THE NORTH STAR.
| FREDERICK DOUGLASS, M. R. DELANY, |
Editors. | RIGHT IS OF NO SEX—TRUTH IS OF NO COLOR—GOD IS THE FATHER OF US ALL, AND ALL WE ARE BRETHREN. | WILLIAM C. NELL, Publisher. JOHN DICK, Printer. |
| VOL I. NO. I. | ROCHESTER, N. Y., FRIDAY, DECEMBER 3, 1847. | WHOLE NO. |
The NORTH STAR is published every Friday, at No. 25, Buffalo Street,
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The object of the North Star will be to attack Slavery in all its forms and aspects; advocate Universal Emancipation; exalt the standard of Public Morality; promote the moral and intellectual improvement or the Colored People; and hasten the day of FREEDOM to the Three Millions of our Enslaved Fellow Countrymen.
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LIST OF AGENTS.
Massachusetts.—R. F. Walcutt, 21, Cornhill, Boston; Nathan Johnson, New Bedford; Horatio W. Foster, Lowell; James N. Buffum, Lynn; George Evans, Worcester; Bourne Spooner, Plymouth; Charles H. Seth, Springfield; David Ruggles, Northampton.
Maine.—Oliver Dennett, Portland.
Vermont.—Rowland T. Robinson, North Ferrisburg.
Connecticut.—Jonathan Leonard, Meriden.
New Hampshire.—Weare Tappan, Bradford.
New York.—Sydney H. Gay, 142, Nassau Street; James McCune Smith, 93, West Broadway; Joseph Post, Westbury, Queen County; Mary Harper, Albany.
Pennsylvania.—J. M. M'Kim, 3l, North Fifth Street, Philadelphia; G. W. Goines, 8, Exchange Place, Ditto; H. Vashon, B. Bown, Pittsburg; William Whipper, Columbia; Isaac Roberts, Jacob L. Paxon, Norristown, Montgomery County.
Ohio.—Christian Donaldson, Cincinnati; G. W. Carter, Ditto; Valentine Nicholson, Harveysburgh, Warren County; Samuel Brooke, Salem.
Michigan.—Robert Banks, Detroit.
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THE NORTH STAR.
ROCHESTER, DECEMBER 3, 1847.
THE COLORED CONVENTION.
We give Mr. Nell's report of the doings of this Convention, as the best we have seen. The crowded state of our columns prevents our publishing in the present number, any of the able and interesting reports which engaged the attention of that body. We shall attend to them in our next.
For the confidence reposed in me, by an appointment as your delegate to the National Convention of colored Americans and their friends, I tender my sincere thanks. The mission was accepted with much diffidence, from an apprehension of the responsibility which its duties would necessarily involve; but encouraged by your Committee, I did not feel at liberty to decline the service your favor had conferred upon me.
The Convention assembled on Wednesday, at ten o'clock, A.M., Oct. 6th, 1847, at the Liberty Street church, in Troy, New York, and organized under the following officers, viz:—
Nathan Johnson, of New Bedford, Massachusetts, President.
Dr. James McCune Smith and Peyton Harris, of New York, and Rev. J. W. C. Pennington, of Connecticut, Vice-Presidents.
William H. Topp, Charles B. Ray, of New York, and William C. Nell, of Massachusetts, Secretaries.
Henry H. Garnett, Charles B. Ray, and Leonard Collins, of Massachusetts, Willis Hodges, of New York, and Lewis Hayden, of Michigan, Business Committee.
The number of delegates enrolled was sixty-six, of whom New York gave forty-four; Massachusetts, fifteen; Connecticut, two; and Pennsylvania, New Jersey, New Hampshire, Vermont, Kentucky and Michigan, one each. There was one delegate (Benjamin Weeden,) from a large constituency at Northampton, who, being impressed with the importance of abolishing all complexional distinction, and thus influencing the Convention by a positive demonstration, recorded their names in full upon his credentials, two-thirds of whom were white citizens, which fact was received by the Convention with hearty applause, suggesting an expression of the hope from several members, that future gatherings will be characterized by delegates in good numbers of white and colored persons, prompted by a common feeling against slavery and prejudice. This is, after all, the most feasible plan for eradicating the font spirit of caste. The barrier of separation, if ever prostrated, must be by union of both parties and they who hold back, (of whatever color,) are verily guilty concerning their brother.
