that the discussion of the question of slavery is perfectly open; a few years since it was forbidden on pain of death in Congress. Courageous men, friends of humanity and public feeling, have broken down this barrier; and the combat about freedom and slavery has at this time more forcibly concentrated itself upon the inner bearing of the question, during which the instincts of humanity and noble thoughts have been called forth, even as in a landscape alps shoot upward, upon whose lofty brows the ascending sun casts his earliest beams. Among these noble thoughts is this, that God's law is higher than the laws of the State, and that, empowered by this, the community has a right to oppose the latter if they are contradictory to the former.
This is in fact merely an application of the first principle of the American Declaration of Independence to the question now under contention. But the Idealists of the North gave it utterance at this time, with a force and beauty which makes it clear to me that sooner or later it will become the standard of freedom in the strife. The opposite party in return say that they do not understand this talk about a law which is higher than the Constitution and fidelity to it. And this is even said by Daniel Webster, the Representative of the Pilgrim State; his watchwords are “The Constitution and the Union.” These are his gods, and there is no God superior to them in his eyes.
July 18th.—Yesterday I heard a very remarkable speech from Webster in the Senate, which impressed me greatly in his favour. I have hitherto lived much with the enemies and political opponents of Webster, and have heard him attacked and keenly criticised in many ways. I am now convinced that he may be perfectly honest in his convictions, and I will believe that he is so. He spoke for Clay's Compromise Bill, gave in his full adherence to it, declaring that he considered it, at the
