spangled banner of the United States floating from the Capitol, and thought—
“How great, how glorious must it be for the men within to glance forth, and think that over this grand, this affluent land, over this hemisphere of the world a life of liberty extends!”
Would he not be startled and amazed when he heard the answer from within the Capitol—
“No, of slavery!”
Would he not be startled and believe that he heard incorrectly; would he not believe anything rather than such a monstrous assertion, such a frightful lie in a land, the fundamental law of which says, “We regard this truth as self-evident, that all mankind are created equal; that they are endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable rights, that among these are life, liberty, and the endeavour after happiness,” &c.
And yet, if a stranger were now to come to Washington and listen to the voices of the Capitol, he would hear nothing but the abnegation of liberty.
I acknowledge that I felt extreme indignation to hear day after day in the Senate Pro-Slavery speeches from the men of the South, without hearing a single word in reply from the side of the Anti-Slavery party. I asked in astonishment what was the cause of this? And for reply was told that the Anti-Slavery party had already fired off all their guns and that now the other side must have their turn to talk, after which they would proceed to voting, when the protest against slavery would be availing without talking. From some speeches which I heard in the beginning, and from the printed speeches of George Seward and other members of Congress which I have read, I see that their declarations are correct, and I can only deplore that I arrived here during this period of the discussion.
It is however an important step forward in political life
