding, the son of Peupeumoxmox, had been killed by an American. Before the excitement caused by this information had subsided, White was surprised by a visit from Ellis, high chief of the Nez Percés, who came to recount to him the particulars of this unfortunate affair. The story told by Ellis was that the natives had seized upon the idea of procuring cattle from California, and taking their surplus furs and horses to exchange for cows, had set out on this expedition under the leadership of Peupeumoxmox, or Yellow Serpent, who was accompanied by his converted son, Elijah Hedding. The journey was fraught with danger, as they were obliged to pass through a country inhabited by tribes with whom they were not friendly; but being well mounted and equipped, they reached California in safety, and were well received by the white population at Sutter Fort. An agreement to trade was entered into; all went well until the natives in hunting met with a band of freebooters from whom they took a prize of twenty-two stolen horses. On returning with them to the settlements, the animals were claimed by their former owners. The Oregon chiefs remonstrated, saying that in their country the horses, having been recovered from an enemy at the risk of life, would belong to those who recaptured them. But the others insisted that according to the laws of California the animals must bear a transfer mark before they ceased to be the property of their original owners. As the Indians refused to take that view of it, a ransom of first ten and then fifteen cows was offered for the captured estrays. But Peupeumoxmox was sulky, and would not reply, so the negotiations were broken off.

A day or two later, an American, seeing a mule which had been stolen from him among the animals, roughly demanded his property, and declared that he would take it himself if it was not promptly surrendered. Thereupon Elijah Hedding deliberately loaded his rifle, and turning to the American said significantly: "Go, now, and take your mule." The white man, considerably alarmed, asked Elijah if he intended to kill him. "O, no," carelessly replied the young chief, "I am only going to shoot that eagle on yonder tree." But his looks and manner belied his tongue, so the American thought it best to leave the mule.

On the following Sunday some of the natives attended religious services at Sutter Fort. After the close Elijah was invited into another apartment, together with his uncle. Here they were menaced, and subjected to much wordy abuse. Finally the man who had had the dispute about the mule said to Elijah, "Yesterday you were going to kill me; now you must die," at the same time drawing a pistol. Elijah said, "Let me pray a little first;" and dropping on his knees, was shot dead in that attitude.

Such was the story as told by Ellis to White,^[27] and as reported by the latter to the secretary of war. As Elijah was a convert, the same version was generally accepted by the missionaries;^[28] but the truth of the matter is, that Elijah was a turbulent fellow, and met his death in a quarrel which he himself provoked. This side of the story I have, however, related in detail elsewhere.^[29]

Having made the most of his story, and put forth his finest arts to impress White with a proper sense of the enormity of the crime which had been committed, the wily Ellis went on to talk about the retaliation which might be expected. Yellow Serpent, he said, had returned to Oregon burning with rage and grief, and swearing to avenge the murder of his son in the near future.^[30] Not only the bereaved chief's own tribe, but others that were allied, related, or friendly to it, were furiously excited against the white men, both on account of the murder of Elijah and because certain persons from the Willamette Valley, now settled in California, had called the Oregon Indians 'dogs' and 'thieves.' So furious was the indignation of the tribes, continued the envoy extraordinary, that a scheme was on foot to raise two thousand warriors among the Cayuses, Walla Wallas, Nez Percés, Spokanes, Pend d'Oreilles, and Shoshones, and march at once into California to exact retribution by pillage and slaughter. There was an influential party among the natives, Ellis added, who were for holding the Americans in Oregon responsible for Elijah's death, since it was one of their countrymen who had killed him. Should this be avoided, however, he was specially charged to learn whether the Oregon settlers would remain neutral while the people of California were being swept from the face of the earth.

Such a relation was enough to make one shudder; and it was all the more alarming when the hearer was officially responsible for any trouble that might occur with the natives. Perhaps White showed agitation; at all events, the envoy pushed his advantage by referring to another source of discontent which had nothing to do with the matter immediately in hand. It seems that when the immigration of 1844 was expected, White had sent to the natives a number of ten-dollar drafts, presumably made payable by the government, with which he said cattle might be bought from the immigrants. This he claims to have done in order to deter the natives from plundering the new-comers. But the immigrants had declined to accept the drafts, and now chief Ellis was anxious to know how White was going to compensate his people for their disappointment.

