Oregon Historical Quarterly/Volume 24/Number 2

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THE QUARTERLY of the Oregon Historical Society Volume XXIV = JUNE, 1923 Number 2 Copyright, 1923, by the Oregon Historical Society The Quarterly disavows responsibility for the positions taken by contributors to its pages. A NORTHWEST TRADER AT THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS By Ralph S. Kuykendall Executive Secretary of the Hawaiian Historical Commission The more we study the history of the traders who came into the Pacific Ocean for the purpose of collecting furs, hides, and whale oil, the more clearly we perceive the close connection existing in the early days between the Hawaiian Islands and the northwest coast of Amer- ica. The operations of the sea captain discussed in this paper— William Brown, master of the English ship But- terworth — are an excellent illustration of this connection. Brown is generally said to have been the discoverer of the harbor of Honolulu. Mr. Bruce Cartwright, presi- dent of the Hawaiian Historical Society, has recently shown 1 that he is not entitled to the credit for that dis- covery, and it therefore becomes a matter of some inter- est to determine just what Brown did do in the course of his several visits to the Hawaiian Islands. We are not able to trace in minute detail all the movements of Cap- tain Brown during the three years he spent in the north- west trade, but enough is known to make possible a fairly 1 "Honolulu Harbor, 1786-1795" (paper read before the Hawaiian Historical Society, Jan. 25, 1923, and published in the annual report of that society for the year 1922.) 112 Ralph S. Kuykendall complete sketch of those movements so far as these islands are concerned. Brown was one of that numerous group of commer- cial adventurers who flocked into the north Pacific Ocean in the wake of Cook, drawn thither by the chance dis- covery, as one result of the last expedition led by that great navigator, of the possibilities of wealth in the fur trade between China and the coast of America. But Brown, or the company that sent him out, 2 did not pro- pose to risk everything on the uncertainties of that traf- fic, and therefore planned to combine the fur trade with sealing and the whale fishery off the coast of South America. 3 Captain Brown arrived on the northwest coast in the spring or summer of 1792 as head of a squadron of three vessels, the ship Butterworth, under his personal com- mand, and the sloops Jackal, Captain Alexander Stewart, and Prince Lee Boo, Captain Sharp. 4 It is entirely prob- able that the squadron came out by way of Cape Horn and that on the way Captain Brown made some sort of temporary establishment at Staten Land 5 to serve as a base for the projected sealing and whaling operations. 6 Of the vessels comprising the squadron we know that the Butterworth was a ship of four hundred tons and therefore much larger than the average vessel en- gaged in the fur trade. She is also said to have formerly 2 The vessels belonged to a "company of London Merchants, the prin- cipal of which is Alderman Curtis." A Nevo Vancouver Journal on the Discovery of Puget Sound, edited by Edmond S. Meany (Seattle, 1915), 24. 3 Ibid. ; George Vancouver, A Voyage of Discovery . . . (London, 1801), V, 354. 4 Joseph Ingraham, Journal of the Voyage of the Brigantine "Hope" . . . (MS), entry for July 17, 1792. A photostat copy of this journal is in the Bernice Pauahi Bishop Museum in Honolulu. Vancouver, op. cit., VI, 399. Vancouver calls the Jackal a "cutter." Boit names "Cap- tain Gordon" as master of the Prince Lee Boo in August, 1792. "John Boit's Log of the Columbia," in Quarterly of the Oregon Historical Soci- ety, XXII, 326 (December, 1921). "This was their first season. New Vancouver Journal (Meany, ed.), 24, under date Sept. 14, 1792. 5 Staten Island, off the eastern point of Tierra del Fuego, on the direct route around Cape Horn. 6 Vancouver, op. cit., V, 354. Northwest Trader Hawaiian Islands 113 been a French frigate of thirty guns. Ingraham gives an interesting description of the Jackal. "She had Eng- lish colors and shew a teir of ports fore and aft the great- est part of which were false or only painted yet they made a good appearance at a distance that for some time we concluded she was a Kings Cutter or tender to some of the men of war on the coast." Judge Howay states that the Prince Lee Boo was named after a young chief who had been taken to England by Captain Wilson. 7 With the operations of these vessels on the northwest coast we are only incidentally concerned. They were not very successful in procuring furs during their first sea- son, but Captain Brown was not discouraged by that fact. 8 How the winter season of 1792-3 was passed is not entirely clear from the evidence now available. Ban- croft 9 cites documents which seem to indicate that two of the ships may have been on the California coast in January and March. If that is the case, at least one of them must have touched there on its way to and from the Hawaiian Islands, for two of the vessels spent the month of February, 1793, at that mid-Pacific resort of the fur traders. These two were the Butterworth, under command of Captain Brown, and the Jackal, under Cap- tain Stewart. There is no mention of the Prince Lee Boo at the islands during the winter of 1792-3, and I am therefore inclined to believe that this small sloop was left on the coast. For our information about this visit of the Butter- worth and the Jackal to the islands we are indebted to the various journals of Vancouver's voyage. The Butter - worth was not seen by any of these writers, but they heard of her at several places. The Chatham, consort of Vancouver's ship, the Discovery, came up with the Jackal 7 Ingraham, loc. cit. ; "John Boit's Log of the Columbia," loc. cit., notes 170 and 171, by Judge F. W. Howay. 8 Nenv Vancouver Journal (Meany, ed.), 33. 9 History of Northwest Coast, I, 294, note 11. 114 Ralph S. Kuykendall off the coast of Hawaii on the afternoon of February 16 and Mr. Stewart came on board. He told us he had been amongst the Islands a fortnight, he had come to this Island first, and not finding his consort the Butterworth here, he proceeded to the Leeward Islands, when not meeting there with her either, and not getting sufficient refreshments, he worked up again to this Island, and found that in the in- terim the Butterworth had been here and gone to Mowee. 10 At this time also the people on the Jackal related to those on the ChutJiam a wild tale about Kamehameha's having thrown up a rude fortification and mounted some cannon in Kealakekua bay, a story which was soon found to be entirely groundless. 11 Up to this time the Jackal had not been at the island of Maui, but possibly visited it later. The Butterworth, as we have seen, called at Hawaii and Maui and in all probability also visited Oahu and Kauai. 12 It seems probable that the two ships left the islands about the end of February, returning to the American coast, though as to the date of their departure from the islands we are without any direct evidence. So much for the itinerary of this visit. The relations of Captain Brown with the natives of the Hawaiian Islands furnish a more interesting and fruitful subject of discussion. It is customary for writ- ers to severely criticize the fur traders for their practice of selling firearms and ammunition to the natives, and 10 New Vancouver Journal (MS), entry for Feb. 16,1793. This is the same journal as that from which Professor Meany edited and published the part relating to the discovery of Puget Sound. A photostat copy of the part relating to the Hawaiian Islands is in the library of the Ha- waiian Historical Society. This journal was written on board the Chatham. 11 Vancouver, op. cit., Ill, 199, 208-9. 12 I have seen no direct statement that Brown visited Oahu and Kauai at this time, but it seems a fair inference that he did so. It was customary for trading vessels to make the round of the four principal islands, Hawaii, Maui, Oahu, and Kauai. The bargain said to have been made by Brown with Kahekili (see below), involving Oahu and Kauai, would lead us to believe that Brown called at those islands. Northwest Trader Hawaiian Islands 115 the greatest opprobrium for this practice has generally been cast on the American traders. Our information now shows that this English trader, Captain Brown, was one of the worst offenders in this regard, so much so that his death not long after at Honolulu takes on the character of a just retribution. The evidence on this point, while not very extensive, is perfectly clear and convincing. Two charges can be brought against Captain Brown: (1) that he sold firearms and ammunition to the natives of the Hawaiian Islands; and (2) that he in- cited the chiefs to keep up the internecine warfare which was in large measure responsible for the frightful de- population of the islands during this period. In order to understand the significance of these events it is necessary to take into consideration the political situation in the Hawaiian Islands. The three visits of Captain Brown coincide roughly with the visits of Van- couver and fall in the interval between the end of the first important period of the rise of Kamehameha and the final consolidation of the group under his rule. Kamehameha had made himself master of the island of Hawaii, but was still engaged in the long and bitter struggle with Kahekili, the great king of Maui and prac- tical overlord of all the leeward islands (and, according to some Hawaiian legends, the father of Kamehameha). Toward the end of this interval Kahekili died, apparently of old age, leaving his possessions to his less able brother, Kaeokulani, and son, Kalanikupule. This fact and the presence of Captain Brown's ships had an important bearing upon the final success of Kamehameha. During his first visit to the islands, in February, 1793, Brown, in exchange for provisions, seems to have sold guns and ammunition indiscriminately to both sides of the inter-island struggle, though Kamehameha seems to have gotten rather the worst of the bargain. The anony- mous author of the New Vancouver Journal, writing off Kealakekua Bay, Hawaii, about the middle of that month, says:

We were not surpriz'd at the Native's demand for Guns, when we learnt that Mr. Stewart Master of the Jackall and Mr. Brown of the Buttersworth had given ToMaihaMaiha and other chiefs of the Island no less than 30 Muskets in barter for refreshments, this is a most shameful trade, and calls loudly for a stop to be put to it.

And Menzies at the same place soon after, writes:

At the further end of [Kamehameha's] house we observed upwards of two dozen musquets, which the king said he lately procured in the way of traffic from Mr. Brown, master of the ship Butterworth of London, and added that they were so very bad that some of them burst on the first firing, on which account they were now afraid to fire any of them off.[1]

Menzies' statement suggests another feature of this traffic which deserves to be more particularly noticed, namely, the defective character of much of the material sold to the Hawaiian chiefs. On this point Vancouver writes a scathing denunciation.

{{left margin|4em|In many instances, no compensation whatever had been given by these civilized visitors, after having been fully supplied, on promise of making an ample return, with the several refreshments of the very best quality the country afforded. At other times they had imposed upon the inhabitants, by paying them in commodities of no service or value, though their defects could not be detected by the examination of the natives. This was more particularly the case in those articles which they were most eager to obtain, and most desirous to possess, namely, arms and ammunition; which chiefly composed the merchandize of the North-West American adventurers. Muskets and pistols were thus exchanged that burst on being discharged the first time, though with the proper loading. To augment the quantity of gunpowder which was sold, it was mixed with an equal, if not a larger, proportion of pounded sea or charcoal. Several of these fire-arms, and some of the powder, were produced for my inspection in this shameful state, and with the hope that I was able to afford them redress.

Many very bad accidents had happened by the bursting of these fire-arms; one instance in particular came within our knowledge a few days after our arrival. A very fine active young chief had lately purchased a musket, and on trying its effect, with a common charge of powder, it burst; and he not only lost some of the joints of his fingers on the left hand, but his right arm below the elbow was otherways so dangerously wounded, that, had it not been for the timely assistance afforded him by some of our gentlemen of the faculty, his life would have been in imminent danger.

The putting fire-arms into the hands of uncivilized people, is at best very bad policy; but when they are given in an imperfect and insufficient condition for a valuable consideration, it is not only infamously fraudulent, but barbarous and inhuman.[2]}}

At Maui Captain Brown carried on a more extensive traffic and seems also to have entered into some sort of a politico-commercial agreement with Kahekili. The chiefs of that island informed the people on board the Chatham that

Mr. Brown in the Buttersworth, who had left this Isld. only a fortnight before we arrived had given them a number of Muskets, a very large quantity of Powder, and two pieces of Cannon (4 pounders)—for these last Titeeree [Kahekili] had given to him the whole right & property of the Islands Woahoo [Oahu] & Atooi [Kauai], entitling him to take off them, at his own will every thing he stood in need of, and this strange as it may appear we afterwards found to be true, but these people have a great deal of Cunning, they know that the Ships will only touch at their Islands about a couple of months in a year, and that all they can want would be trifling to them, and for the same price or less they would sell the same Islands over again to every Ship that stops among them.[3]

It is difficult to determine the precise significance of Captain Brown's bargain with Kahekili, but in view of the sequel it appears not improbable that the writer just quoted has underestimated its value. We will presently see that Kahekili derived some benefit from his friendship with Brown and it is not likely that the latter allowed the Hawaiian chief to reap all the profits of the arrangement. It must also be considered in connection with a somewhat similar transaction reported to have taken place at Oahu the following year, which will be noticed hereafter.

Not only did Captain Brown sell arms and ammunition to the Maui chiefs, but it is evident that he also encouraged them in making war upon Kamehameha. One of the principal facts standing to the credit of Vancouver is the earnest effort he made to stop this destructive inter-island warfare. While at Maui in March, 1793, he urged the chiefs of that island to make peace with Kamehameha. In reply to his arguments,

they desired to know the reason, why the advice I gave was so directly opposite to that of the several commanders, and people of the trading vessels, who for some time past had been their constant visitors? who had uniformly recommended a continuance of the war with Owhyhee; had pointed out the numerous advantages they would obtain; and had supplied them with arms and ammunition, for the express purpose of carrying that advice into execution. [4]

In view of the inclusive character of this statement and the fact that Captain Brown had been at Maui but a fortnight before, it is clear that he was one of the "several commanders" who had been giving them this vicious counsel.

The three vessels of Captain Brown's squadron spent the trading season of 1793 on the northwest coast and at the end of the season all of them went to the Hawaiian Islands for the usual refreshments. From there Captain Brown sent the Butterworth on her way toward England, by way of Cape Horn, "with directions to fish for whales and seals in passing through the Pacific Ocean, and at Staten Land, where Mr. Brown had formed a temporary establishment." Captain Brown himself with the Jackal and Prince Lee Boo sailed to Canton.[5]

During this visit to the islands Captain Brown was given an opportunity of performing a useful service for his friend Kahekili. During the spring or summer of 1793 certain disorders occurred on the island of Kauai which seemed to be directed against the authority of that king and the regent, instigated, as it seems, by a number of renegade white men who had taken up their residence on the island, killed or drove off the men sent by Kahekili to investigate the affair. At this juncture the Butterworth arrived at Oahu and Kahekili, who was then residing on that island,

solicited Mr. Brown to take him to Attowai [Kauai] for the purpose of effecting, in an amicable way, an accommodation with this rebellious chief. With this Mr. Brown complied, and after an explanatory interview on board his ship, all matters were compromised to the mutual satisfaction of both parties.[6]

Following this diplomatic excursion to Kaui, Captain Brown visited the island of Hawaii, where he left with John Young[7] a letter for Captain Vancouver, giving an account of a number of foreign sailors, principally English and American, who had taken up their residence on the islands of Oahu and Kauai, where they had acquired much influence. These foreigners are variously referred to as "vagabonds" and "renegadoes," and, according to Brown, their presence at the leeward islands constituted a serious menace to visiting vessels, for "by the bad advice, and far worse example, of these people, the natives of most of the leeward islands had arrived at such a degree of daring insolence, as rendered any communication with them from small vessels, or even anchoring near the shores, highly dangerous." As an instance of the danger referred to, Brown stated that these renegades had formed a plan with the natives of Kauai to scuttle and capture the American brig Hancock, which had recently called at that island. Fortunately the plan miscarried. This letter was received by Vancouver in January, 1794, about a month after Brown's visit to the island of Hawaii.[8]

