authority he coveted. At the same time his attention was insensibly directed to explorations outside of America, to the much-desired Moluccas or Spice Islands.
At a time when there was almost a certainty, in court circles in Spain, of an intended rebellion by Cortfe, a charge was brought .against him that cast a fatal blight upon his character and plans. He was accused of the murder of his first wife. Prescott makes light of the accusation, but his opinion has little weight because, as above stated, evidence has since been discovered which was beyond liis reach. This evidence leaves no doubt that Catalina Xuarez was strangled by her husband. The proceedings of the investigation were kept secret. No report, either exonerating or condemning Cortes, was published. Had the Government declared him innocent, it would have greatly increased his popularity; had it declared him a criminal, a crisis would have been precipitated by the accused and his party. Silence was the only safe policy. But that silence is a strong indication that grave danger was apprehended from his influence. It is curious that, after the conquest of the Mexicans had been consummated, but more particularly after the sinister deeds above mentioned, success seems to have abandoned his banner. Excluded from the government of Mexico, his eyes were turned to further exploration. Don Antonio de Mendoza, first viceroy of New Spain, was looked upon by Cortes as his enemy, but the accusation that he opposed and hampered Cortes in nearly every one of his new enterprises is not justified. It was the latter who, at once, opened a violent campaign against everybody who approached what he considered his new domain. He found grave faults with every measure, and resorted to statements that were utterly baseless. Thus his attack upon Father Marcos of Nizza, charging him with having attributed to himself the discovery of New Mexico while in reality he, Cortes, had been the discoverer, is so groundless that it appears almost ridiculous. Every expedition set on foot by Cortes in the Pacific either failed absolutely or produced meagre, unsatisfactory results. Soured by these failures which stood in flagrant contrast to the brilliant success of his early efforts, Cortes became a chronic complainant. He saw his influence gone, his prestige waning. The Government could not forget the proofs of unreliability which the conqueror of Mexico had given when he thought himself master of the situation. The emperor finally permitted him to join the great expedition against Algiers in 1541. It may be that had the advice of Cortes been followed that under- taking would have had a less disastrous end; but he was not even consulted. The enterprise failed, and the conqueror of Mexico did not long survive the failure.
Cortds was a good writer. His letters to the emperor, on the conquest, deserve to be classed among the best Spanish documents of the period. They are, of course, coloured so as to place his own achievments in relief, but, withal, he keeps within bounds and does not exaggerate, except in matters of Indian civilization and the numbers of population as implied by the size of the settlements. Even there he uses comparatives only, judging from outward appearances and from impressions. His first letter is lost, and the one from the municipality of Vera Cruz has to take its place. It was published for the first time in volume IV of "Documentos para la Historia de Espafia", and subsequently reprinted. The "Se- gunda Carta de Holaeion", bearing the date of 30 Oct., 1,)20, appeared in print at Seville in 1522. The "Carta tcrcera", 15 May, 1.522, appeared at Seville in 1523. The fourth, 20 October, 1524, was printed at Toledo in 1525. The fifth, on the Honduras expedition, is contained in volume IV of the "Documentos para la Hist, de Espafia". The important letter mentioned in the text has been published under the heading of "Carta inedita de Cortes" by Ycazbalceta. A great number of minor documents, either by Cortes or others, for or against him, are dispersed through the voluminous collection above cited and through the "Coleccion de Documentos de Indias", as well as in the "Documentos para la Historia de Mexico" of Ycazbalceta. Of Ms letters on the conquest there are a number of reprints and translations into various languages.
See articles on .Aztecs and Mexico for the bulk of literature on the conquest of Mexico and the part played by Cortes in it. Peter Martyr and especially Oviedo were contemporaries; their statements therefore deserve particular attention, although absolute impartiality and rehability cannot be expected. On the sinister occurrences of the death of Ponce de Lecjn and of Catalina Xuarez the Documentos de Indias contain the authentic investigations. The early hfe of Cort^ is described at length in a fragment from the sixteenth century, De Rebus Gestis Ferdinand Cortesii, author unknown, published by Yc.\zb.\lcet.\ in his Documentos, I, first series. Bernal Diaz del Castillo gives many very valuable data on Cortes, but he must be classed among writers on the conquest.
Cortese, Giovanni Andre. (his name in the Benedictine Order was Gregorio), cardinal and monastic reformer, b. 1483 at Modena; d. 21 Sept., 1548. After receiving a training in the Humanities at Modena under the learned Cistercian Varino of Piacenza, he devoted himself to the study of juris- prudence for five years, first at Bologna, then at Padua, and was graduated as doctor of laws at the early age of seventeen. His thorough knowledge of [ the Latin and Greek languages induced Cardinal Giovanni de' Medici, the future Pope Leo X, to take him into his service and afterwards appoint liim legal auditor in the Curia. Desirous of leading a more quiet life, Cortese resigned this office and in 1,507 entered the Benedictine monastery of Polirone near Mantua, one of the most flourisliing abbeys of the recently founded Cassinese Congregation. When Cardinal Giovanni de' Medici heard that his former auditor had become a monk, he addressed a letter to him expressing his surprise and displeasure at the step which Cortese had taken and urging him to leave the monastery and resume his former occupation in Rome. In his answer to the cardinal's letter Cortese points out the great dangers which beset his soul when he was still engaged in worldly pursuits, and speaks of the interior happiness which he exjierienced while cliant- ing the Divine praises and applying liimself to the study of Holy Scripture. When in 1513 Giovanni de' Medici ascended the papal throne as Leo X, Cortese sent him a letter of congratulation in which, however, he did not omit to remind the new pontiff of his duty to begin at last that general reform of which the Church stood in extreme need. Like many other saintly and learned men of the time, Cortese was deeply grieved at the indifference manifested by many ecclesiastical dignitaries towards a wholesome internal reform of the Church. It is due to his untiring zeal that the Benedictine reform, which had recently been inaugurated in Italy by the Cassinea Congregation, was carried through, and that, with th{ return of monastic discipline, the Benedictine monas- teries of Italy again became seats of that learning fo) which they had been so famous in the past.
In 151(1 Augustin de Grinialdi, Bishop of Grasst and abbot of the monastery of Lerins, united hi monastery with the Cassinese Congregation, and upon the bishop's request, Cortese and a few other were sent thither fo assist in introducing the Cassinea reform. Here Cortese devoted himself to literan pursuits, and in order to ])roinote the study of thi Humanities he foiuiiled an academy where he am other learned members of the moniustcry educated thi French youth, thus becoming instrumental in trans planting to I'rench soil the literary Iliunanistic move
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