The Committee on Education reported, by Alexander Crummell, the expediency of the establishment of a college for colored young men. In this report was embodied a fund of argument illustrated with all that beauty of diction for which its talented author has long enjoyed a distinguished reputation. It was ably supported by James McCune Smith, who brought in aid of it his extensive learning and tact in statistical expression. Their views were concurred in by a large party in the Convention, but more especially by the New York delegation. On the opposite side were arrayed talent, skill, and earnestness of argument, by Frederick Douglass, Thomas Van Rensallaer, Amos G. Beman. Charles Seth, H. H. Garnett, and others, who did not discover, at present, any necessity for a colored college. Among the reasons in its favor was urged, that such an institution would excite, among the colored citizens, a more general desire for mental improvement; that the aspirants for learning would soon compose a class sufficient to fill it, as also to patronize, those already existing; that a field would hereby be opened for the employment of those qualified for professorships in the various departments. It was also mentioned that one distinguished and wealthy individual had manifested a willingness to appropriate a large sum of money in aid of any tangible method of ameliorating the condition of colored Americans; and in the opinion of friends, the college was presumed to embody most of the features of an available plan. It was further urged that the colored youth, under care of colored teachers, associating with those of his own complexion and condition, would not feel depressed as likely to be in other institutions, surrounded by those whom he had always regarded as opposed to his equality, and, therefore, colored colleges were the most favorable to his mental growth.
In reply, it was remarked that the establishment of a colored college was attempted many years ago, and could not succeed, being regarded by many as an extravagant and uncalled-for measure; that it was too late in the day for colored people themselves to found any exclusive institution; there are, now, colleges and academies where they can be admitted on equal terms with white students, and that, therefore, the necessity did not exist; and it was their glorious privilege to contend for equality, to secure every point gained, and still press on for more. The fear of colored children sinking under the weight of prejudice in a white institution, was not a conclusive argument against their exercising the right of entrance. The colored youth should be stimulated to establish such a character, in these seats of learning, by his energy in study, and deportment towards teachers and pupils, as to disarm opposition, show himself an equal, and, in despite of cold looks and repulsive treatment, hew out a path to eminence and respect, and, like the gem, which shines brighter by attrition, become himself among good scholars the very best. Perseverance will accomplish wonders. History is replete with examples, where young persons have thus, by a harmonious association, converted enemies into good friends. Reference was made to Massachusetts and other States, where the doors of many institutions of learning are now thrown open, and the colored student was invited to participate freely with others.
Another argument, and one urged against every exclusive colored institution, was, that the expense and trouble necessary for their establishment, could be employed to a more practical and permanent advantage in securing access, to those already organized. We should not entertain for a moment the idea of creating any more links of that prejudice which is now binding us to earth; but, as other Americans, push our way through the various avenues of improvement and elevation.
After an animated discussion, the question was taken by yeas and nays, and resulted in favor of the plan of a colored college, viz:—Yeas, 26; Nays, 17; and a committee of 25 was appointed to solicit funds in aid thereof. The other recommendation from the same committee was submitted by Dr. Smith, in favor of the establishment of a National Press.
The report was adopted. Yeas 27; nays 8.
At the suggestion of the Committee on Agriculture, a resolution of thanks to Gerrit Smith was voted, for his munificent donation of lands to the colored men of New-York, in concurrence with which several speeches were made in favor of colored people emigrating from cities and locating on good farming spots, where they could build for themselves a home, identifying themselves and children with the population there settled—grow up with them, and thus exert a direct influence on the great question of human freedom.
A document was presented from the Committee on Commerce, in which a company in Jamaica proposed a plan for trading operations with their colored brethren in the United States. A large committee was appointed to collect facts, correspond, &c., and aid in accelerating the spirit of commercial enterprise.