Having concluded his business at the islands Captain Brown sailed for Canton, probably in December, 1793, Northwest Trader Hawaiian Islands 121 with the Jackal and the Prince Lee Boo. From Canton he departed February 24, 1794, for the American coast, where he arrived June 30 in the vicinity of Mount Fair- weather, Alaska. 21 The trading season having been spent in the usual traffic for furs, Captain Brown took his de- parture from the coast in the fall of that year for his third and fatal last visit to the Hawaiian Islands. It is impossible to state with certainty just when he arrived there He was at Nootka Sound October 5, 1794, 22 and therefore could not have reached the islands much before the first of November. An apparently reliable authority 2 " states that he anchored in Fairhaven harbor [Honolulu] November 21, 1794, with the Jackal, under his own com- mand, and the Prince Lee Boo, under Captain Gordon. Of the tragical events of the next six weeks, centering about the death of Captains Kendrick, Brown and Gor- don I have before me no less than six accounts which give internal evidence of having been independently writ- ten These are: (1) the journal of John Bolt, 24 who received his information from John Young at the island of Hawaii in October, 1795; (2) an extract from the manuscript work of Rev. S. Greatheed, 25 who describes ^ncouver, op. cit., V, 354-355 ; New Vancouver Journal (MS ) , loc. cit Bok therefore, is clearly in error in stating "that in Febuary 1/94, Cant Brown anchored in Fairhaven harbour, Isle of Whoahoo with two Sloops John Boit, Jr., Journal of a Voyage Round the Globe (MS) entry for Oct. 16, 1795. A photostat copy of the Hawaiian por- tion of this journal is in 'the very valuable library of Haw an an a col letted hv former Governor George R. Carter and now, through the gift of Mr. Carter ™£e property of thi Hawaiian Mission Children's Society, Hono- 1U ls™^ work on the Sandwich Island. .quoted in the Honolulu Friend, June, 1862. In the Friend it is stated that this work ^as probably written about the commen cement of the present [19th] century, as the latest date mentioned in it is 1796 LTh • ^thorj was a founder and one of the most active members of the London Mis Inarv Society,' and Editor of the Eclectic Review. We infer, from remarks in the^work, that it was written for the purpose of proving the Sibil ty of establishing a Mission at our Islands. He appears to have consulted in addition to published voyages, several persons who had S our Islands, and consequently furnishes original information. 24 Supra, note 21. 25 Supra, note 23. 122 Ralph S. Kuykendall these events from information received from Captain Barber, who was wrecked near Honolulu in October, 1796, and had much opportunity of talking with John Young and others, and possibly also from persons who were on the Jackal and Prince Lee Boo; (3) a short statement by Broughton, 26 based seemingly on information which he obtained during his visit to Oahu in 1796, useful chiefly as corroborative evidence; (4) an account given by Jarves 27 which is, however, too brief to be of much ser- vice. Jarves gives Captain Gordon's name as "Gardner" and this error has been followed by some other writers ; (5) and (6) the accounts by Dibble 28 and Kamakau 29 which are based chiefly upon native sources. All other accounts that I have seen are based on one or more of the six here mentioned and may, for the present purpose, be disregarded. The data presented by these writers are rather confused and, on some points, very conflicting, but it is nevertheless possible to disentangle most of the facts and to make out clearly the general course of events. In order to understand what follows it will be neces- sary to revert once more to the political situation in the islands. Since Captain Brown's last visit important changes had occurred. The powerful king Kahekili had died, leaving his possessions divided, by previous arrange- ment, between his brother and his son. The son, Kalani- kupule, was king of Oahu, while the brother, Kaeokulani (or Kaeo, as he is more frequently called), ruled over Maui and Kauai. 30 Kaeo, who was residing on Maui, decided to return to Kauai. On the way he stopped with a considerable force on the northeast coast of Oahu, 39 40 W R Broughton, A Voyage of Discovery . . (London, 1804), 27 J. J. Jarves, History of the Hawaiian or Sandwich Islands (Boston, 1843), 179-180. 28 Sheldon Dibble, History of the Sandwich Islands (Lahainaluna, 1843), 68-71. 29 S. M. Kamakau, "Ka Moolelo o Kamehameha I," Chapter 29, in the Honolulu Nupepa Knokoa, June 1, 1867. 30 This may not be technically correct, but it represents the realities at the moment. Northwest Trader Hawaiian Islands 123 across the mountains from Waikiki, the capitol of the island. Some fighting took place between his followers and those of Kalanikupule, but this trouble was settled by a personal conference between the two chiefs, and Kaeo continued on around the island to Waianae, the usual point of departure for Kauai. While resting here Kaeo learned of a plot among his warriors directed against himself. In this emergency he resorted to a measure not infrequently used by more civilized generals. He pro- posed an immediate attack on Kalanikupule and the con- quest of Oahu. The plot collapsed and his followers ral- lied about him with enthusiasm, augmented in numbers by several bands of disaffected Oahuans. The advance toward Waikiki was begun at once and within a few days the two armies were in contact west of Honolulu. From the various accounts it appears that besides almost con- tinuous skirmishing, there were two engagements that might be called pitched battles, the whole campaign ex- tending over a period of perhaps two or three weeks and ending December 12. Kalanikupule was defeated in the first of the two general engagements but was victorious in the second, in which also Kaeo was slain. It was at the beginning of this campaign — a critical moment in the fortunes of Kalanikupule— that Captain Brown brought his two vessels into the harbor of Fair- haven. His coming must have seemed to the harassed king like a gift from the gods, for he immediately applied to Captain Brown for assistance in the struggle with Kaeo. His overtures met with a favorable response and it is clear that some kind of an agreement was made be- tween the two. Just what the terms of this agreement were it is not so easy to determine. About the only things that we can be quite sure of are that Brown agreed to furnish some assistance to the king and that Kalanikupule agreed to pay something for this service. Kamakau, who alone gives any details on this point, states that Kalani- kupule arranged to secure the aid of Captain Brown "for 124 Ralph S. Kuykendall the price of four hundred hogs." Boit states that while Captain Brown was in the harbor "the Chiefs of Whoa- hoo made him a formal present of the Island with all its contents, of which he accordingly took possession," but it is evident that Boit is here speaking somewhat loosely. It is true that the Haw T aiians were very generous, as they still are, in their hospitality, but it is also true that the chiefs did not give away whole islands without receiving some valuable consideration in exchange. Boit fails to show what the consideration was in this case. In fact he makes it appear that there was no consideration at all, for he does not indicate that either Brown or his men took any part in the war. But all our other authorities concur in saying that Brown furnished assistance to Kalanikupule, although they do not agree at all points as to the form that the assistance took. This assistance doubtless was the consideration for the "formal present of the Island with all its contents" or for the four hun- dred hogs, as the case may have been. From this it is clear that Boit has left something out. Greatheecl makes a statement which confirms Boit in some particulars and supplies a missing link in the latter's account. It will be remembered that Boit received his information from John Young. Greatheed says : Capt. Barber, who was wrecked at Woahu [in October, 1796], understood from John Young, that Capt. Brown had prevailed upon the natives to surrender the Island to him, and to supply him a long time with provisions, with flattering prom- ises, none of which being fulfilled, the Islanders determined to seize the ships by way of indem- nity. 31 31 The problem presented by the alleged surrender of the island to Brown is well-nigh insoluble. It will be seen that Boit reports an out- right "formal present," while Greatheed speaks of a "surrender" in con- sideration of certain promises. Kamakau, as will presently be shown, makes a statement which may possibly mean that Brown demanded the surrender of the island, the demand being refused by Kalanikupule, but Kamakau places this after the battle rather than before. One is also led to wonder whether this "present" or "surrender," if it occurred, had any relation to the gift of the islands of Oahu and Kauai reported to have Northwest Trader Hawaiian Islands 125 The latter part of this statement has to do with events which will be referred to later. We do not know what Captain Brown's "flattering promises" were which failed of fulfillment, but from Mr. Greatheed's account it is made to appear that Brown gave very substantial aid to Kalanikupule in the present emergency. Some details in reference to the fighting have been preserved. It is probable that in the early stages of the campaign Captain Brown furnished only guns and am- munition, but as the forces of Kaeo came nearer the har- bor and threatened, if they prevailed, to attack the ships, Capt. B. consulted his people, and Mr. Geo. Lamport, mate of the Jackall, with eight others, agreed to join Taetere's [Kalanikupule's] forces, to repulse the enemy. In the first engagement the natives de- serted them, and one of the English was killed, and the rest narrowly escaped to the canoes. Sev- eral actions afterwards took place, but on the 12th December they obtained a complete victory, with great slaughter, and returned the 13th, after six days absence from the ships. 32 Kamakau gives the arrangement of the armies in the final battle, and says that Captain Brown and his men were in boats along the shore. They thus occupied the left wing of Kalanikupule's line of battle and were able to throw a flanking fire into Kaeo's army. The same authority says that the fighting was very severe, and that Kaeo would have escaped had not his brilliant ahuulu (red feather cloak) given him away. In the meantime, while the campaign was in progress, another vessel, the American brig Lady Washington, in command of Captain John Kendrick, came into the har- bor of Fairhaven and cast anchor near the two English been made by Kahekili to Captain Brown the preceding year. Whatever the transaction was, it is entirely probable that it meant one thing to Brown and quite a different thing to the Hawaiian chief. This will be clear to anyone who has studied the discussions evoked by Kamehameha's cession of the island of Hawaii to England through Vancouver. 32 Greatheed. 126 Ralph S. Kuykendall ships. 33 Only two of our authorities, Boit and Dibble, make any reference to Kendrick and his brig and they are quite contradictory. Dibble says "Captain Brown interested himself in the war, but Captain Kendrick took no part in it." Boit on the other hand says that "a battle was fought & was gain'd by the King of Whahooa, by the assistance of Capt. Kendrick." It is quite impossible to reconcile the two statements and it is therefore neces- sary to accept one and reject the other or to leave the question unsettled. Although on the whole the weight of evidence seems to be against Kendrick's participation in the fighting, it will perhaps be best not to dogmatize on the subject. The question is of no importance for this study except as it bears on the history of Captain Brown. After the victory of Kalanikupule, a victory won by the aid of Captain Brown and possibly also by the aid of Captain Kendrick, a salute was fired from the ships in the harbor. One of the saluting guns on the Jackal was, through an oversight, loaded with round and grape shot, and this shot passed through the Lady Washington, kill- ing Captain Kendrick and several of his crew. 34 The body of Kendrick was taken on shore for burial and the natives, who had never seen anything of the kind before, thought the prayer and burial service were "an act of sorcery to procure the death of Captain Brown." 35 Shortly after this the Lady Washington sailed for Canton. The Jackal and the Prince Lee Boo remained in the harbor and for a time the relations between the English- men and the Hawaiians seemed to be as friendly as ever. But toward the end of December a plot was formed among the natives for the seizure of the two vessels. As to the cause of this plot our authorities do not agree. 33 Boit gives the date as Dec. 3. 34 This is according to Boit, who is supported on this point by Amasa Delano, Narrative of Voyages and Travels (Boston, 1817), 400. Delano was a personal friend of Kendrick. Dibble says Kendrick was killed "by a wad, as is supposed, from one of the guns." 35 Dibble. Praying to death" was a common practice among the Hawaiians. Northwest Trader Hawaiian Islands 127 One possible reason is suggested in the statement already quoted from Greatheed, that Brown, in consideration of the surrender of the island and the furnishing of supplies to him, had made flattering promises, "none of which being fulfilled, the Islanders determined to seize the ships by way of indemnity." Kamakau says that after the final battle Captain Brown urged upon Kalanikupule, that the government of Oahu pay them for the assistance rendered in the war against Kaeo. Kalanikupule replied that he was willing to give him the number of hogs first promised, four hundred, but no more. Captain Brown insisted that more pay should be given, but again Kalanikupule said that he was willing to live up to his first agreement. Because of this the chiefs conspired to kill Captain Brown and his men. 36 About all we can with certainty make out of these state- ments is that after the battle some misunderstanding or disagreement arose between Captain Brown and the natives and that this caused the latter to plan the fearful deed that followed. It must not be supposed, however, that this was the only reason for the tragedy. Other motives were natural cupidity in the presence of an easily obtained prize, and the primitive instincts which were by this time held in check, on the island of Hawaii, by the strong hand of Kamehameha. One gets from the several accounts a suggestion that Kalanikupule at first placed his veto upon the treacherous plan proposed by his chiefs but was at length induced to give his consent. 37 On the first day of January, 1795, the plan was put into execution. A large number of hogs having been brought to the shore for the ships, the 36 The original Hawaiian of this passage seems to be somewhat am- biguous, and may mean that Captain Brown demanded that the island of Oahu should be given to him as payment for his services. But Mr. John H. Wise, an Hawaiian scholar of recognized standing, whose trans- lation I am following, while admitting the possibility of this construction, does not think that Kamakau intended to convey that meaning. 37 This is stated directly by Dibble. 128 Ralph S. Kuykendall English sailors were employed on the beach salting the pork and preparing it for shipment. Several of the crew with an officer had been sent for salt to a place some dis- tance away. The Englishmen being thus scattered and the vessels almost deserted, except for the two captains, who remained on board, a large double Canoe, full of men, rang'd up along side the Prince Laboo, & struck her small boat, that lay along side, & somewhat damag'd her upon which Capt. Gordon run to ye gangway to blame them for it, & the Indian on board taken that ad- vantage pitchd him overboard, & there they im- mediatly dispatchd him. they directly repair'd along side the Jack'all, where Capt. Brown was walking the poop, by himself, when one of ye Savages gets up on the poop, & made a pass at the Good old Captain with an Iron dagger, which he fend'd of, & seized a Swivell worm & drove the fellow of, he was soon follow'd by a number more, which the Captain likewise beat of, but at last he was overpower'd by numbers & receiv'd a fatal stab in the back of the neck & was pitch'd from the poop on to the main deck where he soon ex- pir'd, & so by there savage artfulness they got possession of both vessells, without the loss of a man on there side, in the meantime they had seiz'd the Boats & People that where on shore. 38 Greatheed, whose account, while less detailed than Boit's graphic narrative, agrees with it in the main, adds that when Mr. Lamport, the officer who had been sent for salt, arrived at the place appointed, his boat was at- tacked and himself and the crew knocked down and cruelly treated by the mob, till they gave up resistance. They were then led captive to a hut about a mile distant, where they learned the mur- der of their captains, and other events. They were stripped, and remained one hour and a half in expectation of death, till they were freed from it by an order which Taetere [Kalanikupule] sent 38 Boit. Northwest Trader Hawaiian Islands 129 to spare them and conduct them to the village of Honununo [Honolulu], where the ships laid. There they found Capt. B.'s body stripped and tied by the hands and feet to a pole. Being in possession of the two ships, with a large quantity of arms and ammunition, Kalanikupule and his advisers conceived this to be an opportune moment for striking a decisive blow at Kamehameha. The surviving members of the crews were compelled, under guard, to fit the vessels for sea, and when all was ready the king and his chiefs went on board and the ships were warped out of Fairhaven harbor and anchored in Waikiki bay. The next day Mr. Bonallack, mate of the Prince Lee Boo, and Mr. Lamport, mate of the Jackal, agreed upon a plan for retaking the vessels that night. It was a desper- ate venture but the attempt was entirely successful, the natives on board being killed or driven off, with the ex- ception of the king, queen, and three or four of their personal attendants. The ships immediately put to sea, but at daybreak they again came near the shore and, after placing the king and queen in a canoe with one attendant, made all sail for the island of Hawaii, and from there, after procuring supplies, took their departure for Canton. The account just given is according to Greatheed, with whom Boit is in substantial agreement. The Ha- waiian accounts, as given by Kamakau and Dibble, relate the matter somewhat differently. These state that as soon as the two ships were out of the harbor they set sail at once for Hawaii. The natives, however, became very seasick. Dibble says that the foreigners covered the rigging with oil that was extremely offensive, thus adding to the sickness of the natives. Kamakau quotes one of the chiefs as saying to the king that the people became sick because the foreigners had stink pots all over the vessels. On account of this sickness the ships returned to Waikiki and the natives all went ashore, with the ex- ception of the king, queen, and a few of their servants. 130 Ralph S. Kuykendall The same night, according to Kamakau, the ships sailed away for the island of Hawaii after leaving the king and queen in a canoe off shore. They told Kamehameha what had happened, "even handing over to him the stock of arms of the government of Oahu." Dibble, however, says they set sail the next day, the native warriors being in a fleet of canoes. "The foreigners, instead of sailing for Hawaii, stood directly out into the open ocean, sent Kala- nikupule ashore at Waikiki and took a final leave of the islands. It is said, they touched at Hawaii and delivered the arms and ammunition to Kamehameha. " Kamakau concludes his account of these events with the following observation : "The government of Hawaii owes these men a debt of gratitude, for taking away all of the arms of Kalanikupule. If these arms had not been taken away by these ships from Kalanikupule it would be hard to say whether the whole of the governments of Hawaii would have come under the control of Kameha- meha." Within less than five months after the death of Captain Brown, Kamehameha over-ran Maui and Molo- kai, defeated Kalanikupule in the great battle of Nuuanu, and became ruler of all the islands except Kauai. The account which I have here given of Captain Brown and his activities at the Hawaiian Islands has left untouched certain questions which will at once sug- gest themselves to those familiar with the history of that epoch. Brown is customarily said to have done three things: (1) discovered Honolulu harbor; (2) brought into that harbor the first sailing vessel to enter it; (3) given to the harbor the name "Fairhaven," by which title it was known to the fur traders. The primary evidence on all of these points is contained in the various authorities cited in the course of this paper. The direct evidence can be summed up very briefly. Jarves, Brough- ton, and Greatheed say that Brown was the discoverer of the harbor. Dibble and Jarves say that the Jackal, one of Brown's ships, was the first vessel to enter the harbor. Northwest Trader Hawaiian Islands 131 Jarves and Greatheed say that Brown gave the harbor its name "Fairhaven." Mr. Cartwright, as previously noted, has shown that Brown was not the original discoverer of Honolulu har- bor, and he has done this by the simple process of show- ing that someone else had already discovered it several years before Brown came to the Hawaiian Islands. A similar line of reasoning can be applied to the statement that Brown brought the first sailing vessel into the har- bor. Menzies, 39 writing under date of March 23, 1793, is authority for the statement that while on the North- west coast Vancouver had been informed by the masters of some of the trading vessels that there was a small snug harbor in this vicinity. This plainly indicates, though it does not prove absolutely, that some of these trading ves- sels had actually entered the harbor. If so, they must have done this during the winter of 1791-2 or earlier. Vancouver left the American coast in January, 1793, 40 and therefore received this information during the sum- mer or fall of 1792. If our account of Brown's activities is correct, his first visit to the Hawaiian Islands was made in February, 1793, and it is therefore highly prob- able that he was not the first trader to bring a ship into Honolulu harbor. As to the third claim made for Cap- tain Brown, there seems at present no sound reason for denying that he gave to the harbor the name "Fairhaven," although this claim rests on the same foundation as the other two. 39 Op. cit., 126. 