away, never to return. When I beseech them not to pervert and overstrain ecclesiastical principles, in a manner not only needless, but positively erroneous, so as to make Christ's church virtually a tool for the propagation of the political heresies of negro suffrage and amalgamation; they reply with a grand dignity, that the Church is a spiritual kingdom, and does not concern herself, pro or con, with secular results. To my common sense, the application thus given to a truth most valuable in its place, is virtually this: That if the church has an opportunity, without going an inch out of her spiritual sphere, and indeed, by the very fidelity with which she adheres to it, to give valuable support to earthly interests the most fundamental and precious, oh, then she has perverted her character; she is meddling with secular questions! But if she misunderstands and perverts her own spiritual charter, to corrupt at once her own government and peace, and to give, under a scriptural pretext, most direct assistance to the vilest factionists, in their assaults upon the dearest rights and interests of the community, it is all perfectly spiritual and legitimate!
Now then, gentlemen, come with me, and let us see whither this iron consistency in which you boast will lead us. You say that if a negro appears to have a scriptural call and qualification, you have no option, but must make him your own co-presbyter, and ecclesiastical equal.—Thus, at once, he becomes a joint ruler over white churches; he must sit, and speak, and vote among you. I shall not permit you to use the quiet hypocrisy of those Yankees, whom you permit so imperiously to dictate your action in this matter; who, after making a negro, in pretense, their co-presbyter and equal, give him a tacit, but imperative hint to take himself off to the coloured gallery, and thence witness the presbyterial proceedings, as a very humble spectator. This will not do in your case: you are thoroughly consistent. So you must have this negro of yours, reviewing and censuring the records of white sessions, and sitting to judge appeals brought before you by white parties, possibly by white ladies!
But this is a small part. After all the negro exodus from our communion, there are still churches which have a large majority of black communicants. After you have ordained your negro, one of these churches may regularly elect him pastor. Constitutionally, the white minority cannot here resist the will of the majority, when regularly exercised. Suppose the former come to you for remedy. Can you tell them to take dismissions and join a white church elsewhere? Distance may forbid. Besides, you will be bound by that jewel, consistency, to tell them that such a solution of their trouble would be wholly out of the question. You made race and colour no obstacle to putting this negro equal to yourselves; how can you encourage these white members in making them a pretext to rend a church roll? Consistency will require you to say to them, "Remain and submit." So, there you have a black pastor to white families, clothed with official title to ask their experimental, heart secrets; to visit their sick beds; to celebrate baptisms, marriages and funerals over their children! And this, on your principles, is no utopian picture; but what may become a literal fact, in a month after you execute your plan.
Now, is any one so fond as to believe still that this can be honestly,