At his wit's end how to conciliate and prevent the threatened destruction, the unhappy agent resorted to flattery and fair promises. He feasted his savage guest to his soul's content, showed his library, personally conducted him over his plantation, and in every way treated him with great consideration. Besides this, he promised to write to the governor of California and Captain Sutter concerning the recent disturbance, and also to address the United States government on the subject. Furthermore, he gave Ellis letters for the chiefs, sympathizing with them for the wrongs they had suffered, and inviting them all to visit him in the autumn of 1845 and exchange their worthless drafts for a cow and a calf each out of his own herds. Finally he promised them that if they would defer their invasion of California for two years, and assist him to the amount of two beaver-skins each, he would establish a good school for the children, adjust favorably all their grievances, and at the end of that time would give them five hundred dollars out of his own purse with which to buy cattle in California.

Flattered by the attentions he had received, and elated by the success which he imagined had attended his mission, Ellis returned home to use his influence for peace with the chiefs of the Walla Wallas and Cayuses. But his triumph was not of long duration, for before the autumn of 1845 White was on his way to the States, caring little for his engagements, and leaving no one behind to redeem his promises to pay.^[31]

The sub-Indian agent, from the moment he entered upon his duties in Oregon, encountered serious difficulties. So awkwardly did he find himself situated, that in 1844 he wrote that he was strongly inclined to leave the country, but was deterred by the thought that his presence was beneficial, and the hope of being relieved from his embarrassments. Whatever were his schemes, it is due to him to say that in opposing the introduction of intoxicating liquors, and in settling difficulties between the white inhabitants and the natives, his services to the colony were of importance.^[32]

Not the least of White's embarrassments arose from the fact that the men in Washington who had become, verbally at least, responsible for the payment of his salary and expenses, were no longer in a position to befriend him. Before his accounts were settled there was a change in the administration, and persons who did not know White were in the places of Webster, Tyler, Spencer, and Linn. Being solicited by the legislative assembly of the provisional government in 1845 to go to Washington as the bearer of a memorial to the United States government, he presented himself at the capital, and was requested to continue in his office of Indian agent. He was obliged, however, to remain at the east until a bill should be passed by congress for the payment of debts due the Hudson's Bay Company, and granting him additional compensation for services. A year was consumed in waiting, during which time certain representations were made by his political enemies in Oregon which lost him the position, and closed his connection with Oregon affairs.^[33] He returned in 1850 and engaged with James D. Holman to build a town on the claim of the latter, which he called Pacific City, which was afterward transferred to other hands. He then went to reside at San Francisco, where he died in March 1879.^[34]