40 Vancouver, op. cit., Ill, 169. LETTERS RELATING TO THE SECOND VOYAGE OF THE COLUMBIA The Columbia, the first ship to carry the Stars and Stripes around the world, returned to Boston, under the command of Captain Robert Gray, on 10th August 1790. She sailed again, after being thoroughly overhauled and refitted, on 28th September 1790, though it was 1st Oc- tober before she actually left Massachusetts Bay. A memorandum included in the Barrell Letters, in the Ar- chives of the Massachusetts Historical Society, shows that the venture was divided into fourteen shares, which were distributed and owned as follows : Samuel Brown, three shares; Thomas Bulfinch, two shares; Crowell Hatch, two shares; R. Gray, Davenport, and McLean, two shares ; Joseph Barrell, five shares. Thus it would ap- pear that the interests of John Derby and J. M. Pintard, who had held shares in the first voyage, had been ac- quired by Captain Gray and two friends. The cargo was valued at £1519 10s; the total investment represented £6254. Another somewhat illegible memorandum gives the names of the officers and crew, which, as nearly as I could decipher it, are as follows: Robert Gray, com- mander; Robert Haswell, chief mate; Joshua Caswell, second mate ; Owen Smith, third mate ; Abraham Montes (Waters ?), fourth mate; John Boit, fifth mate; John Hoskins, clerk; Samuel Homer and Jack Atooi, cabin boys; Benjamin Harden, boatswain; Samuel Yendell, carpenter; Nathan Duneley, carpenter's mate; John Ernes, blacksmith; Popkins, armorer; Bart Peas, cooper; Tom, ship's cook; George Davidson, painter; Nickels, tailor ; Joseph Barnes, John Butler, Bryant Muile ( ?) , Antony Lowes, Joseph Folger, Andrew New- hill, Ellsworth, and Weeks, seamen; Obadiah Weston, sailmaker; and Nathaniel Woodward, Isaac, Ginnings, and Shepherd, green hands. Jack Atooi is the so-called "Hawaiian Prince," though here rated as a cabin boy ; the second mate, Caswell, and the Second Voyage of the Columbia 133 seamen, Barnes and Folger, were killed by the Indians at Massacre Cove, in Tongass Narrows, Alaska, as men- tioned in the letters hereto attached and in Boit's Journal. Benjamin Harden, the boatswain, died at Clayoquot Sound, Vancouver Island, in March 1792. The authorities for this voyage are: Boit's Journal, which covers the whole period ; Hoskins' Narrative, deal- ing with the events from the departure from Boston until the beginning of the cruise of 1792; Has well's Second Log, which opens on 13th August 1791 and closes when the ship leaves the coast ; and the fragment of the official log dealing with the discovery of the Columbia River. The first and the last of these sources have been pub- lished ; a precis of Haswell's Second Log is appended to Bancroft's Northwest Coast; but the complete Haswell and Hoskins both remain in manuscript. It is to be hoped that in the near future they will be given to the world. The letters which are herewith reproduced are taken from the Barrell Letters, already mentioned. They are very largely self-explanatory. It has been thought un- necessary to add anything but a few notes in reference to some of the persons and places. These letters will form, to a certain extent, a companion piece to the Boit Journal which appeared in this Quarterly in December 1921. The long, fault-finding letter, dated 21st August 1792, from Hoskins to Barrell, is, after much considera- tion, inserted in full. In the future, if and when the Hoskins Narrative is published, this letter will be found useful to the student who wishes to appraise accurately some of the statements which that narrative contains. The extract from Menzies' Journal is appended be- cause of its connection with the Columbia, then south- ward bound on the voyage during which she entered the Columbia River. Archibald Menzies, the author of the journal, had been on the coast in 1787-1788 on the Prince of Wales, commanded by Captain Colnett. In 1791 he joined H. M. S. Discovery, Captain George Vancouver, as 134 F. W. Howay botanist. While at Nootka the surgeon, Dr. Cranstoun, was invalided home, and Menzies, who was a surgeon by profession, was appointed by Vancouver in September 1792 to succeed him. A copy of his journal is in the Archives of British Columbia. I am indebted to Mr. John Forsyth, the Provincial Archivist, for his kind per- mission to publish this extract. The portion of Menzies' Journal, from the arrival of the Discovery on the Oregon coast until her departure from Nootka in the fall of 1792, will shortly appear as a Memoir of the British Columbia Archives Department. We shall then have three complete accounts of that part of Vancouver's voy- age, viz.: Vancouver's own version as set out in his Voyage; the New Vancouver Journal, published in Vols. V and VI of the Washington Historical Quarterly; and Menzies' Journal. F. W. HOWAY On board Ship Columbia Nantasket Road Thursday 30th Sept 1790. Sir: No doubt you will be surprised to hear from me at this place but I suppos'd you would be glad to hear the ship was safe. When I inf orm'd you by the Pilot we had a free wind & should go to Sea as fast as possible. All that day & the next day we sail'd with the winds variable from ESE to E in hopes to get clear of the Land before the gale but in the night we were becalm'd & in the morn- ing the wind sprang up briskly from the NE & blew a heavy gale. We were then of Truro in Cape Cod. It was then thought best for the safety of the Ship to run into Cape Cod which we did & came to Anchor about 7 o'Clock at night in Barnstable Bay. As we then lay 'twas im- possible to put to Sea should the wind come fair. It was again thought best to weigh anchor & stand out of the Bay & should the wind come fair we could go to Sea Second Voyage of the Columbia & should it not we could run for Boston. Accordingly about 9 o'Clock we weigh'd with a heavy gale all day from NE to SE & about 10 o'Clock at night we came to anchor in the Light house Channel. This morning we again weigh'd & run into this place were we are safe at anchor impatiently awaiting for a fair wind. All on Board are well & hearty. Capt Gray's best respects to you & the [Thus ends the original.] On board the Ship Columbia at Sea in Latitude 50° No. Longitude 24° West November 13th 1790 Sir We sail'd from Nantasket road the morning after we left you with a fair wind. Mr. Woodward did not arrive before we sail'd and we thought it not worth while to wait for him, consequently we did not get the beans & other things you sent. Capt Gray wishes you Sir to call at the Custom House for the Ship Columbia's Grand Chop 1 or China clearance which he left there when he enter'd the Ship (Capt Magee 2 or Mr Perkins 3 can tell it) and send it out to Canton by the first good safe hand as he expects should he go to Canton to save at least half the duties by having it. We are all pretty well the Gen- tlemen join us in best respects to you & the owners. We are y r most h bl S* Robert Gray John Hoskins iThe original meaning of "chop" is a stamp or seal; hence its secon- dary meaning: a clearance or pass bearing the seal of the officer by whom it was issued. The Grand Chop or Red Chop was the port clear- ance All vessels complained of these whimsical Chinese restrictions; see Capt. Cook's Third Voyage (Dublin ed. 1784) Vol. 3, p. 427 et seq.; Marchand's Voyage (London, 1801), Vol. 2, p. 96 et seq. 2 Of the ship Margaret of Boston, which was on the coast in 1792. 3 Thomas Handasyd Perkins of Boston, member of the great Chinese house of Perkins & Co. 136 F. W. Howay The next letter is an exact duplicate of the above, ex- cept that it bears only the signature of Robert Gray. It was evidently enclosed in the following letter. On board Ship Columbia at Sea November 14 1790 Sir The foregoing is a copy of what we wrote you yes- terday by a Portuguese Ship bound to the Coast of Bra- zil. 4 We avaiFd ourselves of the first opportunity not knowing when we should have another, but well convinc'd it would be a long time before you receiv'd it yet we thought that news from us though a long time coming would be agreeable to you & the owners & the necessity of our having the Grand Chop to save duties at China We are with all respect Robert Gray John Hoskins 5 Ship Columbia of Cape Percival Falkland Islands Feb^ 2 d 1791 Sir We this day came out of New Island Harbour 6 where we arrived 10 days since, after a long tedious passage of 113 days. We have been wind bound four days, all hearty & well on board — we still hope to get safe round Cape Horn & be early on the Coast; depend on it every thing will be done to give us as short a passage as pos- sible 4 Hoskins says: "The boat was sent on board with a letter which the Portuguese Captain was polite enough to say he would forward by the earliest conveyance." 5 This letter was sent by Capt. Butler of the Aurora of Bristol, a whaler then bound around Cape Horn. See Hoskins' Narrative MS. 6 This was on one of the small islands lying to the westward of the main Falkland Islands. The Columbia anchored here on 23d January 1791. Hoskins' Narrative gives a lengthy account of the occurrences there. See also, Boit's Journal in xxii Oregon Historical Quarterly, p. 271. Cape Percival is the westernmost point of the group; see a map in Cook's First Voyage, by Hawkesworth (London, 1773), p. 40. Second Voyage of the Columbia We have already wrote you by two opportunitys, the one via Lisbon the other Bristol, requesting you to send the Ship Columbia's Grand Chop to Canton, as soon as possible, because it will be a saving of a great part of the duties, which are very high there.— The Gentlemen Officers are well & desire there best respects to you & the other Gentlemen, with whom join, Sir, your & their most devoted and much obliged humble Servants Robert Gray John Hoskins Sir : will you be so good as to let my mother know I am hearty & well ! Yrs J. Hoskins Joseph Barrell Esq r . Ship Columbia N W Coast of America Lattitude 55° 0' North 15 August 1791 Sir We arrived safe on this Coast the 4th June last. We have done every thing that was possible for the Concern'd. This night at 12 o'Clock we spoke the Brig Hancock Capt Crowell from Boston and were much disappointed at receiving no letters from you. 7 Mr Hatch the chief mate has promis'd to deliver this. We three days ago met with an unfortunate accident, our second mate Joshua Caswell of Maiden, and two of our seamen were massacreed by the natives of this place (the seamen's names were Jo. Burns & John Folger) at a short distance from the Ship in the Jolly boat. 8 We got the boat and the body of Mr 7 See Boit's Journal in xxii Oregon Historical Quarterly, p. 286. In his Narrative Hoskins also records his disappointment, especially as the Hancock had sailed from Boston a month or six weeks later than the Columbia. , , . . n . , T , . s The details of this massacre are to be found in Boits Journal in volume xxii of this Quarterly, pp. 284-5. 138 F. W. HOWAY Caswell which we decently interr'd. — Capt Ingraham 9 has arriv'd safe on the Coast, about the same time we did. The Officers requests their particular respects to you & the Gentlemen of the Concern'd We are Sir with all respects Yours most hbl Servts Robert Gray John Hoskins P, S. Sir, you'l please to let my mama know that I am well. Mr. Boit also requests you'l let his parent know he is in health. Joseph Barrell Esqr. Ship Columbia Washington's Islands Latitude 53°5' North, 22 d August 1791 Sir We wrote you a few days since by Capt Adamson, 10 and now embrace this by Capt Ingraham. We arrived safe on this Coast about three months ago, and have done every thing possible for the concern'd. In the Latitude of 55°30' north we were so unfortunate as to loose our second mate Joshua Caswell & two of our men, who were massacreed by the natives. As yet we have not built the Sloop, 11 nor do we intend it 'till we go into winter quar- ters ; we expect to start early with her in the spring and will endeavour to shorten our voyage as much as possible. Depend nothing will be wanting on our part to do every thing in our power for the concern'd — the Gentlemen re- quests their respects to you & the Gentlemen of the con- cern'd — with whom join your & their 9 The master of the Hope of Boston, which sailed on 16th September 1790 and reached Queen Charlotte Islands on 29th June 1791. 10 Adamson was in charge of the tender to the Hancock. Hoskins in his Narrative says: "It was with the greatest pleasure I embraced this opportunity to write to Mr. Barrell our principal owner." 11 The Adventure built at Clayoquot Sound, Vancouver Island, and launched the 22d February 1792. See the next letter, and also Boit's Journal in this Quarterly, Vol. xxii, pp. 292, 294, 301, 302. Second Voyage of the Columbia Most obliged & very H bl S* Robert Gray John Hoskins Please to inform my mama I am well. — Yrs, J.H. Joseph Barrell Esq r . Ship Columbia Woody point July 12th 1792 We wrote you by the several opportunities which pre- sented the last season— since which we have built the Sloop and called her the Adventure, in which Capt Has- well 12 is now on a Cruise to the northward. we received your Letters P. Capt Magee, the contents we note and shall follow your instructions. our Cargo is nearly expended, and though not as good a rate as we could wish, yet we hope at least to make a saving voyage : skins being a hundred P Cent dearer this season than they were the last, besides we have very dis- couraging accounts from Canton. the natives from the arms & ammunition they have received, have become expert marksmen and exceedingly troublesome — there are as many vessels on the Coast this season, as there were the last. All well on board, this spring we buried our Boatswain 13 who was the only sick man we had. Our officers beg their best respects to you and the 12 Robert Haswell, the author of the two manuscript logs covering parts of the first and second voyages of the Columbia. On the first voy- age he sailed as third mate of the Columbia, became second mate at the Cape Verd Islands, transferred to a similar position on the W ashington at the Falkland Islands, and when Gray and Kendrick exchanged com- mands at Clayoquot Sound in July 1789, returned with the former to the Columbia and sailed in her to China and thence to Boston; he re-shipped with Capt. Gray on the second voyage as first mate. He now takes command of the Adventure until she is sold to the Spaniards. His second log gives an account of (inter alia) his work on her. is Benjamin Harden. See Boit's Journal in this Quarterly, Vol. xxii, p. 301, and note thereto. 140 F. W. HOWAY Owners in which they are most sincerely join'd by your & their most obliged and most devoted Servants John Hoskins for self and Robert Gray h r k k — Sea otters y k k k — Land furs Joseph Barrell Esq r . The next letter in the series is identical with the above down to the word "troublesome" in the fourth para- graph, except that it is dated from Naspautee. 14 It car- ries the endorsement "Original P. Capt James Magee." St. Lorenzo Nootka Sound Aug* 21 1792. Sir No doubt you will be surprised, at hearing of us from this place, when your orders so positively forbad going to any Spanish port, but in case of distress, w h I am sorry to say, is the cause of our putting in here. On the 27th of June last, in Latitude 52°30'N°. Longitude 130°36' West the Ship struck on a rock, 15 which made her leak so much, as to keep one pump a going; in this situation we made a harbour near to Woody point, where the ship was haul'd ashore ; there was a considerable sheathing knock'd of the starboard bilge, and the plank broke through in two places; the lower part of the stem & forward part of the keel were shatter'd to pieces. The Carpenter in- formed he could do nothing with the stem & keel, until the Ship was unloaded & laid on blocks; that he must take the damaged parts out & put in new. The Carpen- ter repaired the bilge, spik'd the shatter'd stem together, sheath'd & cauhVd it over. This being done we saiPd for 14 Nesparte Inlet, in which was situate Columbia's Cove on the west coast of Vancouver Island. 15 See further as regards this accident the Boit Journal in this Quar- terly, Vol. xxii, p. 319, and note thereon. Second Voyage of the Columbia 141 this place, where we arrived the 23 d of July, and reported our situation to the Spanish Governor, who very politely offer'd us every assistance. He has lent us store houses for our Goods, granted the second best house in his small Town, for Cap* Gray and myself to lodge & do our busi- ness in; and insists on our eating & drinking with him, at his house ; where we live most sumptiously. We are happy to inform you the Ship is now thorough- ly repaired, reloaded & fit for Sea. Tomorrow we shall sail for port Montgomery, 16 where we expect to meet Mr Has well in the Sloop. We expect to leave the Coast in about a month, and shall try what can be done at Japan & the northern Coast of China. We have nothing more to add at present than we are your much obliged & most obedient humb le Serv ts Robert Gray John Hoskins Capt Ingraham requests you would inform his Owners that he has been in this port & are all well. will you be so good as to inform my mother I am well — h r k k . S.O. St Lorenzo, Nootka Sound Aug st 21 st , 1792. Esteemed Sir : — Capt. Gray and myself have already wrote you by this conveyance, via New Spain ; & as you are my friend and principal employer I take the liberty in my own name, of stating to you some of the particular transactions of our voyage, and principally what concerns myself. Soon after our leaving Boston I found myself very disagreeably situated & unsupported by the man, who 16 This port was somewhere on the west coast of Queen Charlotte Islands, but its exact location has not, as yet, been determined. 142 F. W. HOWAY ought to have been my friend, he on the contrary held me in the most contemptable light, and introduc'd me to his officers as a spy upon his and their conduct, not only as it respected trade, but even to their domestic life ; this station of mine was soon made known to the whole ship's company, and to every vessel we have spoke. — he and his officers have frequently convers'd together, on the method of treatment that was requisite for me. and I have reason to believe, if I had sign'd the articles, or you had not so fully mentioned me in your orders to him, I should have long before this day been before the mast, if not turn'd ashore ; but as this was plac'd out of their power, the only method they had left was to treat me ill. this they have done very frequently and been countenanc'd for it by their Commander. I could recite many disagreeable say- ings they have made use of at those times respecting your- self, but at present I'll forbear. My books I have regularly kept, and will venture to say, you will find the accounts as fair, and as honest as my situation would admit. — when I first propos'd open- ing the books, which was not long after we got to sea ; I was told the books was of no use nor myself neither, for that it was impossible for me to keep any account of the disposal of the Cargo. I insisted it was possible & would if I could not keep a perfect account, keep the best that was possible and that I was convinc'd, on my return, that you would make every allowance, if everything had the appearance of fair play. — I open'd the books with a sep- arate account of every article in the invoice; this I was told was not right that I knew not how to keep books; I told them this was the way all merchants kept them, that you also kept them in the same way. the answer was damn Jo Barrell he does not know how to keep books or any thing else, except his damn mean ways, of setting his damn clerks to overlook people and the like. I then requested to be shown the right method of keeping books ; but no one knowing, I went on my old way. yet every Second Voyage of the Columbia 143 time I open any books I receive similar treatment and yet these same people are so illiterate as scarce to know a book when they see it. Since we have been on the Coast, we have cruiz'd various parts of it, (but give me leave to say I knew as much of the Coast, when we first arriv'd as did the Com- mander of your Ship) but my treatment has not been alter'd. — I have reason to think notwithstanding I keep a good lookout, there is some unfair play and which if pos- sible I will endeavor to discover, least I should be mis- taken in this, I'll give you some reasons. Capt. Gray brought out several old fashion woolen coats & other ar- ticles, which I have heard him declare, if he could get an opportunity he would sell and convert the proceeds to his own use. this by no means shows an honest principal in the Commander, he has also said should the Ship go to Boston, he would not send any property of his own in her. he would send it to New York. — Mr. Haswell I have heard from the Commander of another Ship, has said to his officers, that he would make 10,000 Dollars, he would then go to England that the Owners might go to hell & his wages & p Centage with them, if these are the dashes that they are making no doubt we shall neat you small proffits.— You may possibly blame me for not preventing this, but if you will recollect the Captain of this Ship is a man of no principle, that he does not, nor has not since he left Boston, commanded his Ship, this I do not say of myself, his officers have told him so on his own quarter deck, though when I have at times spoken for the good of the concern, he has frequently told me I am master of the Ship and will do as I please, but really if he had have been, I should have been properly supported and treated both by him and his officers like a gentleman. When you reflect on what small powers I am invested, and those principally in the Captains' orders and consider their ungenteel treatment of me, owing to their being jealous that I am a spy upon their conduct, and this pro144 F. W. Howay ceeding from a dishonest principle, which they have so fatally imbib'd, that even their honour, the risk of the loss of all their property cannot eradicate, for I am sure when honour and honesty is made the rule of a man's con- duct, he cares not for the damage ten thousand spies can do him. You must think my situation truly an unhappy one. — though I well know it is a delicate matter, to dele- gate powers to a young inexperienc'd man like myself, who has so many ill examples, so many temptations be- fore him & who is to be for so great a length of time from the face of his employers, but Sir give me leave to say, it would have been better for me, not to have had any concern in this business ; then I should not have lain open to the censorious world, for though I may be innocent, yet I may fall a sacrifice to the faults of others, or as I am concern'd that you had not have granted me more & fuller powers, or sent a man that knew how to command him- self, then he would have known how to command his Ship and to shew his officers there places, with such a man I should have had authority enough. — Your letter p Capt. Magee directed to Capt. Gray & myself has rais'd me a little in their opinion. I could wish there was some per- son in Canton, who had your orders to take the Ship & Cargo out of the present hands, if there was I think it would be to your advantage. You may from what I have said think I am a preju- diced, discontented boy ; believe me Sir I am discontented and will not say I am altogether unprejudiced; which I who so well know your disposition, believe you would be equally so with a man who has not even the least principle of honour or honesty but appears to be divested of every virtue, and who is in grain if not openly a Knave and a Fool, let all I have said remain entre nos until my re- turn, when to your and their faces I will retale every circumstance. I hope however you will take measures to prevent anything on your side of the water. The last season we did not collect many skins, we went Second Voyage of the Columbia 145 into winter quarters the 20th of September, there built a House & set up the Sloop she was best part done, when the natives on the 18th of February came to attack us; she was then got ready to launch as soon as possible, otherways according to our customary delays I know not whether She would have been launch'd at this time, we sail'd together on the 2 d April the one to the Southward, the other to the Northward on board the Ship owing to their being no Commander we have run many risks both in sailing along shore and going into harbours, unknown, unsounded, and without a boat in the water ; one of these harbours with the wind blowing on to the breakers, we ran down and over a bar, in three fathoms of water, were as good luck would have it we got over safe, and without sounding or a boat ahead we bear out of the same place & came over the bar again in three fathoms water, thus many are the dangers we have past and risks carelessly run. 17 At last however fortune refus'd any longer to smile and in blundering along, (for I can call it by no better name) without any lookout kept, within three miles of a most inhospitable & rocky shore, the Ship going six knots with a crowd of sail, struck a rock about four feet under water (this was the 25th of June) the Sloop in company. Mr. Haswell says he in the Sloop saw the rock break & hauFd from it. (the Ship was to follow him) the Ship however making but little water was immediately bore away for Derby's Sound, the night of the 26th it blew a fresh gale from the westward, the officers of the watches of both vessels raced to try which would carry sail longest & go fastest by the wind, previous to this Mr. Haswell was ordered to tack at 12 oClock it then being Mr. Smith 18 watch in the Ship, the Sloop went 17 There is something wrong here; perhaps Hoskins' evident animus overbore his regard for accuracy. In the Boit Journal in this Quarterly, Vol. xxii, pp. 306 and 309, it is stated that in entering Gray's Harbor and the Columbia River Capt. Gray had a boat ahead. 18 Owen Smith, who had sailed as third mate, but who was now in all probability, second mate, having doubtless been promoted when Joshua Caswell, the second mate, was murdered. 146 F. W. How AY about at the time and tacking before the Ship nettl'd Mr. Smith a little, he being in the largest vessel thought he ought to tack first he therefore did not tack till nearly one oClock. by this time both vessels running different courses had got a considerable way apart, the Ship in- creas'd her leak considerably on this Tack, so as to keep both pumps going, we were then oblig' to bear away, part with the Sloop and run under the lee of Washington's Islands, where we fother'd the Ship; after this we bore away & went to Naspahtee in company with Capt. Magee, where we arrived the 5th of July, two days being past, the third the Ship was hauPd ashore with all in, on the Carpenters' examining her they found the lower part of the stem & forward part of the keel knock'd to pieces, this could not be repair'd without discharging the Ship and laying her on blocks ; the Carpenters were ordered to spike it together & sheath it over; the sheathing on the starboard bilge being also a great deal of it gone & two holes knock'd thro the plank, this was also repair'd & on the 10th we put to sea to Clioquot were we arrived the 12th we again sailed from there & beat up to Nootka Sound, where we arriv'd the 21st in distress, after making our situation known to the Spanish Governor S r Don Juan Francisco de la Bodega y Quadra, he offered us every assistance granted us houses for our goods & the second best house in his small village for Cap n Gray and myself to lodge in & sends for us to breakfast, dine & sup at his house every day. this governor is really a gentleman, a friend, to all the human race, a father to the natives, who all love him & a good friend to the Americans in general. 