bination with a derivative in ām to make a periphrastic conjugation. Such roots have also been, from the earliest period of the language, but with increasing frequency, used in somewhat analogous combinations with other elements, substantive and adjective as well as adverbial; and this has become, in part, developed finally into a regular and indefinitely extensible method of increasing the resources of verbal expression.
1091. a. The older language has a number of (mostly) reduplicative onomatopoetic compounds with roots kṛ and bhū, the prefixed element ending in ā or ī (generally the former): thus, in RV., akkhalīkṛ́tya croaking, jañjanābhávant flimmering, alalābhávant making merry, kikirā́ kṛṇu tear; in AV., maṣmaṣā́ ’karam I have crushed; in VS., masmasā́ (also TS.; MS. mṛsmṛsā́) kuru; in TS., malmalābhávant; in K., manmalābhavant, kikkitākāra; in MS., bibibābhávant, bharbharā́ ’bhavat; in AB., bababākurvant. The accentuation, where shown, is like that of a verb-form with accompanying prefix.
b. Further, combinations with √kṛ of utterances used at the sacrifice, and mostly ending in ā: thus, svā́hā, svadhā́, svagā́; also váṣaṭ. In these, too, the accentuation is generally that of a verb with prefix: e. g. svagākaróti (ÇB.; but svadhā́ karóti [?] TA.), vaṣaṭkuryā́t (MS.); and, with another prefix, anuváṣaṭkaroti (ÇB.).
c. An instance or two also occur of ordinary words in such combinations, put in corresponding form: thus, çūlā́ kuryāt (ÇB.) may roast on a spit (çū́la); anṛṇākartos (AB.) of getting clear of debt; āikyābhāvayant (AA.) uniting.
1092. a. The noun namas obeisance, homage, in a still more purely noun-value, becomes combined with √kṛ: in the Veda, only with the gerund, in namaskṛ́tya (beside hastagṛ́hya and karṇagṛ́hya: above, 990 b).
b. A solitary combination with √i go is shown by the accusative ástam home; which, appearing only in ordinary phrases in RV., is in AV. compounded with the participles — in astaṁyánt, astameṣyánt, ástamita (with accent like that of ordinary compounds with a prefix) — and in the Brāhmaṇas and the later language is treated quite like a prefix: thus, astaméti (ÇB.).
c. Other ordinary accusative forms of adjectives in combination with verbal derivatives of kṛ and bhū are found here and there in the older language: thus, çṛtaṁkṛ́tya and nagnaṁkṛ́tya (TS.); nagnambhā́vuka, pāmanambhā́vuka etc. (TS. et al.); ánaruṣkaroti (ÇB.).
1093. In the early but not in the earliest language, a noun-stem thus compounded with kṛ or bhū (and very rarely with as), in verbal nouns and ordinary derivatives, and then also in verbal forms, begins to assume a constant ending ī (of doubtful origin).
a. There is no instance of this in RV., unless the ī of akkhalīkṛ́tya (above, 109l a) is to be so explained. In AV., besides the obscure