King Alfred's Old English Version of St. Augustine's Soliloquies/Introduction/Part 2
II. Grammatical Observations.
The phonology of this work teems with interesting problems for the specialist. Only a few typical and striking features can here be touched on. For an excellent discussion of the phonology Professor Hulme’s scholarly work should be consulted.[1]
Certain definite variations from the normal forms of spelling in Early West Saxon clearly conspire to prove that the manuscript was written in the twelfth century by an Anglo-French scribe from dictation. It was natural that the scribe should spell doubtful words according as his ear translated the sounds he heard, and hence result the numerous departures from the norm, and the frequent so-called scribal errors. This hypothesis would account for the confusion of ð (þ) with d on the one hand, and with t on the other; the nasals n and m would easily be interchanged; and initial h would be dropped or inserted wrongly. Such errors are scarcely the result of ignorance or carelessness, and are eloquent in what they proclaim about the circumstances attending the production of our manuscript.
1. Phonology.—Vowels: There is great confusion in the use of a, æ, and e; we note this most frequently in þat (11.17), þæt (11.14), ðet (23. 11), þār (1.10, 11), þǣr (1.13), þēr (13.18). Compare also the following forms used interchangeably: ælles (3. 18), elles (3. 19); þāre (2.7), þǣre (2.7), þēre (2.11); rihtæ (4.22), rihte (16.22); æart (6.7), ært (6.2), eart (5.21); hālne (13.17), hǣalne (13.20); lufast (33. 19), lufæst (33. 16).
The same is true of i, ie, and y: gehērst (62.1) gehīere (11.4), gehūre (57.10), gehȳre (11.4); gelīfan (66.16), gelȳfan (62.8); gēt (59.11), gēot (34.13), gīt (53.6), gȳet (49.12), gȳt (1.15).
The following may be cited as instances of forms not in accordance with the strict West Saxon norms: dīgele (4.8), fegrum (1.11), gereihte (66.12), gestrȳned (3.16), hēhstan (6.1), īuwedon (7.19), mage (5.1), meihte (1.5), wilt (2.14), wurðe (5.1), yrfe (2.12).
Consonants: We note here only some of the more striking deviations from the norm:
1. Liquids. R is found for n in mare gâ (59.16) for manega, is dropped in gehēde (38.5) for gehērde, and in undefēhst (39.8) for underfēhst. Inorganic r occurs in oððer (25.5) for oððe. L is used for b in leste (41.19), which would seem to oppose the theory of dictation.
2. Nasals. Interchange between m and n is frequent; as in þān (28. 18) for þām, and in weorðam (5.6) for weorðan (see MS. readings for various examples). N is lost in georlice (26.18), lufia (19.10); this dropping of n occurs no less than 13 times.
3. Labials. F is lost in dorte (20.6); f is doubtless a scribal error for s in gefēoð (69.6), as is sp for s in gespcōp (63.31), both of which would also cast doubt on the dictation theory.
4. Dentals. T is lost from sōðfasnes (50.7) and in at least 20 other instances; is inorganic in cræftest (4.18) and in four other cases; is used for h in matte (18.5), and for r in lǣtst (42. 18). D is lost in frēonscypes (24.6) and in about 22 other instances; is used for t in hwæd (4.13), for ð in æordlice (12.14), and in byd (28.4) 22 times. Ð (þ) is used for t as in efð (29.5 etc.) often, for d as in geðafenað (32.15) often. S is used for c as in is (17.4) and for ð as in os ðe (46. 11). 5. Gutturals and Palatals. Here occur so many substitutions that only a very few of the most typical can be cited: c for g as in þinc (30.2), for t as in gehec (10.19); g for c as in þingd (33.23), for ð in ðincg (32.25), in organic as in ǣgnig (36.13), lost as in ǣni (34.22) and hefenesse (29.14). H is frequently prefixed to words beginning with a vowel, as in hāhte (55.8) and hic (15.16), and is omitted where it belongs, as in ǣaran (61.21) and ǣr (35.1); a curious mistake is ǣr hrihte (49.10) for hǣr rihte. th for ht as in nānwith (20.23), tht for ht as in mythte (24.7). We find a single example of whīle (1.17).
2. Inflection. - The Noun: There are a few variations from the EWS. forms. The gen. sg. of mōd occurs as mōdis (2.20); while the following acc. pl. forms are noticeable: dēorlinges (65.19), hlāfordes (61.18), lāðtēwes (45.4). Ēage has in nom. pl. ēagum (22.2) and ǣagon (47.7). Under sāwle, sunu, trēow, weorld, wudu of the Glossary will be found unusual forms.
2. The Adjective. Besides the frequent substitution of m for n, the following peculiarities are typical: gs. māren (37.11), as. nānnæ (43.16), ns. wk. hēhstan (6.7); good (16.16) or gōd (12.15), betre (33.9) or betere (12.13) or best (13.25) or betst (3.6). For individual words and examples the reader is referred to the Glossary.
3 The Pronoun. Sg. nom. hē, hit (hyt), hēo; gen. hys (his), hyre; dat. hym (him), hyre; acc. hine (hyne), hit, hēo; pl. nom. and acc. hī, hȳ, hēo; gen. heora (hera, hyra); dat. heom (hiom), heoma, him (hym). The demonstrative: sg. nom. se, þæt (þæd, þat, það, þet), sēo; gen. þæs (þas, þes), þǣre (þāre, þēre); dat. þām (þān), þǣre (þāre, þēre); acc. þone (þonne, þane), þæt, þā; instr. þī, þȳ, ðon; pl. nom. ðā: gen. þara, þæra; dat. þām.
4. The Verb. The infinitive as a rule ends in -an, but sometimes in -en, as forlǣten (23.8). The gerund most often ends in -enne (-ene, -æne, -anne), as habbenne (36.8), hæbene (36.7), habbæne (27.12), lufianne (16.16); the ending -ende occurs a few times, as in bringende (12.12). The ind. pres. pi. occurs as cumæð (10.1), beside cumað (10.2). The opt. pres. sg. has often the older -æ instead of -e, as in gelȳfæ (11.18) and lufiæ (15.22), magæ and mægæ (23.16); while the plural offers the following variations: leorniæn (68 8), findan (12.19), findon (12.18).
These examples might be multiplied, but are sufficient to show the state of the language. Doubtless, when the field of Anglo-French is thoroughly worked over, Skeat's suggestion that these seeming abnormalities may prove important facts as to the date and writer of the manuscript, will be found true.[2]