19 Capt. Kendrick when I saw him last season offered to give up to me (if I would pay his men's wages & a debt he had contracted in Macao of about 4,000 Dollars) his ves- sel & Cargo which was a thousand sea otter skins ; I told 19 The testimony of all the witnesses agrees in this view of Quadra. He seems to have constantly striven to show every kindness and do every honor to all visitors to Nootka, regardless of their rank or station. See hereon, Boit's Journal in this Quarterly, Vol. xxii, pp. 324-326. Second Voyage of the Columbia 147 him I had no authority to accept his offer or to demand any payment from him, nor did think any person in the Ship had. Cap* Ingraham informs me that he left him at the point of Death in Macao about two months since. We shall sail I hope tomorrow as our Ship is now re- pair^ & reloaded; though I must confess with not as much expedition as I expected. My best respects to your amiable Lady & family, not forgetting Miss Webb and the good Doctor Bulfinch. & Sir will you be pleas'd to accept the same yourself from him who is in gratitude & duty bound to serve you & who hopes in twelve months to meet you in perfect health & happiness. Your h ble St John Hoskins Joseph Barrell Esq. Ship Columbia, Straits of de Fuca 28 September 1792 Sir The foregoing [i. e. presumably the short letter dated August 21, 1792, ante p. 140] is what we wrote at the time, since which we have been to port Montgomery where we found the Sloop, & in our passage of the Coast we stopt at this place, where yesterday arrived our good friend the Spanish Gov r of Nootka ; to whom we have sold the Sloop for 75 prime Sea Otter Skins, and she is now discharg- ing; as she sails very dull, 20 is so small & we want the men, we thought it the best we could with her. On account of our misfortune in the Ship, the season is so far advanc'd, that we remain undetermined at present about going to Japan; should the winds prove favorable we shall go, but if averse we shall make the best of our way to China ; for to loose our season would ruin 20 Boit's Journal says 72 sea otter skins. Though now stated to be a dull sailer, Haswell told Boit that she was an excellent sea boat and sailed very well; Haswell also makes two references in his second log to the good sailing qualities of the Adventure. 148 F. W. How AY the voyage ; we hope to get a good sale for our f urrs and that every thing in the end will turn out to our honor & advantage. We are Sir with every sentiment of Respect & Esteem Your most obliged Humble Servts Robert Gray John Hoskins Ship Columbia Wompoa 22 Deer. 1792 Sir On the day of our arrival I wrote you by the Hannibal via Philadelphia. Since which I have been at Canton and as this day been delivering a part of the f urrs which we sold. — Skins are very low & there is no selling them for Cash, indeed we could not get the ship secur'd unless we would agree to take goods in pay and 'tis absolutely necessary to have a security merchant 21 or nothing can be sold out of the ship nor is it safe to deal with any of the Chinese without. It is therefore out of our power to do with the money as you wish ; could we get Cash for the skins we could either sell or freight the ship at a good rate. The ship is so leaky we must have her ashore; this together with the detention will make our expences at this place great, however depend every thing shall be done that can be to make them as light as possible. At this time 'tis impossible to say the amount our skins will fetch, but I don't expect they will exceed Forty 21 No business could be carried on by a ship in China without a compradore, or security merchant. He seems to have been a sort of commission merchant securing to the government the duties on the cargo and the charges on the ship, securing to the Chinese who supplied the ship the payment of their accounts, and securing to the ship owner the payment for his furs. In the Log of the Ruby (manuscript in the Ar- chives of British Columbia) will be found some details of the way this hampered the vessels in the Chinese trade. See also Old Shipping Days in Boston (Boston, 1918), pp. 10-24. Second Voyage of the Columbia 149 thousand dollars. This is a small price for our quantity of Furrs, but there are a great many at market and more expected. The very best skins at retail will not fetch more than thirty dollars and at wholesale from six to twenty five dollars. We have not been at Japan, it being so late in the season and the ship so weak we dare not attempt it. — We expect to sail for Boston in about a month. Capt Gray is at Canton. The choppe boat in which are the furrs is now waiting for me and I must conclude in haste. Your most obliged and most devoted hum 1 S fc John Hoskins for self and Robert Gray Capt Kendrick lays in larksbay (where he has been 14 months) dismasted. 22 Extract from Archibald Menzies' Journal, Dated April 29-30, 1792 April 29, 1792 At three next morning we both weighd anchor & made Sail along the coast to the Northward with a favorable breeze gradually increasing & soon after we saw a ship nearly a head of us a little way out from the Coast which on seeing us brought to & fird a gun to leeward, in passing we edgd a little down towards her & spoke the Columbia of Boston commanded by Mr. Gray — At the name of Gray it occurr'd to us that he might be the same who com- manded the Sloop Washington at the time she is said to have performd that remarkable interior navigation on 22 Captain Kendrick had sailed from Macao in the Washington in September 1792, but she had met a typhoon and been dismasted. See the full particulars in the Boit Journal in this Quarterly, Vol. xxii, p. 335. 150 F. W. Howay this Coast which was so much the subject of polemic con- versation in England before our departure. — We immedi- ately brought to & sent a Boat to the Columbia in which I accompanied U Puget in order to obtain what informa- tion we could, & the reader may easily conceive the eager- ness with which we interrogated the Commander when we found him to be the same man which our ideas had suggested, & indeed it may appear no less curious than interesting that here at the entrance of Juan de Fuca's Streights we should meet with the very man whose Voy- age up it in the Sloop Washington as delineated by the fertile fancy of Mr Mears gave rise to so much theoreti- cal speculation & chimerical discussion — I say interesting because it enables us to detect to the World a fallacy in this matter which no excuse can justify. Mr Gray informd us that in his former Voyage he had gone up the Streights of Juan de Fuca in the Sloop Washington about 17 leagues in an East by South direc- tion & finding he did not meet with encouragement as a Trader to pursue it further he returnd back & came out to Sea again the very same way he had enterd — he was therefore struck with astonishment when we informd him of the sweeping tract of several degrees which Mr Mears had given him credit for in his Chart & publication. He further informd us that in his present Voyage he had been 9 months on the Coast & wintered at Clioqimt a district a little to the Eastward of Nootka where he built a small sloop which was at this time employd in col- lecting Furs to the Northward about Queen Charlotte's Isles — That in the Winter the Natives of Clioquat calling to their aid 3 or 4 other Tribes collected to the number of upwards of three thousand to attack his Vessel, but their premeditated schemes being discovered to him by a Native of the Sandwich Islands he had on board whom the Chiefs had attempted to sway over to their diabolic plots in solliciting him to wet the locks & priming of the Musquets & Guns before they boarded. By this means he was forSecond Voyage of the Columbia tunately enabled by timely precautions to frustrate their horrid stratagems at the very moment they had assembled to execute them. He likewise told us that last year the Natives to the Northward of Queen Charlotte's Isles had murderd his Chief Mate & two Seamen while they were employd fish- ing in a small Boat a little distance from the Ship, & that the Natives of Queen Charlotte's Isles had surprizd an American Brig the Lady Washington commanded by Mr Kendrick & kept possession of her for upwards of two hours, when the united exertions of the Master & Crew happily liberated them from the impending destruction & made the Natives quit their prize in a precipitate flight in which a vast number of them lost their lives. On this occasion the Natives had watchd an opportunity to posess themselves of the arm chests on deck while open, by which stratagem they were able to arm themselves & disarm the Ship's company, but the latter rallying on them after- wards from below with what arms they could collect, renderd their vile scheme abortive. As soon as the Boat was hoisted in we made sail & pursued our course along shore till about noon when we enterd the famous Streights of Juan de Fuoa. The weather was at this so thick & hazy that we had no ob- servation to determine our Latitude The Columbia who bore up along shore & followd us into the Streights kept under way all night but there being little wind, & that chiefly against us we anchord a little before dark under the Southern Shore about three leagues from the Entrance. April 30th 1792. Having now enterd on our interior examination of Juan de Fuca's Streights, we on the morning of the 30th of April both weighd Anchor & after making Sail steerd to the Eastward along the Southern Shore on a firm sup- position that it was the Continental shore which we had 152 F. W. Howay tracd thus far from a little to the Southward of Cape Mendocino. We were favord with a fine Westerly breeze which soon dispersd the Fog & brought with it fair & clear weather. In the forenoon as we went along Canoes came off to us here & there from the Shore with Sea Otter Skins for which they askd Copper or Cloth, but they were able to keep with us a very short time as we had a fair fresh breeze. The Columbia was seen again working out of the Streights, & it would now seem as if the Com- mander of her did not put much confidence in what we told him of our pursuit, but had probably taken us for rivals in trade and followd us into the Streights to have his share in the gleanings of those Villages at the en- trance, & this is conformable to the general practice among traders on this Coast, which is always to mislead competitors as far as they can even at the expence of truth. DOCUMENTARY DIARY OF REVEREND GEORGE H. GARY.— II. Notes by Charles Henry Carey 1844. July 20. I have drawn on the treasurer this day for $100 for an old draft by J. Lee to Dr. Babcock, dated Aug. 9, 1842, as a duplicate was wanted. None given originally. I took the old one ; drew a new one, also same date for $500 more to pay Dr. Babcock in part his salary this year. This last draft, 30 days after sight, July 23, draft to pay for Mr. Lee's passage and discount on the bill from the Columbia River to Sandwich Islands last fall or winter, which had been advanced by Ladd & Co. for $215, ten days after sight. Another draft July 23, 1844 for Mr. Waller and family's passage from Co- lumbia River to Sandwich Islands, $210, at ten days after sight. Also another draft for Mr. Waller to obtain pass- age from the Islands to the states for $700 at thirty days after sight. Bro. Waller also receives $100 specie from me to help himself at the Islands in case he should be detained there. Bro. Waller for himself and family has received as an outfit from our donation goods to the amount of perhaps nearly eighty dollars ; these are given him as an outfit without being charged as salary or table expenses. We have to hurry him off with great haste in order to save this chance of sailing to the Islands. He will take a certificate from Mr. Abernethy, setting forth his due from the mission, which I suppose you will pay. The reason there is so much due him is he has sold sundry things and made them payable to Mr. Abernethy, and when paid, the avails are to go into the mission funds here, and he has enough unsold property to make these debts sure and abundantly good. His return home is sudden and we deem it proper to aid him all we consist- ently can; and feel ourselves perfectly safe in the ar- rangement. Though I have sold considerable property 154 Charles Henry Carey here, yet in the state of affairs as here, we receive no money, but are in hopes money will circulate here more and more as business increases. No. in society in this mission : Local Whites Indian Preachers Williamette Settlement- 14 8 3 Williamette Falls 16 Dalls 3 I am not certain but there may be some Indian mem- bers here. Clatsop 5 1 local preacher 65 ~8 ~3 I have given all the information I can think of; only I will add that there are a number of worthy members of our church who have been converted here; some have gone to rest in Abraham's bosom ; and I think our mission has done good ; is doing good ; and will do great good to this land. Continue, oh continue to remember us in your prayers in the best of bonds. G. Gary. Thursday, July 25. This day, Bro. Waller leaves this place for the states. He takes with him a certificate from Mr. Abernethy stating that there is $1500 due him from the mission, which will be presented to the treasurer and doubtlessly paid by him. I have been for about two weeks crowded with business; Mr. Waller's trial; pre- paring reports for the board at home, and the various concerns connected with these have taken up my time and attention very closely. Friday, 26. Rest and quietude are in good season and very refreshing. Saturday, 27. Today mostly spent in counsel with Mr. Barnet, 1 lawyer from the states, now an inhabitant of this territory, in reference to the papers necessary to pass on the subject of these sales and the securities to be 1 Peter H. Burnett. Diary of Rev. George H. Gary 155 taken back so that our arrangements may be safe as possible in the present unsettled state of affairs in this region. Sabbath. Attend service in this place (Falls). But few hearers. Monday, 29. Today make an arrangement by which I give to the trustees of the Methodist society in this place $1500. They are to purchase and keep for a parsonage the house in which G. Hines now lives. This $1500 is to come out of Mr. Abernethy's purchase of old goods or such other things as he may purchase of the mission. The society here as a society is building a meeting house ; by giving them this means to purchase a parsonage we save the rent which the mission would have to pay, and also save the liabilities of the mission as a mission for improvements and repairs. Tuesday, July 30. Today ride on horse back to Doct. Babcock's. It is so long since I have rode on horse back, was very weary at night, after having rode forty miles without scarcely any stop. Wednesday, 31. With Mr. Abernethy today taking an inventory of the goods left in the granary at the farm; some of them donation goods and some of them purchased goods; we are now examining all our goods with the object of selling to Mr. Abernethy. Toward evening, go to the mission school. [1844] August 1. Today very busy in taking an in- ventory of the goods and various other things such as mechanics and farming tools connected with and belong- ing to the Indian manual labor school. Friday, 2. Continue in the examination of these goods and tools ; find many of the carpenter's and . . . tools missing and many damaged ; sell what are on hand, including good and damaged, to Mr. Campbell, at 80 per cent advance on the purchase bills. The donation goods, consisting mostly of made up garments are a poor lot. Many of them were much worn before they were sent and 156 Charles Henry Carey were not worth the freight from New York to this place ; these garments are mostly small, adapted to children from fifteen years and under. I suppose, however, the best goods have been used and this lot is made up of what is left of each and every parcel sent out heretofore. These donation goods are sold to G. Abernethy at 50 per cent discount. Saturday, 3. Return to the Falls. Sabbath, 4. Preach today at the Falls. About 30 hearers. Though our congregation is small, our meet- ings today are good. Monday, 5. Today I receive a letter from Br. Per- kins, 2 in which he informs me he declares off from the mission, and considers himself no longer connected with the mission. Now how to provide for the station at the Dalls is the great question before us; but to our great relief, Br. Brewer 3 is with us and we shall be able to avail ourselves of all the information he can give us. Today we hear that there is a strong reinforcement to the Catholic mission in this region ; report says 5 priests, a number of nuns and one or more laymen. Surely the protestants ought to wake up; perhaps, however, the children of this world are not only wiser in the generation than the children of light; but more active and zealous. Wednesday, 7. Today we hear Bro. Waller 4 is at Clat- sop. The vessel went and left him. We have some strong inclination to retain him in the mission and send him to the Dalls to take and occupy the place and labors formerly occupied by Br. Perkins. Thursday, 8. More and more inclined to have Br. Waller remain in the mission, provided he is disposed. Send a line to Bro. Leslie 5 to get his opinion on the point. Most of the day spent in reading Memoirs of Charles Wesley. 2 Rev. H. K. W. Perkins. 3 H. B. Brewer, farmer. 4 Rev. Alvan F. Waller. 5 Rev. David Leslie. Diary of Rev. George H. Gary 157 Friday, 9. Busy in reading Charles Wesley's life. Saturday, 10. Much taken up with C. Wesley. Sabbath, 11. Preach to the people of this place, Wil- liamette Falls. Close and plain sermons. Monday, 12. Write to Br. Waller informing him of a willingness on our part of having him remain in the mission, but leave it with him to do as he judges best. Sent it by Geo. Abernethy. 6 6 The following letter, which is in the possession of Oregon Historical Society, is doubtless the letter referred to: "Willamette Falls Fri. Aug. 9. 1844. "Rev. and Dear Br. Waller and Family We have just received yours, had heard before you were still left in Oregon. Soon after you left this place I received a letter from Br. Perkins stating if the lots in this place were sold he should leave the Mission. On reading it, I thought of you; but supposed you were gone; last Monday I received another letter from Br. Perkins stating his connection with the Mission is dissolved. I thot of you again. Soon heard the vessel had sailed without you; Br. Brewer was with us and he thought it was Providential that you was left. I think he is not the only one who thinks so. Now Br. and Sister Waller, I am about to propose a question to you; are you disposed after all that has taken place, to re- main in this territory and take your place in the Mission as a part and parcel of it? if so, we are disposed to have you. The papers, charges, evidence &c can either be sent to the Genesee Conference; or when Br. Lee arrives call a Committee according to the form of Disciplin in such cases; or such other disposition of them as may be thought proper; Pro- vided you have not already sent them; if you have sent them I can write to the Conference and inform them why you remain in this country. I believe it the general wish of our people that you stay in the Mission; Br. Brewer is satisfied you had better stay; and that you are the Preacher for the Dalls. Br. Perkins will soon move from that place and will be glad to sell his things to you; which probably can be bought as reason- ably as you sold yours; so that many of these inconveniences can be got along with — with very little difficulty; as to myself if you stay you will have my friendly aid and hearty cooperation in your efforts to promote the interests of the Redeemers Kingdom in this region. Had I foreseen how Br. Perkins would finally determine I should not have made up my mind for your return to the States. I am sorry you have had so much trouble in arranging to go &c &c. Yet if after all you are disposed to stay I shall be pleased with the decision, but if you determine to go I shall submit to it, and follow you with my sympathies and prayers. If you conclude to remain and go to the Dalls, may I suggest that you take the Mission canoe in the charge of Br. Parish, get a crew and come up here as soon as convenient; keep your crew and go up with your canoe to the Dalls, family and all; in company with Br. Brewer and Family; Mrs. Gary and myself purpose to return with Br. Brewer. I think we shall wait untill we see you or hear from you. Br. Brewer is now up the Willamette. Will perhaps be back again in a week or two 158 Charles Henry Carey Tuesday, 13. Sick today ; quite a sick night. Wednesday, 14. Still very unwell. Thursday, 15. Better in health ; employed busily and very pleasantly with C. Wesley's Memoirs. Friday, 16. Taken up with the events narrated in C. Wesley's Memoirs, which took place one hundred years ago. Saturday, 17. Still busy in Wesley's life. Sabbath, 18. Preach morning and evening to the peo- ple of this place ; say 35 hearers, old and young. Monday, 19. Reading. Tuesday and Wednesday and Thursday. Reading. Thursday evening, temperance convention; there is a strong purpose on the part of this people to keep alcohol out of this territory. Friday, 23. Busy reading. Saturday, 24. Today finish C. Wesley's Memoirs. He was truly an important agent in the great revival of religion which commenced more than a century ago, un- der the name of Methodism, which is Christianity in earnest. The hymns of C. Wesley will be sung until the songs of the militant shall be swallowed up in the superior songs of the triumphant church of God. Sabbath, 25. In the evening, had quite a congrega- and we shall be glad to see you and your family here soon as convenient so that we all may go along together to the Dalls. Sat. 10. I have learned by Mr. Hines' letter you have forwarded the papers to Genesee Conference and have also sent for a location. I have written to the Conference on the subject, the letter is unsealed and enclosed. Please read it and if you conclude to stay in the Mission write in the blank part of my letter your conclusion and also if you will withdraw your request for a location and send it on by the Belgium Ves- sel or such other way as you judge proper. Brs. Leslie & Hines are of opinion I believe that you had better remain in the country. You will do as you judge proper about sending the enclosed to the Conference. If you think of anything new for me to write to them, keep this one untill you see me, and then I will write again — We shall expect you to remain with us I think. Accept our kind regards. Yours affectionately (Signed) George Gary" Mon. 12. 1844. Diary of Rev. George H. Gary 159 tion ; the largest, I think, I ever had at the Falls. Pressed hard upon them the truths of the gospel ; the importance of attending to the interests of the soul was urged upon them with some feeling and I hope with good effect. Monday, 26. Today, Bro. Beers 7 visits me in com- pany with W. H. Wilson, 8 stating his grievances afflic- tions, &c, because Dr. Babcock has picked up and weighed the iron scattered about the blacksmith shop. The case is as follows : Mr. Beers has bought the improvements, stock and tools connected with the farm and blacksmith shop, at the appraisal of men; and as this iron was neither weighed nor appraised by these appraisers, I sup- posed and still suppose it belonged to the mission, and requested Doct. Babcock to gather it together and weigh it, that we might know the quantity and be ready to sell it, expecting probably it would go to Mr. Abernethy in the lot of unsold merchandise. Mr. Beers had another inter- view toward evening with me, a part of it in presence of G. Hines ; 9 said Mr. Beers was in a state of great excite- ment; after all the explanations I gave him, threatened to sue for the iron. I told him not to sue in the name of the mission, for in view of his threat, I removed this iron out of his care and charge, so if he sued he would sue in his own name; but he questioned my authority to take this iron out of his care and responsibility, especially in this way. He also proposed cutting off from his connec- tion with the mission any more ; I suggested to him if he did, I should not feel at liberty to pay him an equivalent for his expenses home, but submit it to the board. What he may finally do, I know not. It is very possible, the Doct. did not attend to this business in the most prudent manner ; yet I cannot see in the act itself, anything wrong in picking up the scattered iron and steel which lay round about the shop for some rods. When I saw the situation of the iron at first I was not pleased with it; but as I 7 Alanson Beers, blacksmith. 8 W. H. Willson, carpenter. 9 Rev. Gustavus Hines. 160 Charles Henry Carey expected soon to change the mode of operation here, I said nothing about it. I am fully satisfied Br. Lee, my predecessor, has had no unenviable situation in managing so much business and so many persons as have been con- nected with this mission. In my explanations to Br. Beers, I plainly stated to him the Doct. had picked up the iron and weighed it by my advice and direction ; and also the reason I got the Doct. to do it, was, he had sufficient time to do it, when not engaged in his professional busi- ness. And as for myself, I never thought of implicating or afflicting Br. Beers by this act of gathering up and weighing the iron and steel. Tuesday, 27. Received a letter from Br. Waller in which he informs me he concludes to remain in this coun- try; is now camped a little below Fort VanCouver, and will there wait until Br. Brewer shall meet him. Now I propose to go with Mr. Brewer to the Dalls ; shall prob- ably start on Thursday and, Providence permitting, shall reach Br. Waller, on the Columbia, in the evening of the same day. Very busy in arranging to go to the Dalls. 