1. Matthieu's Refugee, MS., 13; White's Ten Years in Or., 176–7; Hines' Oregon Hist., 142.
2. Following are the offences named and penalties attached: Murder and purposely burning a dwelling, hanging. Burning an out-building, six months imprisonment, 50 lashes, and payment of damages. Burning property through carelessness, payment of damages. Entering a dwelling without permission of occupant, punishment left to the chiefs. Theft of property of the value of a beaver-skin or less, pay back twofold, and 25 lashes. Theft of property worth more than a beaver-skin, pay back twofold, and 50 lashes. Using another's horse or other property without permission, 20 to 25 lashes, as the chief directs, and payment for use of the horse. Injuring crops or fences, payment of damages, and 25 lashes. Only those travelling or living in the game country might keep a dog. If a dog kill a domestic animal, the owner must pay the damage and kill the dog. This law was suggested by the Indians themselves. Raising a gun against a white man, to be punished at discretion of chiefs. If a white man do the same to an Indian, he is to be punished by white men. An Indian breaking these laws is to be punished by his chiefs; a white man breaking them is to be punished by the Indian agent. White's Or. Ter., 181–4.
3. Hines describes Ellis as having 'a smattering of the English language, and a high sense of his own importance,' and says that after he was appointed he pursued a very haughty and overbearing course. Oregon Hist., 143, White describes him as 'a sensible man of 32, reading, speaking, and writing the English language tolerably well;' that he had a fine small plantation, a few sheep, some neat stock, and no less than 1,100 head of horses. Ten Years in Or., 186–7.
4. The only child and son of Littlejohn was drowned in the mill-race at Lapwai the following summer. Lee and Frost's Or., 212.
5. This was the Blanche, Capt. Chepman, from Boston. McLoughlin's Private Papers, MS., 2d ser. 7; Lee and Frost's Or., 322.
6. White's Ten Years in Or., 200.
7. No hint of this is given by the Catholic authors, except the acknowledgment of having built a stockade about one of their stations. Their policy was to represent the natives as being everywhere rejoiced at their advent.
8. Hines' Or. Hist., 143–4; White's Ten Years in Or., 213–14.
9. Hines' Oregon Hist., 146.
10. Hines says he inquired of McLoughlin if he had refused to grant supplies to those Americans who had signed the memorial against him, when the doctor replied that he had only said that of its authors. 'Not being one of the authors, but merely a signer of the petition, I did not come under the ban of the company; consequently I obtained my outfit for the expedition,' Or. Hist., 149–50.
11. Of course the Hudson's Bay Company found no one in Washington to honor Dr White's bills, amounting, in all, to $6,000. By a proper representation of the facts, the friends of Oregon in congress, after some years' delay, procured the passage of an act authorizing the payment of these bills. In the mean time the board of management in London passed an order, which, besides being an imperative command for the future, was a sarcastic rebuke for the past. The orders informed their traders in Oregon 'that they did not understand government securities,' and forbade them to deal in them, and for the future to 'stick to their beaver-skins.' Applegate's Views of Hist., MS., 37; White's Or. Ter., 64–6.
12. 'I actually found them, says White, 'suffering more from fears of war from the whites, than the whites from the Indians—each party resolving, however, to remain at home, and there fight to the last—though, fortunately, some 300 or 400 miles apart.' Ten Years in Or., 214.
13. This was true, though the Cayuses were pretty evenly divided between Protestantism and Romanism. Of the chiefs, only Tauitau was a Catholic. His brother, Five Crows, was a Protestant; Tiloukaikt was a Protestant, and so was Sticcas. Peupeumoxmox of the Walla Walla Cayuses was also a Protestant. Parrish calls Peupeumoxmox a magnificent man, but gives no better reason for this opinion than that he sent his son Elijah Hedding to the Methodist Mission to be educated. Or. Anecdotes, MS., 95. He seems to have been an intelligent savage, and being rich as well, possessed great influence.
14. The only one of the missionaries who seemed disposed to give White a fair indorsement was Hines, who at White's request wrote a letter to the secretary of war, declaring that he had discharged his duties with diffidence, but with energy and decision; for the performance of which he was entitled to the 'warmest respect of this infant and helpless colony,' and to the confidence of the department. White's Or. Ter., 4, 5.
15. This distillery, the first attempted since 1836, was owned by James Conner, who had been in the country since 1838. It consisted of sheet-tin pipes—the tin purchased from Abernethy—joined like a worm-fence, and placed in a large wooden trough with water flowing through it, the whole being covered with boards placed in the form of a house gable. Moss' Pioneer Times, MS., 53–4.
16. This second distillery belonged to James Conner, Richard McCrary, and Hiram Straight. It consisted of a large kettle, with a wooden top, and a worm; and the whiskey, called 'blue ruin,' was distilled from shorts, wheat, and molasses. White's Or. Ter., 40; Watts' First Things, MS., 10, 11; Oregon Laws, 1843–9, 83.
