Page:Gesenius' Hebrew Grammar (1910 Kautzsch-Cowley edition).djvu/194

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but א and ע always have ē in 3rd sing.—On the infinitive with suffixes, cf. § 61 b.

 [d 3. In Piʿēl, Puʿal, and Hithpaʿēl, the Dageš forte being inadmissible in the middle radical, the preceding vowel, especially before ה, ח and ע, nevertheless, generally remains short, and the guttural is consequently to be regarded as, at least, virtually strengthened, cf. § 22 c; e.g. Piʿēl שִׂחַק, נִֽחֲלוּ Jos 141, וּבִֽעַרְתִּי 1 K 1410, נִהַג Ex 1013 (cf., however, אֵחַר Gn 3419; נֵהַ֫לְתָּ Ex 1513, but in the imperfect and participle יְנַהֵל, &c.; in verbs ל״ה, e.g. רֵעָה), infinitive שַׂחֵק, Puʿal רֻחַץ (but cf. דֹּחוּ ψ 3613 from דָּחָה, also the unusual position of the tone in בֹּ֫חַן[1] Ez 2118, and in the perfect Hithpaʿēl הִתְרָחַ֫צְתִּי Jb 930); Hithpaʿēl perfect and imperative הִטַּֽהֲרוּ, &c.; in pause (see §§ 22 c, 27q, 29v, 54k) הִטֶּהָֽרוּ Nu 87, 2 Ch 3018; יִתְנֶחָם Nu 2319, &c.

 [e The complete omission of the strengthening, and a consequent lengthening of the preceding vowel, occurs invariably only with ר (כָּרַּת Ez 164 is an exception; כֹּרָ֑תָה also occurs, Ju 628), e g. בֵּרַךְ (in pause בֵּרֵךְ), imperfect יְבָרֵךְ, Puʿal בֹּרַךְ. Before א it occurs regularly in the stems בֵּאֵר, גֵּאֵל, מֵאֵן, פֵּאֵר, and in the Hithpaʿēl of באשׁ, ראה, and שׁאה; on the other hand, א is virtually strengthened in the perfects, נִאֵף (once in the imperfect, Jer 2923) to commit adultery, נִאֵץ to despise (in the participle, Nu 1423, Is 6014, Jer 2317; according to Baer, but not ed. Mant., or Ginsb., even in the imperfect יְנַאֵץ ψ 7410), נִאֵר to abhor La 27 (also נֵאַ֫רְתָּה ψ 8940) and שִׁאֵל ψ 10910; moreover, in the infinitive יַאֵשׁ Ec 220, according to the best reading. On the Mappîq in the Puʿal רֻאִ֫וּ Jb 3321, cf. § 14 d.

 [f Rem. 1. In the verb שָׁאַל to ask, to beg, some forms of the perfect Qal appear to be based upon a secondary form middle e, which is Ṣere when the vowel of the א stands in an open syllable, cf. שְׁאֵֽלְךָ Gn 3218, Ju 420; שְׁאֵל֫וּנִי ψ 1373; but in a closed syllable, even without a suffix, שְׁאֶלְתֶּם 1 S 1213, 255, Jb 2129; שְׁאִלְתִּ֫יהוּ Ju 136, 1 S 120. Cf., however, similar cases of attenuation of an original ă, § 69 s, and especially § 44 d. In the first three examples, if explained on that analogy, the ĭ attenuated from ă would have been lengthened to ē (before the tone); in the next three ĭ would have been modified to ĕ. Also in the Hiphʿil-form הִשְׁאִלְתִּ֫יהוּ 1 S 128 the אִ is merely attenuated from אַ.

 [g 2. In Piʿēl and Hithpaʿēl the lengthening of the vowel before the guttural causes the tone to be thrown back upon the penultima, and consequently the Ṣere of the ultima to be shortened to Seghôl. Thus (a) before monosyllables, according to § 29 e, e.g. לְשָׁ֫רֶת שָׁם to minister there, Dt 1712, even in the case of a guttural which is virtually strengthened, Gn 3914, Jb 818 (see § 29 g). (b) after wāw consecutive, e.g. רַיְבָ֫רֶךְ and he blessed, Gn 122 and frequently, וַיְגָ֫רֶשׁ and he drove out, Ex 1011, וַתִּתפָּ֫עֶם Dn 21.

  1. בֹּ֫חַן is explained by Abulwalîd as the 3rd pers. perfect Puʿal, but by Qimḥi as a noun.