law, is nothing to us. We have no interest in any special case whatever; and we have chosen our illustration by its aptness, and the plenitude of published evidence in regard to it. Having become interested in it through this use of it, we must express a strong hope that the Association will not relax in their exertions till they have brought the principle of special legislation, like that of the Factory Acts, to the most conclusive test before the eyes of the world, and, in freeing themselves from ignorant and factious interference, drawn off a fog from the mind of the nation, purged its legislation from a barbarism, and released its industry and independence from an oppression and a snare.
We miss Sydney Smith in times like these,—in every time when a contagious folly, and especially a folly of cant and selfish sensibility, is in question. This very case, in a former phase, came under his eye; and his recently published Letters show what he thought of it.
"The Ministry are very much vexed at the majority of Lord Ashley, and are making great efforts to beat him; and it does seem to be absurd to hinder a woman of thirty from working as long as she pleases; but mankind are getting mad with humanity and Samaritanism."—Sydney Smith's Letters, p. 529.
"What a singular event,—these divisions upon the working hours of the common people! The protection of children is perhaps right; but everything beyond is mischief and folly. It is generally believed that if the Ten Hours Bill is carried, Government will resign. I am a decided duodecimalist. ——— is losing his head. When he brings forward his Suckling Act, he will be considered as quite mad. No woman to be allowed to suckle her own child without medical certificates. Three classes, viz. free-sucklers, half-sucklers, and spoon-meat mothers. Mothers whose supply is uncertain to suckle upon affidavit! How is it possible that an Act of Parliament can supply the place of nature and natural affection? Have you any nonsense equal