The evening sessions were held at Morris Hall, and were set aside for addresses from distinguished members of the Convention. A large audience was present on the second evening, when, after an inspiring song, the meeting commenced with an address to the slaves from Henry H. Garnett. To those acquainted with his talent and eloquence, it will be unnecessary to mention that the address produced much sensation.
Mr. Douglass, at a subsequent meeting, introduced a report on the "best means of abolishing Slavery and Caste in the United States," wherein was ably upheld the doctrine of moral suasion in opposition to physical force, and which became in turn, as an offset to Mr. Garnett's address—a protracted matter of debate. They were incorporated with the Minutes.
Amos G. Beman gave vent to his feelings in a most eloquent speech on the pro-slavery result of the colored suffrage question in his native State, Connecticut; remarking that nine-tenths of the Irish residents in Connecticut, voted against the colored man; and though he had loved Ireland, revered her great men, sympathized with her present and past afflictions, and some of her blood flowed in his veins, he could not forego administering the burning rebuke which he believed due for their recreancy to the cause of human right, and to the men who had never done harm to them. His rebuke was certainly a just one, but perhaps needs one remark in extenuation. The opposition of Irishmen in America to colored men, is not so much in Hibernianism as an Americanism. Abuse of the colored people is popular, and the pecuniary interest of many of the Irish is promoted by imitating the bad example of their pro-slavery American teachers. Let them be severely rebuked, but in all justice strike the most guilty party the hardest blow. As a cheering sign of the times, the speaker mentioned that Judge Daggett, who had been for years opposed to the elevation of the colored man, had so far changed his opinion as to have deposited, at the recent canvass, his ballot in favor of colored suffrage.
Alexander Crummell offered a speech, which for beauty and chasteness of language, classic research, and with a logical expression, commanded the close attention of the refined and intelligent audience.—Many legal gentlemen, and others from the highest society in Troy, were present, and must have received a favorable opinion of what can be attained by colored men, crushed to the earth even though they are, by the combined influence of Church and State.
A prominent feature in the speech of Frederick Douglass was an exhortation to the colored people to come out from their pro-slavery churches; exclaiming that his right arm should wither before he would worship at their blood-stained altars; they were not the places for colored men. This sentiment created some excitement,—for colored men, like others, don't care to be reminded of their inconsistencies.
The influence of the public meetings was most beneficial; audiences were numerous and highly respectable. The question of Slavery and elevation of the colored man, became topics of general conversation, even in circles hitherto deaf to every association of the kind.
The recommendation for State Conventions to discuss local grievances, was unanimously adopted. The place or the next National Convention was finally decided, but not without considerable difference of opinion, to be NEWARK, N. J.
The Convention continued in session until Saturday, at 4 o'clock, P. M., when the members united in singing 'children of the glorious dead,' and invoking upon each other the blessing of God, and separated for their respective homes.
It may safely be asserted that much good will result from this Convention. Intelligent men there assembled to enquire what shall be done to extirpate Slavery from the land and elevate the character of its oppressed. Here mind grappled with mind, plans were proposed and their merits discussed; and while discouragements, reported from any locality, awakened sympathy in kindred hearts, the least dawn of success inspired all with a new zeal; pledging their every effort to hasten the day of emancipation.
The grand question at the Convention, was that of emerging, as soon as possible, from all exclusive colored institutions, and becoming part and parcel of a general community. Colored people are learning daily that new avenues are opening for their improvement in all the varied business and social relations of life, and do not wish to be behind the age. The intelligent among them will 'jump on board the Car of Freedom,' and if there are those who will cling to the flesh-pots of Egypt, why, they should not complain if the advancing train jostle them from the track.
The Convention did not, because it could not, recommend any novel plan for elevation. Any person, of ordinary calibre, must know that to become elevated, they must cultivate and practice the same traits which are elevating others around them; and if it is (as indeed we all feel it to be,) harder for the colored man than others, why then let him work the harder, and, eventually the summit will be attained.