10 10 The following letter addressed to Rev. D. Leslie, Willamette, is in the possession of Oregon Historical Society: "Tuesday Aug. 27, 1844. "Rev. & Dear Brother We have just received a letter from B. Waller; he is camped a little below Fort Vancouver; is to wait until Br. Brewer reaches him; Br. Brewer is now gone to the Plains; we expect him tomorrow; shall prob- ably start for the Dalls on Thursday; I had calculated to go to the Hospital on Thursday, and then go up and attend quarterly meeting, come back on Monday, and then start for the Dalls with Br. Brewer, but as it is, I shall not go up the Willamette at present; but go with Br. Brewer up the Columbia River. The reason we start so soon is, Br. Waller is waiting for us. Br. Beers was here yesterday in great trouble, because Doct. Babcock had picked up and weighed the iron about the Blacksmith Shop in his place. As this iron had not been priced nor weighed by the appraisers, I supposed it belonged to the Mission; and requested the Doct. to pick it up and weigh it, had no idea of giving offence to Br. Beers, but merely wished to know the amount of it, expect- ing it would go to Br. Abernethy with the unsold goods; but by some means Br. Beers took high toned exceptions to this course and threatened to sue for this iron; in view of this threat I told him not to make use of the name of the Mission in this suit, and to prevent it I wished him to understand his charge of this iron is now discontinued, but he even doubted my authority to remove this iron from his care and responsibility in this way; what he will do I know not, if he sues I suppose the business Diary of Rev. George H. Gary 161 Wednesday, 28. Preparing to go to the Dalls ; prob- ably to be gone a month. can be adjourned untill I return from the Dalls. I am by no means highly pleased with such a spirit or threat from a member of the mission. If he does not sue, and we as a mission can manage this iron without his interference, I should be glad to have it sold to any purchaser if Dr. Abernethy is willing, who will make the best pay for it on a years credit. I think a lower price and cash payment will be the best for the Mission, but I leave it with you to do the best you can. Br. Abernethy probably has now a right to the first chance, but if he takes it, he takes it as other merchandise, but if he is willing it should be sold to any one; and if Br. Beers does not wish to purchase it; then sell as well as you can — Some time ago I requested Brs. Babcock and Beers to sell the old Mission place; Br. Beers says he has engaged it to a Mr. Campbell for seven hundred bushels of wheat, and that he Br. Beers is willing to be bail for the payment of said wheat; it is my opinion if the Doct. has not made any sale, which will conflict with this, it should be considered a sale. I hope you will be able to take the wheat as we talked; if Brs. Beers & Garrison wish any, you may let them have it at the same price, taking their joint note for cash in one year, without interest at eighty cents per bushel — Last Sabbath we told the congregation there would be preaching next Sabbath; I then expected to remain here, and Br. Hines would attend quarterly meeting with you. When Br. Beers came in such a ferment of trouble I concluded to go up the Willamette and attend the quarterly meeting, but as it is now, it is probable neither of us will be with you. I shall start for the Dalls, and Br. Hines will remain here. I am sorry it so turns that I cannot attend to the Mission business up your way untill I return from the Dalls. I hope you will get the survey bills, and endeavour to see me soon after my return. I purpose to be back by the first of October. Doct. Babcock will then be here at court, and if we have the surveys, the writings on the part of the Mission can be made out and acknowledged. Providence permitting I mean to be back by that time and shall be very glad to see you here then — You are at perfect liberty to read this to Br. Beers. I have made quite an entry in my journal concerning his visit here, which I meant to read to him before I sent it to the board, but perhaps if you read this to him it may be sufficient. I am more and more convinced this secular business and the unavoidable feeling connected with business, had better be separated from the Mission soon as practicable. Br. Beers' tide of feeling and thundering threat came upon me sudden and unexpected as a Pompeso at sea, yet it did not shake my little bark very much. I think I shall not be under the necessity to put into any Port to repair as yet. If after my explanations he had changed his tone any, I should have thought very differently of him, but he stuck to it tenaciously as though he thought I would yield by all means when the law was thundered over my head ; but the old Proverb is 'they that know nothing fear nothing' so it rests as it was. I had formed an opinion I think too high of him; but possibly I may lay too much upon this Pompeso, so finally without deciding in my own mind upon the case I pospone for some future time. I am yours with increasing esteem (Signed) G. Gary" 162 Charles Henry Carey Thursday, 29. Today we leave the Falls for Wasco- pam, in company with Br. and Sister Brewer, with two children, accompanied by four Indians as our crew to paddle and manage our canoe. This is the first time we have been in a canoe; our previous rides have been in boats ; a canoe goes much easier, being narrow and at the bow very sharp. It however, rocks more easily, and re- quires the passengers to sit still or there is danger of cap- sizing ; but as it is longer than a boat, it does not teater on the waves so much as a boat ; so perhaps we may say all things taken into account, the canoe is preferable to a boat. About dark in the evening, we reach the north side of the Columbia river, about iy 2 miles below Fort Van- couver, where we find Br. Waller and family encamped. They have been here three or four days, waiting for us to accompany them to the Dalls. Here we pitch our tents and pass the night on the very ground we slept nearly thirteen weeks ago, the first night we lodged on terra firma in Oregon territory. That night to Mrs. G. and myself was very delightful. This is full of labor and con- flict with the mosquitoes. Here we find Br. Waller with his family, wife and four children, and a boat but no crew to help manage his boat up the river. Friday, 30. In the morning, Br. Brewer company and canoe go up to the Fort where Mr. Brewer has some business to do ; such as obtaining supplies for the mission up to the Dalls, and also obtaining things to pay off the Indians in his employ as a crew ; also such other Indians as may be needed to help up the river. The way of traf- fic here is that no money is taken into account, but bar- gains are made with the Indians for so many charges of ammunition, or so many shirts, handkerchiefs, blankets, &c ; hence it is necessary for the travelor to have these on hand as his change. The method of doing business at the Fort is so formal and tardy that in order for a person to feel contented and happy in the transaction of business with them, two things are necessary ; one of these is the Diary of Rev. George H. Gary 163 value of time should be put out of sight and out of mind ; the other is the Hudson Bay Company and such as are in their employ are entitled to all possible attention and accommodations while those who do business with them in the business line are entitled to no attention or civili- ties from the company or the persons in their employ; hence any attention from them in their own time and in this way must be deemed great consideration on the part of these persons and a high honor conferred on him who does business with them; this cannot be expected to set the best upon the feelings of an old man who has been in the habit of having rights recognized and civilities recip- rocated on both sides in business transactions; this re- mark refers solely to business transactions ; for when the travelor or visitor approaches this place and falls in company with the distinguished members of this com- pany, he has all the civilities extended to him that could be expected or asked. Mr. Brewer's bill would have been made out, I think, in one hour in any business house in the states, but in this place he commenced about ten o'clock in the morning and closed it about five p. m., and we felt in great haste as there was a fair wind up the river and indeed Mr. Brewer urged forward the business as much as would do in this place and with this company. After we closed up this business, we went to our canoe. Br. Waller was up with his boat to assist him and then we put off up the river and after ascending up about two miles, we camp for the night. We have now in our company 12 whites and 4 Indians. Saturday, 31. About nine p. m., we started and passed slowly up the river. We have had some rapids to contend with our Indians where the water was low and the rapids strong, stepped out and walked taking hold of the canoe and conducting along by their side. After making about 15 miles advance, we camped for the night and for Sunday at the foot of Prairie Dieu Tie, a most 164 Charles Henry Carey beautiful situation for a camp. The surrounding scenery enchantingly beautiful. [1844] Sunday, September 1. We spend the Sabbath in this lovely spot in rest, reading and divine worship; sermon in the morning; afternoon prayer meeting in which all the adults took a part and though we could not understand each other, yet our common Father can under- stand his children in their devotions whatever their lan- guage. Monday, 2. Soon after daylight, we started and after passing perhaps eight miles, we were met by head wind and laid by for breakfast ; beach was covered with vari- ous specimens of beautiful pebbles ; and soon after break- fast, we started again, the wind having turned favorable, and soon we came in sight of a huge pillar of rock which presented itself in about the middle of river. This was an omen of the mighty wonders which soon presented themselves to our view in the most splendid and magnifi- cent view of rocks in pillars and in almost every form as up, up, up, until within the neighborhood of the clouds. The grandest scene by far I ever witnessed in the works of nature. This is what is sometimes called Cape Horn. The waters are restless; the mighty columns of basalt, like lofty pyramids lifting themselves up as to heaven, truly made the scene fearfully grand; never was I so awed by nature in any of her forms in which she has ever showed herself. The far famed Falls of Niagara dwindle compared with the scenery of this day; it wants the pen of fancy to describe this scene and the most obtuse and dull mind is almost waken up into fancy here ; but my incompetency to describe the scene forbids the attempt as all attempt of mine would be but solemn mock- ery. This scenery presents itself in unnumbered varieties new and grand for about two miles. At night we camp at the foot of the cascades. Tuesday, 3. Today a scene full of novelty and labor. These cascades continue for four miles in which the Diary of Rev. George H. Gary 165 passengers walk all this distance and the canoe and all the baggage and freight have to be carried nearly half a mile. After breakfast, I had a child more than a year old lashed to my back by a large shawl and carried him the four miles. Bros. Waller and Brewer took larger children. Bro. Waller for a considerable part of the way, had two, one before and one behind ; each woman had her budget and when we got to upper landing, we were a weary set. Bros. Waller and Brewer immediately start- ed back to meet the Indians with the canoe and boat and enlisted perhaps 15 other Indians, who, after much toil and sweat, finally got goods, &c, &c, up these rapids, and about sun down, these newly enlisted Indians were paid off and in a short time we started away about one mile to a very pleasant sandy beach to pitch our tents and pass the night, weary enough. There was a strong wind in the night and our tent being on the sand, it fell before morning, but sleep was so friendly as to keep us quiet in its arms the most of the time under our fallen house until morning. Wednesday, 4. Today the wind was so high we run but a little part of the day, perhaps not more than four hours in all day; the water was so rough as that the Indians called it bad water. We passed one rock with a narrow escape. The hills and rocks on both sides grand, indeed. Thursday, 5. Today very much like yesterday; wind so high the most of the day we had to lie by. Friday, 6. Moderate and fair wind and we reach the landing at Wascopam about Meridian. As we come up we see Br. Perkins on the bank ready to receive us. Also about twenty Indians are gathered here to see the old grey headed chief. They look at him and I suppose see that he is nothing but an old man. We go to the house and after dinner we have some talk with Br. Perkins from which it appears that he has declared off from the mission without fixing upon anything definite for himself, 166 Charles Henry Carey and I suspect that after all he may have expected that with many cries and tears he will be entreated to remain in the service of the mission. We must wait a few days and see how the winds will blow. Saturday, 7. I am more and more surprised that Br. Perkins should declare on* as he has. What will be done, I know not. Sunday, 8. Today at eleven o'clock a. m., meeting with the natives. About one hundred present, the larg- est congregation I have seen in the territory. From the attention and order of the congregation, I am favorably impressed concerning this people and hope something may be done for their everlasting benefits. At 2 p. m., preached to the writes ; 17 old and young ; also a very few Indians. 5 p. m., Prayer meeting with and among the natives; quite a number of these prayed, both men and women; from the apparent spirit of these prayers, I charitably believe some of them fear the Lord. There is a great degree of heathenish darkness among the most of them; in their conflicts or wars among their tribes, they take their captives as slaves. There has just been a case as follows: — A man lost a son; this man had a slave of perhaps ten years of age ; this son formerly thought much of this slave and now his father determined this boy must be buried with the body of his deceased son (they bury their dead in boxes above ground) the living boy's feet were tied together at the ankles ; his hands also at the wrists; he put into the box face downward and then the dead body put onto him. In this condition, he spent one night, but through the interference of Br. Per- kins by purchasing the slave with a number of blankets and a few other things, saved the little fellow from the sepulchre of death ; here he is at Br. Perkins', ankles and wrists very sore from the efforts he made to break loose from the bonds of death. The box is large and holds many bodies. This boy was put onto many old corpses. The dead body put onto him was but larger than his own ; Diary of Rev. George H. Gary 167 he was buried with the deceased son to wait on him; these boys thought much of each other while both were alive. It was with considerable difficulty that Br. Per- "kins finally got the living boy; during his dreadful night, he squirmed about so that he rolled the dead body off of him, or he probably would have died before morning. Monday, 9. This evening, another interview with Br. Perkins. This interview was preceded by a letter from him in which he proposes to recant his renunciation from all connection with the mission; but in the meantime sets forth his heart is not here and he is in state of condemna- tion for remaining here and has been for a long time. In our interview he appears very unsettled in his pur- poses; sticks to it he has suffered great anguish of spirit for staying here so long; yet represents that the time to go seems never to have come. Why herein is a mystery that a man's conscience should goad him so severely for not doing that which the time to do has never come. Moreover, he talks as though he wishes me to make him some offer in reference to translating the scriptures into the Walla Walla ; but as yet I have formed no opinion as to the propriety of such an enterprise, and, of course, can give no encouragement. My advice to Br. Perkins is plain and full, that unless he can feel that he is in the way of duty here, so as to have his heart here, he had better by all means to go back to his conference, if he has suffered as much from his conscience as he represents from remaining here so long, it is my decided judgment he should stay no longer if, by remaining, he prolongs this condemnation of spirit. If, at any future period, we should need him in the mission, and he should be so converted as to think he would be in the way of duty to serve, the arrangement will be open for consideration. Also I stated to him I was satisfied in my judgment he erred, but gave him credit for being honest in his opinion. Nothing will convince him of his error unless something aboard after he leaves this place should lead such a 168 Charles Henry Carey change of his views. I seriously fear that his feelings are so strong and so liable to change and his calculations and hopes so sanguine that some evil may await or befall him ; at any rate, it is my opinion he had better leave the mission according to his own plan and purpose as ex- pressed in his letter of July 26, 1844. He finally concludes to leave, appearing relieved and pleased in the conclusion. Tuesday, 10. Today Bro. Perkins busy in selling his things to Br. Waller. See the cattle belonging to this appointment look well; our farming business must be carried on here for the support of the mission. This place is nearly one hundred miles from civilization, and here but two families, the preacher and farmer. The supplies of the farm must be had for the support of the preacher and the minister wants the aid and society of the farmer and our farmer here is well adapted to his post and as far as I can see, is exerting a good influence. Our sympathies are greatly enlisted in seeing a squaw lately bitten by a rattelsnake. It was perhaps four hours ago; her foot is badly swollen; she is sick at the stomach; vomits some; near her is a medicine man or conjuror who refuses to have any other person do anything for the sufferer. I seriously fear she will die. Wednesday, 11. This morning we hear they sent some distance for another medicine man to cure the poor woman bitten by the rattlesnake. It is said this second doctor, if doctor he may be called, knows how to cure the bite of the snake; also said the patient is a little better. Thursday, 12. I this day visit the falls of Columbia river, ten miles above the mission building; here is a very great fishing; also a large lodge of Indians, perhaps two hundred; we have a meeting with them. Bro. Perkins interprets for me; I address the Indians who convene on [hearing (?)] the tea bell; perhaps one hundred present; I inform them one Being made us all; He wills our happi- ness; the reason we are unhappy if we do wrong and Diary of Rev. George H. Gary 169 when we are sorry we have done wrong, and pray Him to forgive us, He will take away our bad heart and give us a good heart, and then we must do well and avoid everything that is wrong ; must always speak the truth ; never take anything that is not our own; a man must love his wife and have but one woman ; and many such suggestions adapted to their capacity; finally close by stating to them that if we are good we are all brethren and our Heavenly Father will bring all His good children to His great home in heaven, but if we are bad children, He will drive us away from His house where we shall be very miserable forever. This meeting was pleasing to me. Bros. Waller and Perkins took part in it. We passed the island where Bro. Perkins' little slave was buried. The Indians bury their dead on islands so that the wolves will be less likely to disturb the bodies of the dead. The boxes in which they deposit these bodies are about twelve feet square; these are family sepulchers, which are used by being kept in some sort of repair from generation to generation; when the bones are left by the departed flesh and the clothing which is put on from time to time by the sur- viving relatives, then they are brushed up into a heap in the corner of this sepulcher, and then there is more room for more dead bodies. The Indians think our way of burying the dead is very unfeeling ; we do not clothe the bodies sufficiently; we do not furnish them with suf- ficient supplies for the various emergencies of their future state &c &c. No one among them touches the dead body but the proper burying man ; no other one touches this island but he. Bro. Perkins employed him to go and get the living boy from this sepulcher; and the three blankets and shirt which were given for the ransom of this boy were taken out and put into this sepulcher for the deceased boy's comfort and convenience. Heathen- ism, how dark thou art! how unreasonable and absurd thou art ! Yea, how unfeeling and cruel thou art to bury 170 Charles Henry Carey the living with the dead ! Let the father of a sprightly and promising boy who is buried with the dead speak and tell us of thy darkness and of thy cruelty. Civiliza- tion and Christianity never did I know how to prize; surely thou art to be prized above all price. Never did I feel so much the want of language to address a people as now; but I have it not, and must submit, and our facil- ities for an interpreter are very limited indeed. Our congregations are mixed so that we often have to have two or three interpreters ; but we are doing the best we can ; I am almost forced to think that there has been time, attention and expense devoted to the Willamette portion of this work to the neglect of this part of the field; here the Indians are not so depraved in health and I think not in morals; they have the appearance of intellect, and I have hope something may be done for them. From the best account I can get, Rev. Daniel Lee had but little missionary activity or zeal after he was married. Bro. Perkins for some years has been busy in getting the lan- guage, preaching, visiting, stirring about actively among the Indians [who] have been very much neglected for some considerable time, and it appears to me this part of our work has not had a fair trial yet ; here are many who pray, lead a praying life, yet they have had no privi- leges of class for years, or such other aids as directly tend to strengthen and keep these ignorant lambs of the flock. I really hope there may be a people here yet who will show forth the power of truth and grace by being elevated in their minds and consistant in their Christian profes- sion. Never did I feel so like being a missionary. Friday, 13. Bro. Waller returns his draft for $700 given for his passage from the islands to the states ; also $100 cash advanced him for expenses at the islands, and elsewhere, in his voyage home. Learn the poor woman who was bitten by the rattlesnake is like to recover. Spent the day mostly reading and writing. Saturday, 14. Devoted to reading and writing. Diary of Rev. George H. Gary 171 Sabbath, 15. Today a very good congregation. Bro. Perkins preached in the morning; Bro. Waller exhorted after him, and as far as I could judge, it had as happy an effect as Bro. P. preaching. I am more and more en- couraged that Br. Waller will do well here. I followed with a few remarks interpreted by Bro. P. P. M. I preached to the whites. Monday, 16. Spent in reading Chase on Roman Cath- olic Indigencies ; good as the book is it is somewhat doubtful whether the making the book was really called for ; perhaps the expression of the author at a temperance meeting which finally led to make the book was not only uncalled for but was unadvisable. Tuesday, 17. Spent in reading and writing. Wednesday, 18. Rode out perhaps four miles to see some specimens of the geology of this region ; some fine specimens of granite. Thursday, 19. Read W. Irving's Memoir of Miss Margaret M. Davidson. An admirable young lady; su- perior writer. An indian killed a few miles above us; shot by another Indian, very bad one. Friday, 21. Writing and reading. There is consider- able sickness among the Indians and indeed in the mission families here ; it is the cold sick. Saturday, 21. Busy in preparing to go down the river on Monday. Sabbath, 22. A congregation of perhaps two hundred natives. Bro. Perkins preached to them in their language. I followed by an interpreter, in which I stated to them that it was a great and good thing to be a Christian ; no man by good luck or f orture is a Christian ; no man blun- ders into it by chance ; there must be a regard for God and an honest heart in his sight and a faithful observance of all he teaches us so far as we understand his will con- cerning us. At 2 p. m. I preached to the whites. Bap- tised Bro. Perkins' children, three in number. And ad- ministered the communion to members present, eight in 172 Charles Henry Carey all ; is not this the day of small things ; it is not, however, to be despised. Monday, 23. At 1 p. m. we leave the shore at Wasco- pam for down the river in company with Bros. Perkins and family, Brewer and Mr. Little John 11 and family- more company than is desirable ; this Mr. Little John is from Doct. Whitney's 12 station a hundred miles above ; if I were required to give my opinion on a short interview, of him, it would be he is restless, wandering, uneasy man having a more exalted opinion of himself than any other has of him. Current and wind favorable; we run down perhaps thirty miles ; put up for the night on the north bank of the river. Tuesday, 24. Start early but soon lay by from the violence of the wind; start again toward night and run down close to cascades. Wednesday, 25. Mostly spent in making the portage at the cascades. Just at evening, we take the canoe and run down the river perhaps four miles, but the wind is so high we are obliged to lie by. Thursday, 26. Wind down the river and so high no venturing out today. Here we are on the south bank of the river with a very strong east wind pressing down; the waters much troubled, no advancement today. We are now just above what is called Cape Horn in this river; a very windy, rough and dangerous place and it will be unsafe for us to put to sea down the river any further until the wind abates to nearly or quite a calm; if we had a near and refined company as comrades in this de- lay, it would be much more agreeable; we have Bro. Brewer who is like a man of our own choice ; but I cannot say this of any other one in the company. Our company consists of Bro. Perkins and family, Mr. Littlejohn and family, male and female, 11 whites and 9 Indians. Friday, 27. Wind high. We have time to read and 11 P. B. Littlejohn, returned East in 1845. 