is no longer regarded as so vital a matter as twenty years ago. In many instances, only the duties that were nominally protective have been removed by the act of 1913. Two noteworthy exceptions are wool and sugar which go on the free list, the latter, however, not till May 1, 1916. The duties on silks were probably left well above the maximum revenue yielding point. There is no reason to suppose that barbed wire will sell for less because it has been placed on the free list. The new tariff will probably reduce the cost of living but little for the average family. The by-elections, thus far, indicate a vote of confidence in the administration. Moreover, the division of the opposition into Republicans and Progressives promises to give the new tariff a fair trial. It may turn out that the popular mind has exaggerated the importance of the tariff. Many have attributed the panic of 1893 to the tariff of the following year. The part played by the appreciation of gold, the silver agitation and the reckless expansions of railroads during the eighties has been frequently ignored. It has been common to explain good times in terms of a high tariff and hard times in terms of a low tariff. The building of railways has done far more for our industrial development than the tariff, and yet it is usually treated as a matter of minor importance in popular discussion. There is at least a chance that the country will revise its theory of prosperity. Certainly, an industrial policy that promotes the growth of cities is less needed than fifty years ago. The panic of 1907 helped to shatter the popular belief that a high tariff insures prosperity. Much will depend upon the character of the times during the next three or four years. If times are good, the lower duties will probably receive undue credit. If times are hard, an undue amount of blame will probably be laid at the door of the new tariff.
IV
The public mind is at present very suspicious of lobbyists. President Wilson recently promoted the progress of the tariff by calling attention to the number of lobbyists in Washington. The right of every one to present any facts, either in person or by proxy, to the members of our legislative bodies is generally conceded. The special interest is entitled to a hearing as well as the disinterested philanthropist. The protected manufacturer has the same right to be heard as the opponent of child labor. If the presentation is done in the open, and if the arguments employed are addressed to the minds and not to the pockets of our legislators and are unaccompanied with threats, no exception can well be taken. The average member of our legislative bodies, as well as the general public, can be trusted to make due allowance for anything one may say in behalf of his own interests. On the other hand, when those who present the facts possess the ballot, there is a fair chance that what they say will receive due consideration.
Why, then, are lobbyists regarded with such suspicion? The answer