We shall not be transported, en masse, as the fabled palace of Aladdin was by the hands of a Magician, and set down upon some elysian plain; but each for himself, must aim for the height, and an excelsior march will soon place his feet, like the Patriarch's of old, upon Pisgah's top, where the promised land of Equality will be presented in full view to his longing eyes. W. C. N.
Boston, Oct. 1847.
From the Liberator.
BLUE AND BLACK LAWS.
A signal proof of the practical value of American piety, has recently been afforded by the sanctimonious state of Connecticut. We suppose our readers know there is no State that has made her phylacteries broader, or made louder prayers at the corners of the streets, or tithed mint, anise and cummin more strictly than this same psalm-singing Connecticut. She is eminently an Orthodox Commonwealth. Heresy has abstained from her borders in an extraordinary manner. Only one or two Unitarian congregations have been able to breathe there—and we are not quite sure that they are not starved to death. Profane amusements have stood rebuked before the severe virtue of her look. Play-actors have fled amain before her face. Balls have been looked out of countenance. Cards and dice are unknown iniquities. The Sabbath is, or was lately preserved by law as strictly as an English patridge. The Clergy is recognized a true Theocratic Oligarchy. The sanctuary is thronged from week to week with the desperation of a people stripped of every other diversion. It is the State of Colleges, Theological Schools, Bible, Missionary, Tract, and Colonization Societies. If ever there were a nation zealous of good works, here is their habitation. The atmosphere that overhangs the land is heavy with the odor of sanctity.
The laws by which the piety and morality of this peculiar people were hedged around in the elder time, were denominated by the profane, "the Blue Laws." And that cerulean hue has thence been taken as the color of righteous souls as well as of "true hearts." The old Blue Laws to be sure, have been somewhat modified, as time has worn on; but the spirit that dictated and inspired them has survived and still walks abroad. That spirit was the spirit of caste and tyranny. The spirit that looked about tor some to whom it might say—"Stand further off, for I am holier than thou!" This spirit is still rife and rampant. It is still embodied in laws,—of which the color only is changed. The Blue Laws have given way to the Black Laws—laws as cruel, as absurd, as unnatural, as immoral, as Anti-Christian as anything in the whole circle of the Blue Laws, or as their whole code put together. The Blue Laws were an oppression to man. The Black Laws are an insult to God. The Blue Laws contemplated the texture of a man's soul—the Black Laws that of his skin. The one had to do with matters within the control of those upon, whom they acted. The other with matters over which the sufferers have only, the power of the Ethiopian over his skin, or the leopard over his spots. The one code punished men for acts of their own doing; the other punishes them for the crime of their Creator.
Within a few weeks, an amendment to the Constitution of Connecticut, by which the equal political rights of colored men with white men were recognized, was submitted to the suffrages of the People. The proposition, as far as we are informed, stood alone. The bald question whether the color of the skin, should be a bar to political equality, was that which the lieges of Connecticut were called together to decide. And what was the decision? Out of some fifty thousand voters, only about twenty-five thousand took the pains to express any opinion at all; and of those that did vote, only some five thousand were found willing to recognize the man of color as a political equal with themselves. Those who abstained from voting may fairly be taken as opposed to the amendment,—so it appears that out of the entire voting population, but one tenth were free from this base, degrading, absurd, inhuman, anti-Christian prejudice of color! We doubt whether any community, in proportion to its size, could be found, in the world, out of this country, that would not be ashamed of political association with such riduculous barbarians. The Hottentots rise to a high place in the scale of civilization in the comparison. For we do not believe that even a Hottentot would deny the humanity of a Connecticut pedlar, should one find his way to his kraal,—at least if he had never heard of this demonstration on the part of the Pedlar State.