12 Dr. Marcus Whitman. Diary of Rev. George H. Gary 173 write. We have a tent by ourselves, and enjoy ourselves tolerably well. Contentment and patience, what a treas- ure ! We are not able to make any calculations when we shall proceed ; about four p. m. we start and run perhaps an hour very pleasantly ; put up for the night little above Cape Horn, in full view of a mountain, perhaps four thousand feet high, illuminated by thousands of torches ; the most splendid exhibit of fire works I ever saw ; it is a time of a very great fire; thousands of trees up this mountain were in a splendid blaze, and ever and anon the report of a falling tree like distant cannon. Saturday, 28. Beautiful state of wind and water for us to descend the river ; but there is so much smoke as to hide the sun and darken the river so we were for a while lost. But we finally passed on and camped near Fort Vancouver; fire prevailing in almost every direction. Sunday, 29. Spent in Camp. Had meeting. Monday, 30. Today call at the Fort; then pass on, put up for the night on the banks of the Willamette. [1844] Tuesday, October 1. Today, reach the falls. Wednesday, 2. Attend court as a spectator. Doct. Babcock judge. Indeed it looks quite like a land of law and order. One criminal fined for sending a challenge to fight a duel, $500, and deprived of his eligibilities to any office of trust or profit ; also of the privilege of voting at any election; he was drawn as a juror before the grand jury brought in a bill against him; by order of the court his name was stricken from the list of jurors. Thursday, 3. In counsel today what had better be done with our book accounts which amount to more than $20,000. Friday, 4. Busy in writing. Bro. Perkins is here on his way to the states. Saturday, 5. Day spent in reading and writing. Sabbath, 6. Preached to about 35 hearers. Bro. Per- kins does not attend meeting today at all; as yet I am unable to even guess the reason. 174 Charles Henry Carey Monday, 7. Employ a portion of this day in review- ing our financial affairs — especially our donation goods which came out with us ; some of these are of great con- venience. Tuesday, 8. Spent in reading and writing. Wednesday, 9. Writing, preparing communications for the states. Thursday, 10. Reading Wesley sermons. Friday, 11. Today the first appearance of emmi- grants over land. Two or three just passed the door, who have hastened on, leaving the body behind. Say the company amounts to twelve hundred. If we had come by land, we should just begin to see Oregon. Saturday, 12. Lent G. Hines in cash $30. Sunday, 13. Meeting. The week spent in reading, writing, &c. Sunday, 20. Very rainy day but we have our meet- ings as usual. Wednesday, 23. In counsel today what had better be done with our book accounts which amount to more than $20,000; this is somewhat of a serious question; I fear much of it is not good. We owe probably $10,000. A few of our liabilities are such I fear I shall be under the necessity of drawing on the treasurer for some of it. I learned a few days ago that we are owing the Sandwich Islands [Islanders ( ?) ], borrowed by Rev. J. Lee of Doct. McLaughlin, more than a thousand dollars. They were dismissed last July and returned to the Doct. and I sup- posed paid off, but I believe only one or two were settled with ; there are ten or eleven to be settled with. Thursday, 24. Today after consultation with Doct. Babcock, it is now settled that he goes to the states in company with Bro. Perkins. This gives great relief in reference to Bro. P. family. Friday, 25. This day gave David Leslie order on Doct. McLaughlin for six hundred and twelve dollars to be charged to account of mission. Diary of Rev. George H. Gary 175 Saturday, 26. This week has presented a variety of natives and subjects for counsel and decision. Doctor Babcock informed me on Monday that he had made up his mind to return to the states at the fartherest next fall, and that if I was willing as superintendent of the mission, he had some thoughts of going this fall in com- pany with Bro. Perkins and family ; in view of the condi- tion of Bro. Perkins' family, I gave it as my opinion he had better go this fall. It was previously understood between the doctor and myself that he was not to be em- ployed by the mission on a salary after the annual meet- ing next May; but the mission was to return him to the states whenever he should determine to go. There is such a supply of medical men in this community it is not thought necessary for the mission to have one specially in their employ. Our mission appointments are so remote from each other that one man cannot attend to all the calls and other physicians from necessity are often called, and I think the community in this department are toler- ably well provided for. Doct. Babcock has sustained a very fair and respectable standing in this community, in all respects, and at the present time exercises the office and discharges the duties of Judge of Probate and Circuit courts, 13 with credit to himself and to the benefit of com- munity. It is a loss to this community to have him leave ; but I cannot require his remaining here unless in my opinion the interests of the mission as a mission demand it. In view of this, I consent he may leave, and he leaves with my high esteem and Christian regards. I think Bro. Perkins will now go directly home and I hope into the ministry regularly and faithfully. There is a great and sudden change in the current of feeling in this community in reference to our mission, if 13 Dr. Ira L. Babcock was appointed February 8, 1841, Supreme Judge with probate powers; May 2, 1843, he was succeeded by A. E. Wilson, and the latter was again succeeded by Babcock, May 14, 1844. By the act of June 27, 1844, a Circuit Court was created with probate and crimi- nal powers. 176 Charles Henry Carey I get the right idea. Under the former business manage- ments, the prejudice of community was this mission was of a speculative and monopolizing character. Now as our business closes up and it is difficult to get mission drafts from us, we are ruining the country. Formerly when an emigrant came or anyone and wanted employ, the mission had it for him at a high price, and he soon could get a draft and everything went very fine. Now the mission has little or no employ of this kind and there is no person to give them employ who will or can pay in a draft. Almost everyone, or at least quite a proportion of those who have been in this region for two or more years and are well off have received their foundation or start from the mission. The news of this has spread and people have lately come and doubtless are now coming with the expectation the Methodist mission at any rate will be glad to employ them; but finding it otherwise, they are seriously disappointed. So you see the mission has the curses or rather their superintendent's, Bro. Lee, for monopoly and speculation; his successor for this sudden shock and revulsion in business. It is my opinion that there is and will be so much said on this change of opera- tions here that as soon as everything is fairly and fully arranged my ministry, if any use, will be of more in some other post of work than here. Our Sandwich Islands [Islanders ?] cost us ten dollars per month. They may now be had for six. If the board at home will counte- nance our drawing say $15,000 annually, I think the busi- ness part of this people will soon be better pleased with us than they have been for some time. Monday, 27. Saturday evening, Bro. Perkins pro- posed to Bro. Hines to change with him so that Bro. Hines would go to the states and he remain and take Bro. Hines' station. Mystery upon Mystery. After all Bro. Perkins' goodness, it is but the development of human frailty and weakness; and I fear a predisposition to in- sanity. These fears prevent my talking with him as Diary of Rev. George H. Gary 177 freely and plainly as I otherwise would do. I am desir- ous, if possible, to get him safely to the states. I am satisfied there is not the agreement and harmony of feel- ing among the members of the church here there ought to be. I think disagreement and disunion have for a long time been felt in this mission. And I am at an entire loss what to do to promote the spiritual interests of this people. Thursday, 31. Never was I more lost in knowing what is best to do than I am at the present time. I will wait and watch if happily some opening may present itself. [1844] Tuesday, November 5. Give an order on Dr. McLaughlin, $5.84 to H. K. W. Perkins. Wednesday, 6. Today Mr. Perkins leaves Willamette Falls; has been at Bro. Hines, he and his family, five weeks. Saturday, 9. Finish letters and papers to the board and others in the states. Letters sent to Z. Paddock, 1 ; G. Lane, 1 ; treasurer, 1 ; R. Soule, 1 ; E. Whipple, 1 ; I. S. Rogers, 1; W. Semitage, 1; G. Baker, 1; Moses, Adam and Aaron, 5 sheets ; a long and full account to the secre- tary. Sunday, 10. About 20 hearers. Monday, 11. Doct. Babcock and family leave for Fort VanCouver, and also for the states. He apparently leaves in a favorable state of feeling ; I think his interview with the board will be highly appreciated by the board. Tuesday, 12. Write to the board a copy of Dr. Mc- Laughlin's bond for the city lots to the mission, that they may more fully see the ground on which I stood in the sale of these lots to Dr. McLaughlin. Wednesday, 13. Having written so much lately, I suffered considerable pain in my breast. Thursday, 14. Busy in reading Mrs. Record's lec- tures on the philosophy of the mind. Friday, 15. Yet reading Mrs. Record's. I am shut 178 Charles Henry Carey up for the present and probably shall be for the winter, as a kind of prisoner, so rainy, no traveling, not a horse to ride ; but very few friends to visit ; one great comfort — a plenty of good books ; with them I am busy. Saturday, 23. We have very dark and rainy weather ; have not seen the face of the sun for more than a week ; for five weeks, I think, we have not had 48 hours at a time without rain. The Williamette River is very high ; many sawlogs are lost ; some fears lest the water may do damage to the miller in this place. Since Doct. Babcock left, I have done but little. I have suffered considerable pain from writing so steadily before he left ; have seldom taken a pen in hand since. Am satisfied that the winter will not pass as pleasantly as it would provided I could exercise more, especially on horseback. Without it rains day and night and hence I spend in my chamber day after day, night after night ; plenty of good books &c. Yet I hope this retirement will be of some use. But after all the mind somehow is prone to be like the weather, dark and gloomy. Thursday, 28. We have very high water in the Wil- liamette; considerable damage done; perhaps more than two thousand saw logs washed away; one house and store washed down, being founded on sand ; fish house belong- ing to Hudson Bay Company, with perhaps sixty barrels of salted salmon gone ; considerable other damage ; water said never to have been so high since the white inhabi- tants have been here. Fears have been raised in refer- ence to other buildings and property to a considerable extent lest the high and raging waters should take much more property down stream. Today the waters assuage ; fears of community abate. It is not safe to deposit treas- ure upon earth in any land especially in this land; one part of the year there is great danger of its being burned up ; the other part of the year great danger of its being drowned out or swept down stream by the winter almost unceasing rains and consequent overflowing streams. Diary of Rev. George H. Gary 179 This Williamette river, right before our window, has probably raised 35 feet. This sweeping high water has considerably abated my very high esteem of this country. Our mission store has had more than two feet of water in the cellar. It must suffer some considerable damage from this flood. I am well pleased with the sale of the lots and improvements in this place to Doc. McLaughlin. The parsonage which we purchased is safe and far re- moved from fear. Friday, 29. We hear the river was considerably higher about thirty years ago. I am more and more sat- isfied that property in this place is very much exposed to be destroyed by water in times of great freshets. Saturday, 30. One year today since we left the city and port of New York. The year has presented many a new scene; with sundry peculiar lights and shades; yet after all, no regrettings that we came. Am satisfied someone should have come, and if I am the one to attend to this work, there is some pleasure in being in the midst of it, with all its responsibilities, toils, vexations and cares. I am satisfied that a very few years will give another character to the Methodist mission in this land. And if it can once assume a high moral and religious character, there is no telling what good may be done here. [1844] Monday, December 2. Our meeting yesterday small, perhaps 18 or 20 hearers. I almost despair of ever seeing that regard to meetings here there ought to be. Today I received a letter from Doct. McLaughlin concern- ing our settlement with the Sandwich Islanders. He claims for them pay for their service from the time they left Oahu and also expense of passage back which will make more than three hundred dollars to be added to their expense to the mission; a most impolitic employ- ment of laborers. Tuesday, 3. Afternoon, Mr. Mack 14 has been in and informed us we have letters ten miles below from over 14 Nathan P. Mack, pioneer of 1843. 180 Charles Henry Carey the mountain, he has also a letter. He proposed to go to- morrow, provided I would obtain a person to go with him in a canoe and get them. I proposed to Sister Hines to let her Sandwich Islander go, but she replies that nothing would induce her to let him go except to save life; this settles the question at once about him. Br. Hines and I went out to find somebody to go with Mr. Mack, but do not succeed. More than a year since we left our friends ; have not heard a word from them yet ; letters within 10 or 12 miles but very doubtful whether we obtain them for a week for the want of obtaining a man to go with Mr. Mack tomorrow. Patience, be im- plored to render thy soothing and quieting aid.- Wednesday, 4. After some considerable effort, we find a man to go with Mr. Mack down the river in search of letters. Mr. Cayson, 15 who bought the Klackamus farm of Mr. Robb, 16 comes full of trouble and short talk about the Indians meddling with his affairs on the farm ; but I do not see that I can do anything in the premises; we have only given our right to the claim as a mission and sold the property on it at a fair value, to Mr. Robb and to Mr. Coyson ; I deem it Mr. Coyson's fault or mis- fortune that he cannot get along better with the Klacka- mus Indians. Evening, Mr. Mack returns with letters from our friends in the states. No one can ever tell the delight these letters afford unless they pass the event, and then they can never tell ; this delight is unspeakable ; though they are more than eight months old, yet they are new to us. The delight of these letters overcome me so much that sleep departed from me almost for the whole night. Our friends were well. Thursday, 5. We read over and over, our precious letters, with eyes suffused with tears of joy; these letters, these letters, I repeat, these letters how good they are; 15 Findel C. Cason, a pioneer of 1843. 16 J. R. Robb. The Klackamas farm was at the present Gladstone Park. Diary of Rev. George H. Gary 181 how good our dear friends, the writers of them are ; they are George, Jim and Catharine Gary, Aaron, Adam, Cath- arine Miller; George Lane and Lydia Lane. In the even- ing we receive the Nos. of the Christian Advocate and Journal from the time of our leaving up to April 3, 1844. Never did this paper appear half so interesting before; any item of news concerning our dear country, our dearly beloved Zion; distinguished individuals connected with the Methodist E. church, &c &c; how important to us; these papers and letters seem to put us in the states in our feelings and interests for a season. Friday, 6. Papers and letters; letters and papers, we are feasting. Saturday, 7. The leading topic of consultation in this mission with me, now, is what is the best arrangements to make with the debts due the mission. Sunday, 8. Today meeting as usual ; preach to about a dozen hearers ; This day I am fifty one years old. Time is short ; I purpose to keep on the look out for the serious and important summons and hope to be ready. Oh, may it be so. Monday, 9. I am in no small difficulty to determine what is best to do with the debts due the mission. I think Mr. Abernethy would be glad to buy them, but I do not feel they would be exactly safe in his hands. I fear he never would be able to meet the payments. He may be an excellent accountant, probably is ; but if I mis- take not, something more is needed in this country to make the liabilities of a merchant sure. I hope we may be able to sell these debts in some safe way so as not to have the protracted care and trouble of their collection. I am satisfied there never should have been such an amount trusted out to almost everybody in this territory. Tuesday, 10. Finds me reading the Advocates lately received. I feel a great interest in the safety and pros- perity of the Methodist E. church, and consequently great solicitude in the doings of the general conference for 182 Charles Henry Carey 1844. But shall have to wait perhaps six months longer before I hear anything of these doings. Wednesday, 11. Very rainy dull weather; warm; we have had white frosts two mornings only ; no freezing of water at all; I am not certain for health, and even for pleasure, but I should prefer a New York winter; there is nothing, however, like being contented in the situation in which Providence places us. This country has suf- fered much from the late high water. In this place the damage is small compared to the losses up the river; fences, houses, cattle, wheat, &c &c have gone down stream. Our news yet is not very particular, but we hear in a way, we suppose it true, that the mission has lost in the barn at the late mission farm, now Mr. Beer's, some six or eight hundred bushels of wheat in the chaff, the high water coming into the barn. It is a great dis- count from the value of farms on the Williamette this liability to damage in time of freshets. From the best knowledge as yet obtained, I presume the direct damage of this flood in this new country, saying nothing of loss of time during its continuance, is not less than twenty thousand dollars. The emigrants over the mountains have a very wet introduction to this land; it must be discouraging to them. We came in the first of June, the most favorable time ; perhaps our first impressions were too elevated; at any rate these dull and cloudy months with almost ceaseless rains and high sweeping ruinous waters have had some effect upon our very high estima- tion of this land. Thursday, 12. As to weather, it may be stereotyped cloudy, rainy, dark. Fine time to read provided I can find anything of sufficient interest to keep me awake to read, and if I am at a great loss I fly to the Nos. of the Advocate just received and to the previous letters from our dear friends lately received and soon forget it is dull weather; and though we read them over and over, they are still good. Diary of Rev. George H. Gary 183 Friday, 13. Today the sun in the firmament breaks through the fog and clouds and shows his face ; and ap- pears very much as he used to do in some warm April day in New York. I have visited a few families of the late emigrants; they appear highly pleased with atten- tion, kindness and friendship in this distant and strange land. I hope this attention will be favorable to their best interests. In all my visits I purpose to give a re- ligious turn to every one, as far as my influence may go. Sunday, 15. We have quite a number of emigrants in our meeting. It adds much to our congregation ; per- haps over thirty hearers; quite encouraging; some of these emigrants appear religious. This evening, we hear the Columbia, in which Doct. Babcock and Mr. Perkins and their families were passengers for Sandwich Islands, left the Columbia river on the 5th instant. It is very difficult getting out of the river; the water on the bar must be about right and the wind must be right also; vessel sometimes waits for weeks in Baker's Bay for such a chance, and often they wait about coast for weeks for an opportunity to come in. Monday, 16. For a few days, it has not rained ; yet we seldom see the sun ; foggy all day ; so dark it is rather necessary to sit by the window to have light enough to see to read or write. This evening we hear Sister Jud- son, the wife of L. H. Judson, who came with the great reinformement of 1840, to this land as a missionary, has fallen asleep in death. She has suffered very much for a few years, but her sufferings, I trust, ended on the 10th instant and she has entered into the rewards of the righteous. Tuesday, 17. There was an almost ceaseless wailing last night in an Indian lodge about 25 rods from us. We hear there was one in their company sick. Wednesday, 18. The Indians wailed most dreadfully all night without any apparent cessation. Mrs. Gary sick with the tooth ache all night. Rainy today. Oregon 184 Charles Henry Carey winter weather. About sunset I visited the Indian lodge ; here is a sick woman; the wailing for two nights past are for her recovery, directed by the medicine man or conjurer. I believe little or no medicine in such cases is given; the cure is to be effected by wailing; they lie by and sleep during the day; the most of them are now asleep. About eight o'clock the Indians have begun their night work; they howl and wail most dreadfully. 0, if I could engihten them, how gladly would I do it; two important and unsurmountable impediments in the way; one is, I have not their confidence, so as to have any in- fluence over them or access to them ; the other, I cannot say a word to them they can understand. My sympathies are deeply enlisted yet I cannot do them a particle of good. Saturday, 21. For a few days I have been selling the debts due the mission including merchandise, mechanic's, milling and medical, and, indeed, all debts due the mission from each and every department except the sales I have made to the Institutes, L. H. Judson, and Wm. Wilson, H. Campbell, J. Robb, G. Abernethy, and Doct. McLaugh- lin at one third off, remainder payable according to an article agreement between the mission and G. Abernethy, A. Beers and J. Force. In one year they are to pay $1,000 cash, and not more than two thousand dollars in this country pay for the support of missionaries, and 1846, cash $500, and not more than two thousand in this country pay, and so on annually cash $500, this country pay not more than $2,000, interest at six per cent annu- ally from 1847. By this agreement I relieve the mission of all toil and vexations of collecting these numerous debts scattered all over this territory; well satisfied with this arrangement; I have had the benefit of the counsel and aid of Bro. Leslie and Hines. This point of business has been among the most difficult to arrange. The amount being considerable, I have been very desirous to make the sale a safe one. I think it is as much so as any can be in this country. Every Saturday evening, there Diary of Rev. George H. Gary 185 is a lyceum in this place in which there are many refer- ences to persons and events in community. Bro. Hines has just returned from this lyceum meeting and he says one piece read was professedly from a traveler through this land observing the state of business and things he represents when he approached the places where the mis- sion had carried on great business formerly but not so now. "That the fall of Iaso [Jason] and the arrival of his successor in this land is like nine months cholera." Surely the relief to this country when I leave it must be great, unless after all, the evils of my course should be irreparable. Monday, 23. I felt great relief in arranging the debts as I did last week. I drew up Saturday evening an article of agreement on the subject but as it was desirable to copy it, it was left for this morning when lo and behold an adverse wind has come up and they refuse to sign, so all the load comes back upon me; this refusal, however, springs from some want of a perfect understanding among themselves, no misunderstanding with me. Sat- urday night I was sick ; yesterday I did not attend meet- ing. The manner in which I spend this winter does not agree with my health. I must spend next winter, if I live, differently. Evening. The above mentioned wind was only a short squall. They have settled their misun- derstanding and have signed the article of agreement. I think the business is now arranged. The trouble of collecting these debts is now off of the hands of the mission. Tuesday, 24. This morning, on the surrounding hills snow may be seen, the first we have seen since we left