17. Boston Miss. Herald, Nov. 1844. Blanchet, in his Hist. Cath. Ch. in Or., 145–7, gives a different version, intended to make it appear that the killing of Cockstock was a deed of unprovoked brutality on the part of the Americans; but as White, in his report to the secretary of war, gives the correspondence and particulars, I see no reason to depart from that record. A part of Blanchet's bitterness is accounted for where he says, 'Le Breton will pay dearly for his apostasy.' Le Breton had become a convert to the Catholic faith at St Pauls in 1842, but seeing he could not get the girl he expected, he withdrew gradually from the church. Id., 141; Gray's Hist. Or., 371; Waldo's Critiques, MS., 5, 6; Bacon's Mer. Life Or., MS., 25.
18. This meeting was called by the executive committee of the colony, and was held at the house of La Chapelle, on French Prairie, March 9, 1844. W. H. Willson was chairman, and T. D. Kaiser, secretary. Grover's Or. Archives, 36–7. The men enlisted at the time were T. D. Kaiser, who was elected captain; J. L. Morrison, 1st lieutenant; R. J. Cason, ensign; Charles P. Matt, Ira C. Hutchins, R. H. Ekin, Peter Brainard, Nathan Sutton, William Delany, James R. Patterson, John Edmonds, Nineveh Ford, William J. Martin, James Martin, Webley Hauxhurst, John Anderson, Joel Turnham, J. M. Garrison, Joseph Holman, John Ford, Charles E. Pickett, John B. Kaiser Daniel Waldo, Lindsey Applegate, and W. H. Gray. Commissions were issued to the officers April 3d, signed by D. Hill, J. Gale, and A. Beers, executive committee, and Overton Johnson, secretary. Or. Archives, MS., 10, 12.
19. Blanchet's Hist. Cath. Ch. in Or., 147–8.
20. The letter of Mr Beers of the executive committee is to be found in Or. Archives, MS., 5–7.
21. Oregon Spectator, Dec. 24, 1846.
22. Pettygrove's Or., MS., 6, 7; Or. Archives, MS., 13. About 70 Dalles Indians, according to White, presented themselves as relatives of the dead chief, and demanded indemnity, according to their customs; but White showed them that as the Americans had lost two men, by their rule there would be due the Americans twice what they claimed, on which representation they consented to accept a present for the widow. Or. Ter., 36.
23. Letter of A. Beers, in Or. Archives, MS., 5–7.
24. Letters of Kaiser, Morrison, and Brainard, in Or. Archives, MS., 12, 13.
25. Oregon Spectator, Aug. 16, 1846; Minto's Early Days, MS., 38–40; Kaiser's Nar., MS., 12–14; Kaiser's Emigrant Road, MS., 7–9.
26. Honolulu Friend, iv. 29.
27. White's Or. Ter., 49–50.
28. Parrish's Or. Anecdotes, MS., 90; Mission Life Sketches, 203. This latter is a work of 229 pages, 16mo, and appears to have been published as a contribution to Sunday-school literature. The author's name is not given, but from what he says of himself I infer he was H. K. W. Perkins, who came with the mission family of 1840. His account of Elijah's death is substantially the same as White's.
29. Hist. California, this series. See also Revere's Tour of Duty, 154; Larkin's Doc. Hist. Cal, MS., iii. 227.
30. This threat was never fulfilled, though the Californians subsequently had cause to remember that it had been made. See Hist. Cal., this series.
31. In his report to the secretary of war White bestows praise upon the good conduct, progress, industry, and prosperity of Ellis and his people with an enthusiasm which his own experience certainly did not call for. Such a report, however, reflected credit on his own efforts.
32. Applegate's Marginal Notes, in Gray's Hist., 259.
33. White's Ten Years in Or., 322–5; White's Or. Ter., 64–6; Niles' Register, lxix. 407. The occasion of White's loss of place was the belief in Oregon that he would make an effort to get a seat in congress as delegate from the territory, whenever the expected settlement of boundary was consummated, and a territorial government established. That he so intended in 1845 seems probable, from the fact that on passing through Missouri, the St Louis Era spoke of him as a delegate from the self-constituted government of Oregon, going to ask for a seat in congress.
34. While on a tour through Oregon in 1878 I was informed that Elijah White, a most important witness in the early annals of the state, was living in San Francisco, and there on my return I found him practising medicine, his office being within a stone's throw of my library. He was exceedingly affable, with an intelligent though not very intellectual face, with bright, penetrating eyes, and for one so well advanced in years, active on his feet and well preserved, though how much of him was padding, and what was the true color of his well-dyed hair and whiskers, I cannot say. Thereafter until his death he was a frequent visitor at my library, and there gave me an exceedingly valuable dictation, which I called Emigration to Oregon, filling many gaps left open by the printed material especially concerning the immigration of 1842. His Ten Years in Oregon, Ithaca, N. Y., 1850, contains the incidents of his journey to and residence in Oregon, as physician to the Mission, his return to the States, subsequent emigration, his labors as Indian agent, explorations, etc., with an account of the formation of the provisional government, and some extracts from Frémont's journal of explorations in Oregon. Previous to the publication of this book he issued a pamphlet in Washington City, containing his correspondence with the Indian commissioner and other documents, the object of which was to assist the passage of a bill reimbursing him for expenses incurred in the administration of authority as Indian agent. This book is called a Concise View of Oregon Territory, Its Colonial and Indian Relations, etc., 72 pages. Another pamphlet called White's Testimonials contains some of the same matter, with other letters, and was apparently intended to assist him in a reappointment to Oregon.