The meanness of this transaction is a match for its absurdity. The State of Connecticut, we take it, has not the slightest scruples about putting her dirty hands into the pockets of these colored citizens,—or rather inhabitants who are not citizens,—and making them pay their proportion of the expenses of the government, in which they have no voice. Some seventy-five years ago there was none of the Colonies louder in denunciations of the British Parliament for taxing them without representation than this same colony of Connecticut. She sent Israel Putnam and (which is more to the purpose) Benedict Arnold, to fight the battles of liberty. And having got what she wanted, as far as Great Britain was concerned, she turns round and treats a portion of her own population in the same manner. The British Parliament imposed the taxes on tea, glass and painter's colors, because it supposed that the Colonies were not strong enough to resist the imposition. The State of Connecticut does the very same thing, because she knows that the handful of poor colored men within her borders can offer no effectual resistance to this oppression. She is proved, by her own acts, to be recreant to principle. She is a traitor to the cause for which the Revolution was fought. She shows that now, at least, the spirit of Arnold predominates over that of Putnam in her composition.
Now what can be the motive for such a demonstration as this? The motive we apprehend to be two-fold. It is compounded partly of the wish which low grovelling natures have to trample on something beneath them. This accounts for much of the persecution of the colored people, everywhere, in the free States. It is a comfort to the lowest and most degraded of the whites to feel that there is a class of society which they can despise and trample. In the States which make the loudest pretensions to Democracy and regard for popular rights, the popular right of insulting and injuring the colored people with impunity is one of the most prized of all. This element, doubtless, enters largely into the mental composition of this nine-tenths of Connecticut voters. But there is yet another, the influence of which is so less potent. There is no State of which a greater proportion of the inhabitants are engaged in direct business with the South. This traffic, manufacturing, commercial and peddling, extends itself through all classes of Society. And the result is a depth and bitterness of pro-slavery depravity, of which this vote is but an imperfect type.
There is but one thing to be said in mitigation of the sentence of unqualified condemnation which this recreant State deserves. And that is, that the abolitionists have hardly done their duty by her. They have passed by to fields of greater promise, and left her to the tender mercies of pro-slavery religion and pseudo-abolitionism. The result is a proof of the value of the labors of American Theology, and of the Third Political Party. We commend it to the American A. S. Society as a missionary ground calling loudly upon them to come over and help it. A campaign or two carried on with the spirit with which the war has been carried into other parts of the enemy's country, we are confident would make an impression, the effect of which would be seen whenever the question shall come up again for adjudication.—Q.
From the Liberty Chimes.
REFORMERS.
BY WENDELL PHILLIPS.
Let no one who looks for fame join us. Let him wait rather, and be one of that crowd which will flock like doves to our windows, the moment the first gleam of success shall guide them. Our work is only to throw up, ourselves unseen, the pathway over which, unheeding, the triumphant majority are to pass, shouting the names of later and gaudier leaders as their watch-words.
How few ever heard of Zachary Macauley,—the counsellor to whom Wilberforce looked up,—one who rose before the sun to give every hour to the slave, and died at last that glorious poor man, which the creditor of humanity always is. But thousands echo the easier earned fame of his son!
How few know any thing of that little committee of Quakers, who labored unseen in Lombard street, that Wilberforce and Clarkson might be strong in the eyes of the great British people,—grappled uncheered with the British heart, and enlisted it finally in the cause of Africa; but went down, most of them to their graves forgotten, while the gallant ship which they had launched so painfully,—baptized with a new name, and bannered with a new flag, anchored in the safe harbor of a nation's welcome.
"We may regret," says the Edinburgh Review, "that those who sowed should not be allowed to reap, but such is the ordinary course of events. By separating success from merit, by imposing on one set of men the sacrifice and the labor, and giving to another the credit of the result, Providence seems to tell us that higher motives than any man can offer, ought to actuate those who assume the responsibility of Government."
In the place of "Government," put "Reform," and the sentiment is still more applicable to a cause like ours. "And grant," says old Fuller, "that God honors thee not to build his temple in thy Parish, yet thou mayest with David, provide metal and materials for Solomon, thy successor, to build it with."