New York. In a short time, however, it disappears.


By Fred Lockley

James E. R. Harrell lives at 5725 72nd Street S. E., Portland, Oregon, on the Mt. Scott carline. When I visited him recently, he told me of his trip across the plains and of the early history of Clatsop County. "I was born in Covington, Indiana, September 7, 1830," said Mr. Harrell. "My father, Isaac Harrell, who was born on January 9, 1806, in Ohio, was a cabinet-maker. My mother's maiden name was Mary Ann Hollis. She was born in Baltimore, Maryland, September 5, 1808. My parents were married September 5, 1827. They had five children and raised three of them. My mother died on December 23, 1838, my father outliving her by more than 55 years. Father didn't die till August 5, 1893. On November 24, 1839, my father married Mary Ann McComis, a widow with one son. Her maiden name was Mary Ann Jolly. She outlived my father, dying on December 18, 1897. My father's first child, Emmaline J. Harrell, was born June 6, 1828. I was the next child and was christened James Edwin Ray Harrell. I will be 93 on my next birthday. My step-mother's son, John Taylor McComis, was born July 12, 1833, the same year my brother Will was born- he was born on September 21, 1833. The first child my father and my step-mother had was David Harrison Harrell. He was born on November 7, 1840. My half sister, Mary Elizabeth, who married James Walker, was born October 31, 1843. She and I are the only ones of the family still alive. Six weeks before my folks started for Oregon, my step-mother had a baby, whom they named Martha Ann Harrell. She was born on March 8, 1847. We started for Oregon that spring. We drove to St. Joseph and waited there for the emigrants to assemble. It was quite a sight to see the camp fires of hundreds of families with the new canvas covers on their wagons, the old folks talking around the camp fire, while the children skylarked around and enjoyed themselves. James E. R. Hakrell 187 It was quite a sight too, when we crossed the river at St Joe, as there were 640 wagons that crossed. I was about sixteen and a half years old and I drove a wagon with three yoke of oxen from Six-mile Prairie in Iowa, clear through to The Dalles. Before we had traveled many days, we found that we would have to go in smaller trains. They elected my father's brother-in-law, William Jolly, captain of our train. Captain Chapman had been captain of the train before we divided. There were about fifty wagons in our train when we elected William Jolly cap- tain, but some wanted to travel slower, some wanted to go faster, and everybody more or less wanted to boss, so the train kept dwindling down till there were only four wagons left in our train when we got to Whitman sta- tion. The people that go across the country now in three or four days on a Pullman, think it must have been a monotonous trip to spend six months on the road from Missouri to the Willamette Valley, but it wasn't, because you never knew what was going to happen from day to day or even from hour to hour. For example, one day I let my young brother drive the oxen while I was attend- ing to something else. He could drive them pretty near as good as I could. My step-mother's brother, Captain William Jolly, thought he was too young to manage the oxen, so Jolly started to drive them. The oxen didn't know him, his voice was rather loud, because he was a preacher, so the oxen got scared, cramped the wagon and tipped it over. This happened just as they were crossing a small stream called Wolf River. Pretty near every- thing in the wagon got wet, including our corn meal. It mildewed and we had to throw it away. My father was a pretty good provider. He had laid in a supply of corn meal, flour, bacon, brown sugar, rice, beans, coffee and tea and then we had lots of antelope meat and buffalo meat, so we lived pretty well. The result of Captain Jolly tipping our wagon over and spoiling our corn meal was that we had to buy two sacks of ground wheat of Dr. Marcus Whitman, paying him six dollars a hundred for it.

