of their own spiritual guides; that they must submit, at the dictation of a romantic sophism, to an ecclesiastical amalgamation, of which social confusion must be the inevitable result; a result all the surer because the ill-starred precedent is given for it in the highest range of our social life—the sacred.
And now, when they indignantly recoil, shall this high and noble sentiment be stigmatized as "a wicked prejudice of an evil world?" and shall this Synod be invoked, in the the imposing names of principle and moral courage, to trample upon it? Sir, I protest against the slander. In the name of the enlightened and faithful people of God, who profoundly entertain this sentiment, I protest. By the indignant blush on the cheeks of our christian wives and sisters, I protest. This is no blind, passionate prejudice of caste; but the righteous, rational instinct of pious minds. It is not the prejudice of a wicked world, which I would have you respect; the world's passions and blame are naught to me; but the conscientious conviction of Christ's own people, who are as God-fearing and honest in this thing as you are. I wish to know, by what patent the advocates of this novel and astounding doctrine have received a monopoly of all the consistency and conscientiousness, leaving our laity none?
If, in the presence of all these considerations, any leader in our Israel must still feel himself compelled by conscience and principle, to demand of his brethren this concession, he should feel that he is asking of them the most cruel and heart-rending sacrifice ever demanded by duty. We shall make it, if consistency requires it, with an anguish akin to that of Jephthah, when his rash vow compelled him to immolate his virgin daughter. Has this solemn, sympathizing sense of the sacrifice demanded been exhibited? No, sir. And I shall show, before I am done, that the imagined stress of conscience, under which the bitter crucifixion is exacted of us, is as baseless and unreasonable, as was the superstitious obstinacy of that ancient Robber-chief.
And, if it shall appear that this Africanizing of our Church is not duty, then, how wretchedly untimely is the policy of fixing the odium of it on Presbyterianism, at this time, of all others, when the whole American people are so manifestly beginning to array themselves on the issue between the white man's party and black man's party when this one issue is so completely absorbing all others; when the party of the white man's supremacy is gathering in such resistless might, and is so surely destined ultimately to sweep its opponents out of existence. Why attach our Presbyterianism to a doomed cause, to a type of opinion predestined to be exploded, and to leave, for all time, naught behind it but a savour of odium and abhorrence, clearing for generations to all who have afflicted us with it?
Let it be thoroughly considered how far this view must lead us, if squarely followed. Its advocates have much to say about following out principles consistently, without regarding popular inclinations. The attitude they assume is one of a calm superiority to such feelings. They have "risen above these mere prejudices of caste, as things unworthy of christians." They deprecate my allusions to the practical consequences of their doctrine, as an unseemly appeal to the passions of a dead controversy, and the pride of a social order which has passed