"We stopped a couple of days with Dr. Whitman. As I told you, there were only four wagons in our train when we got to Whitman's Mission, our wagon, that of Captain Jolly, old man Tobe Brawley and that of Jerry Starr. Jolly and Brawley were both preachers, so they had plenty to discuss with Dr. Whitman, who was also a preacher. The Indians had stolen some of our stock and so Captain Jolly and my father were kind of suspicious of the Indians. The Indians of the Whitman mission were acting rather surly ; they had had a lot of measles and a good many of the Indians had died. Captain Jolly and my father both thought it wasn't safe for the Whitmans to stay at the mission that winter and they urged him to come on down to the valley. Dr. Whitman said he couldn't very well move this year, though he was planning to move to The Dalles, where he had bought property. He said several times before the Indians had become restless and surly but he had always been able to talk them out of it and he thought he could do so this time also. He wasn't able to fix up the trouble this time, though, for less than a month after we left, he and his wife and a lot of the others there were killed by the In- dians. Whitman was a tolerably heavy-set man, about my size, but better looking. His wife was a large woman and had a rather pleasant voice. She was very polite and agreeable to the emigrants. After visiting the Whitmans for a couple of days, we pulled on to The Dalles where we put our wagons on rafts to float down the Columbia River, while the women and children went in a Hudson Bay batteau. We camped on the Oregon side of the Columbia just at the head of the island across from Fort Vancouver. We camped there six weeks, during which time father looked around to find a good claim to settle on. He finally decided to go to the mouth of the Columbia. We settled on Clatsop Plains, our claim joining that of Tom Owens. He settled there in 1843. I got well acquainted with Tom and his wife, but I knew the girls best. Diana Owens taught me to dance. She was a fine girl and a perfect lady. Her sister Bethenia, now known as Dr. Owens-Adair, was just the reverse of Diana; she was a harem-scarum tom-boy, up to all sorts of devilment, and she thought she could do anything a boy could, and was just as good and maybe a little better. Tom Owens, her father, was about six feet high. He was well-built and he could lick anybody in that whole country. His wife was not well educated in the line of books but she was one of the smartest women in that country. Another neighbor of ours was William H. Gray. He came to Oregon in 1836. He ran a dairy. Colonel James Taylor loaned him some money to go east and get a flock of sheep. Dr. Gray drove them across the plains and got them as far as Astoria safely. At Astoria he got a scow to take them across the river to his place. Colonel Taylor urged him not to and said : 'If you go across the river with this southwest wind blowing and a storm coming up, and lose your sheep, I'll make you pay for every one of them.' Gray was a man who couldn't stand opposition, so he said he was going across anyway. A squall came up, the river got choppy and the scow filled with water and became unmanageable. He finally got to Chinook Point but his blooded sheep were drowned.

"I got my schooling on Clatsop Plains. I went to school first to Truman Powers and later to Professor Brock. Wilson Morrison's children went to school at the same time I did. John Minto married the oldest of the Morrison girls. Then there were Henry and Billy Gray and Caroline and Mary Gray. Caroline married Jacob Kamm, the steamboat man, and I think Mary married the son of Governor Abernethy. Then there were Clatsop Smith's children, and quite a few others. I never saw the inside of a school house till I was 17 years old.

"Among the pioneers of Clatsop County were William 190 Fred Lockley H. Gray, who came to Oregon in 1836 ; Mrs. Sophia Mun- son, a pioneer of 1837; Mrs. Gray, who came in 1838; Mr. and Mrs. L. A. Judson, who came in 1840; J. L. Parish and Miss Philips, who also came in 1840 ; Mr. and Mrs. Cyrus Olney, also pioneers of 1840 ; W. W. Raymond, who came the same year; Ann Abel and Mr. and Mrs. Eldridge Trask, who came in 1842; N. E. Eberman; William, John and Diana Hobson; Thomas G. Naylor, Mr. and Mrs. Thomas Owens and family, Andrew Wirt, all of whom came in 1843 ; Alvah and Ruth Condit, Mr. and Mrs. B. C. Kindred, J. W. Moffat, W. Motley, John Robinson, Mr. and Mrs. James Taylor, and Mr. and Mrs. James Welch, all of whom came in 1844 ; David Ingalls and Rev. Lewis Thompson, who came in 1845; Hiram Carnaham, G. M. Coffenberry, Robert S. McEwan and Mr. and Mrs. Truman P. Powers, who came in 1846; David Burnside, Mr. and Mrs. Conrad Boelling, Mr. and Mrs. Joseph Jeffers, Hester Lanphear, Mr. and Mrs. R. W. Morrison, S. T. McKean and Polly Hicks McKean, who came in 1847; Mr. and Mrs. Philip Gearhart, who came in 1848 ; Mr. and Mrs. John Adair, Ferdinand Fer- rill and Mr. and Mrs. David Pease, who came in 1849; Philo Callender, George Davidson, A. W. Ferguson, Cap- tain M. M. Gilman, Joseph D. Higgins, Mr. and Mrs. Mathew McCrary, and Moses Rogers, who came in 1850 ; David Morgan, J. W. Ross and Charles Stevens, who came in 1852 ; J. W. Munson, who came in 1853. Among other pioneers who were early settlers on Clatsop Plains were the Elders, Samuel Hall, Joseph D. Holman, Captain Philip Johnson, the Marlins, Mrs. Fanny Montgomery, Mr. and Mrs. Michael Nolen, Mrs. Mary Ross, Soloman Smith, Robert Shortess, Jerry Tuller, Luke and Lewis Taylor, and Mr. Tibbitts. "We settled on Clatsop Plains not long before Christ- mas in 1847," said Mr. Harrell. "In the spring of 1849 father moved to a place on the Lewis and Clark River, not far from Carlos Shane's place. Father built a sawmill James E. R. Harrell 191 there, which we ran for eight years. Like lots of other young fools, I got restless and so I hoofed it across coun- try to Corvallis. Here I ran across two men named Moore and Fell. Fell had married Moore's niece. They were buying cattle throughout the valley, to drive to the California gold mines, and when I tackled them for a job, they put me on as a driver and furnished me a mule to ride. We went to Yreka where they sold the cattle, paid me off, and I went to mining. Moore and Fell did pretty well. After a few years they had made a stake and decided to go to their old home in the East. They went by way of the Isthmus of Panama, but the boat they were on was wrecked. Among the last to leave the boat were these two men. The little boat they were in was tipped over and they were both drowned. Mrs. Fell with her two children were saved, and she managed to put her small hand-trunk in the boat with her. It had in it $12,000 in gold dust. I followed placer mining for five years at Yreka. It's a hard game to break away from, particularly if you are mining in pockety ground. Some days I'd strike a pocket and clean up a hundred dollars, and then for a week I wouldn't make more than wages. "In 1859 I came back to the Willamette Valley and settled on a place near Forest Grove. I stayed at the Grove till 1864, when I went to the Eagle Creek mines in eastern Oregon. I mined there for the next seven years. Time kept drifting along and I kept drifting with it, till I found I was 48 years old and I figured that if I was going to get married, I'd better be getting at it, so on April 21, 1878, I was married. I was married about ten miles north of Hillsboro on the place joining Joe Meek's place. Our first child, Hollis Eric Harrell, was born on May 15, 1879. He works for the Union Pacific Railroad Company here in Portland. Our next child was a girl, Ona Myrtle Harrell, who was born on September 7, 1885. I have lived in quite a number of places in the 192 Fred Lockley West. First I lived on Clatsop Plains till 1849, then on the Lewis & Clark River, then at Yreka, California, then at Forest Grove, then east of the mountains on Eagle Creek for seven years. From there I went to the Cow- litz River where I ran a stock ranch for ten or twelve years. Then I took a homestead on Elk Creek near Sea- side. There were lots of big bands of elk there when I took up my homestead. My homestead was two miles back from the ocean and was covered with a heavy growth of spruce. I lived on it five years and sold it for $2,000, but I found out afterwards that the company that bought it said there was at least $10,000 worth of spruce on it. From my homestead near Seaside, I moved to Tigardsville, where I farmed on a 40-acre place for about five years. My wife died in 1911. I sold my place at Tigardsville and came to live in Portland. I will be 93 on my next birthday, and for the last year or two I have been taking things a little easy, for I have worked pretty hard for 75 years and I feel that I am entitled to ease up a little now." JAMES DOUGLAS, CHIEF FACTOR OF THE HUD- SON'S BAY COMPANY, FORT VANCOUVER, TO GOVERNOR GEORGE ABERNETHY, OREGON CITY Fort Vancouver 31st. Dec 1847 George Abernethy Esqre Governor Sir A rumour having been in circulation for some days past, that it is General Gilliam's intention to levy con- tributions on the Hudsons Bay Company's property, for the purpose of compelling the equipment of the troops ordered out in your late proclamation for the intended operations against the Indians of the interior, I feel it my duty to communicate with you frankly on the subject; as it is most important in the present critical state of our Indian relations that there should be an entire ab- sence of distrust, and that the most perfect unanimity should exist among the whites of every class. From my personal knowledge of General Gilliam and his highly respectable character I should be the last per- son to believe him capable of committing an outrage, which may prove so distrastous [sic] in its immediate and remoter consequences, to the peace and best interests of this country ; and at the same time, as the representative of a powerful British Association it becomes my duty, to take instant measures for the protection of their prop- erty, until I receive, through you, a distinct disavowal of any such intention, as I have herein stated. Difficulties of that nature were certainly not contem- plated by us, when we dispatched a large part of our effective force, into the interior for the purpose of rescu- ing the unfortunate women and children, the survivors of the massacre at Wiillat poo, who remained in the hands of the Indians ; — it was never suspected that our establishments would be exposed to insults or injury, 194 James Douglas from American citizens, while we were braving the fury of the Indians for their protection. Such a proceeding would in fact be so inconsistent with every principle of honor and sound policy, that I cannot believe any attempt of the kind will be made ; but I trust this explanation will satisfactorily account for any unusual precautions observed in the present arrange- ments of this establishment. Trusting that this note will be noticed at your earliest convenience, I have the honor to be Sir Your most obedt. humbl Servant JAMES DOUGLAS, C. F. H. B. Co.y. (Reprinted from The Friend, Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands) OREGON MISSION Under this caption, The Friend, published in Hono- lulu, February 14, 1846, the following: We have recently been gratified in receiving a friendly epistle from a missionary brother, the Rev. C. Eells, re- siding at Tahimakain [Tshimakain] near Fort Colville, in the Oregon Territory. The Missionaries in that por- tion of the Indian country, are laboring under the pa- tronage of the A. B. C. F. Missions. In the former part of his communication he speaks of the inconvenience of not receiving letters from friends for months and years. Under date of October 10th, 1845, he writes as follows : — Our letters from the States are often from eighteen months to two years on the way. We have just received communications from Boston, up to November last. My last file of papers previous to this, was nearly two years old, when received. The history of this Mission may be compared to alter- nate sunshine, and cloudy weather. Fond hopes and pleasing anticipations cherished, only to experience sad disappointment. However, if such a checkered scene produces an effect to make us look away from earth and earthly things, an important object will have been accom- plished. Soon after the date of my last, this station was, to human appearance, unusually promising, but soon after, and suddenly there was an unfavorable change. During the winter, the school for natives was small and finally run out. The summer a little more favorable than the preceding. The latter part of the last winter, and spring, was a peculiarly trying period to the two families connected with the south branch of the mission. More than a year ago, a party of Indians composed of those chiefly about Dr. Whitman's station, and Walla Walla, went to Califor- nia for cattle. Among the number was a young man, son of Walla Walla, chief, who had been educated at the Methodist Mission School. Either his own improper con196 Oregon Mission duct or that of his father, or most likely that of both, caused him to be shot dead by Americans in California. When the party returned, (about the middle of winter) a very great excitement was produced. Whether or not, there was any serious intention of taking the life of Dr. Whitman, or Mr. Spalding, I do not feel prepared to say, but there was certainly much talk of doing so. The excitement has passed off, without any particular violence, and the other day Dr. W. informed me that apparently, there is at present a friendly and pleasing state of feeling existing toward himself, and a disposition to cultivate friendly intercourse with Ameri- cans. A great number of emigrants this year. Much love and esteem to your family, in which my wife most cordially unites. Yours truly, C. EELLS. Under date of October 15, 1846, The Friend publishes the following: By the arrival of the "Brooklyn," Richardson, 15 days from Santa Barbara, and 21 from Monterey, important news has been received from California. A file of the "Californian" from August 21, to September 19, has been received. From its columns and other sources we pre- sent our readers with the following summary of intelli- gence : The Indian difficulties are somewhat serious. A party of the Walla Walla Indians went from Oregon to trade in California, a distance of 700 or 800 miles. While there in a predatory excursion, they took some horses and mules from Mexicans. The Mexicans demanded their restitution. The affair was argued at General Sutter's residence, and he endeavored to pacify the parties. One Cook, finding that the Indians had taken a mule of his, demanded that it be restored. Delay ensued — he took justice in his own hands and shot dead a Walla Walla chief, named Elija, who was educated at the Methodist Mission in Oregon. These occurrences have given rise to much excitement. "The Indians," writes a correspondent Oregon Mission 197 at Monterey, September 20, "have besieged Sutter's Fort, and demanded that the perpetrator of the murder should be punished by the laws of the country. They number, I understand, about 2000 warriors. I have no doubt but everything will be amicably arranged. Cook, the person who killed the Indian, is reported to have given himself up to the authorities, and is now on board one of the vessels of war." Commodore Stockton has issued a proclamation of war and declared all the western ports of Mexico south of San Diego under blockade. Neutral vessels were given twenty days to leave. The Commodore has issued the following circular : — "You are hereby advised that a war exists between the United States of North America and Mexico, and are cautioned to guard against an attack from Mexican Pri- vateers, and all vessels under the Mexican flag. "The Territory of California has been taken posses- sion of by the forces under my command, and now belongs to the United States, and you will find safe anchorage and protection in the harbor of San Francisco during any season of the year." A REVIEW (Reprinted from The American Historical Review, April, 1923) History of Oregon, by Charles Henry Carey. (Chi- cago and Portland: The Pioneer Publishing Company. 1922. Pp., 1016.) The author of this book is a learned lawyer of schol- arly tastes and literary accomplishments. The portion of the book which is marked most unmistakably by the characteristics of his own pen is in style not always simple but invariably dignified and often distinguished. The work may be divided into two unequal and dis- similar parts. First, we have the early romantic period of Northwestern history terminated by the organization of the Territory of Oregon. Second, the — as here con- ceived — more pedestrian or commonplace history of the development of the state of Oregon down to the present times. Thirty-one chapters are assigned to the first part, thirteen to the second ; and, while on the basis of the rela- tive number of pages, 496 and 400 respectively, the dis- parity of interest does not seem so great, still a reading of the book will show, I think, that at least three-fourths of the author's personal interest was lavished upon the early period. That part was actually written, while much of the balance bears indubitable evidence of having been compiled by other hands, and some of the compila- tion gives an impression of the materials having been considerably diluted to fill a prescribed amount of space. Yet, much of the material thus assembled is both inter- esting and valuable. Thus the real contribution to Oregon history is found in the first part. Mr. Carey has been a discriminating student of the dramatic episodes and mooted questions with which early Northwestern history fairly bristles. Carey : History of Oregon 199 About these he writes with a firm, clear hand, as one who has been not merely a critical reader of other men's con- clusions, but also as to some features a genuine investi- gator. And he gives us a well-rounded story. Begin- ning with a somewhat concise description of the land itself, he presents next a sympathetic account of the orig- inal inhabitants and then plunges into the history of discovery. The era of the fur-trader, the "Nootka Sound" controversy, the voyage of Captain Vancouver, the Boston Men, Gray's discovery, and John Ledyard con- stitute themes of a second distinctive group of chapters. A third deals with Jefferson, the Lewis and Clark expe- dition, and Astoria. The fourth group of chapters deals with the British fur companies, the reign of Dr. Mc- Loughlin, also American fur-traders and mountain men. The fifth group notes missionary influences, the mission- ary settlement, the Whitman martyrs. The concluding cycle of chapters is on the beginnings of government and the determination of boundaries, the last chapter being a compenduous essay of forty-four pages. In the portion of the book just described, Judge Carey has demonstrated his right to be counted among the his- torians. His plan is comprehensive, his research appar- ently adequate. The treatment accorded diverse topics discloses a good sense of perspective and a discriminating historical judgment. Slight errors could no doubt be found, were that type of criticism deemed worth while. But, on the whole, considering its extent, the volume (in the portion under review) seems singularly free from such blemishes. One must, however, query the statement (p. 357) that Whit- man's "choice of the southern route alone had made his trip at that season possible." Also, I am aware of no evidence to support the observation (p. 364) that Whit- man announced his intention to return in the spring and aid in piloting the immigration. The author cites no evi- dence for this statement; and some other statements 200 Joseph Schafer likely to cause comment are left unsupported. Yet, the book is far more carefully documented than is usual with works of this nature. Herein the author reveals his legal and juristic habit of mind. Mr. Carey declines responsibility for certain volumes of biographies which are to be published in conjunction with this book, the whole to be sold apparently on the subscription plan. Joseph Schafer

  1. Archibald Menzies, Hawaii Nei 128 Years Ago, edited by W. F. Wilson (Honolulu, 1920), 72. This work contains the Hawaiian portion of the journal of the surgeon and naturalist of Vancouver's flagship, the Discovery. The title is of course supplied by the editor.
  2. Vancouver, op. cit., V, 48-50.
  3. New Vancouver Journal (MS), entry for March, 1793.
  4. Vancouver, op. cit., III, 319.
  5. Vancouver, op. cit., V, 126, 354; New Vancouver Journal (MS), entry for Jan. 20, 1794. These authorities do not state that the three ships went to the Sandwich Islands, but they do show clearly that both Brown and the Butterworth were at the islands and indicate that Brown was there on the Butterworth. Brown himself told Vancouver that he sent the Butterworth towards England with the directions noted in the text and that he then went to Canton with the other two ships. In view of these facts it seems to me necessary to conclude that the three vessels were together at the islands before parting for their separate destinations and it seems also a fair inference that Brown transferred at the islands from the Butterworth to the Jackal.
  6. Vancouver, op. cit., V, 125-126; Hiram Bingham, Residence of Twenty-one years in the Sandwich Islands (Hartford, 1847), 45.
  7. John Young was an English sailor who, while employed as boatswain of the American ship Eleanora, Simon Metcalfe, master, was virtually kidnapped by the natives of Hawaii in March, 1790. Though at first he tried to escape, Young soon became reconciled to his situation. He was a friend and trusted adviser of Kamehameha until the death of the latter and is frequently referred to in the Hawaiian accounts as "the king's foreigner." While not highly educated, he possessed common sense and good judgment and, what was more important, a sound character. His name is usually coupled with that of Isaac Davis, who had a somewhat similar history.
  8. Vancouver, op. cit., V, 113-114; New Vancouver Journal (MS) entry for Jan. 20, 1794.