Some reluct at the long time requisite to change the institutions of a nation, or regenerate its public sentiment. But here, too, a moment's thought shows us, how wise in this respect is the order of Providence. The progress of a great reform is a nation's school. It creates as it advances, the moral principle, the individual independence, the habit of private judgment, the enlightened public opinion, which are necessary for its own success, and thus, by new moulding the national character, and elevating its tone of morals, it confers far other and greater benefits than its originators at first proposed. And further, it naturally opens the eye to kindred abuses, or growing itself out of a wrong principle, which has other results besides this immediate one, it insensibly prepares the way for wider and more radical reform. Having once gathered under its banners an army of disinterested and enthusiastic hearts, its slow advance keeps them in the field long enough to form them veteran and willing laborers in every good cause. Forty-seven years in the wilderness were necessary to make the Egyptian slave a fit soldier for Joshua to lead, and a fit subject for David and Solomon to govern.
An acute observer has well remarked, speaking of the slow step of the English movement for a repeal of the corn laws:
"The change will be delayed so long, that when it comes the people will have been instructed in the necessity for something more than a mere repeal of an act of Parliament, important as that appeal unquestionably is. They will see the necessity for an organic change—that the cause of the evil is in selfish legislation, and that again springs from the exclusive possession by one small class of the legislative power; and thus Chartism, under the name of Complete Suffrage, will become the adored measure ofthe middling classes."
Welcome then the thought that careless History will probably drop from her tablets the names of those who were first to stem the current of corrupt popular opinion. It tends to keep our ranks pure.
Welcome the long years of struggle which show us that we are enlisted not for a single campaign, but for life. The discipline will make us wiser, and imprint deeper in our hearts the conviction, that it is from us the ranks of future reformers are to be recruited; and that to shut our eyes to the light of other reformations is to be traitor to the past.
MR. CLAY'S SPEECH.
Among the resolutions, which it is my intention to present for your consideration, at the conclusion of this address, one proposes in your behalf and mine, to disavow, in the most positive manner, any desire on our part to acquire any foreign territory whatever, for the purpose of introducing slavery into it. I do not know that any citizen of the United States entertains such a wish. But such a motive has been often imputed to the slave States, and I therefore think it necessary to notice it on this occasion. My opinions on the subject of slavery are well known. They have the merit, if it be one, of consistency, uniformity, and long duration. I have ever regarded slavery as a great evil, a wrong—for the present, I fear, an irremediable wrong to its unfortunate victims. I should rejoice if not a single slave breathed the air or was within the limits of our country. But here they are, to be dealt with as well as we can, with a due consideration of all circumstances affecting the security, safety and happiness of both races. Every State has the supreme, uncontrolled and exclusive power to decide for itself whether slavery shall cease or continue within its limits, without any exterior intervention from any quarter. In States where the slaves outnumber the whites, as is the case with several, the blacks could not be emancipated and invested with all the rights of freemen, without becoming the governing race in those States. Collisions and conflicts, between the two races, would be inevitable, and after shocking scenes of rapine and carnage, the extinction or expulsion of the blacks would certainly take place.
In the State of Kentucky, near fifty years ago, I thought the proportion of slaves, in comparison with the whites, was so inconsiderable that we might safely adopt a system of gradual emancipation that would ultimately eradicate this evil in our State. That system was totally different from the immediate abolition of slavery for which the party of Abolitionists of the present day contend. Whether they have intended it or not, it is my calm and deliberate belief that they have done incalculable mischief even to the very cause which they have espoused, to say nothing of the discord which has been produced between different parts of the Union.
According to the system, we attempted, near the close of the last century, all slaves in being were to remain such, but all who might be born subsequent to a special day, were to become free at the age of twenty-eight, and during their service were to be taught to read, write and cypher. Thus, instead of beng thrown upon the community, ignorant and unprepared, as would be the case by immediate emancipation, they would have entered upon the possession of their freedom, capable, in some degree, of enjoying it. After a hard struggle, the system was defeated, and I regret it extremely, as, if it had been then adopted, our State would be now nearly rid of that reproach.
Since that epoch, a scheme of unmixed benevolence has sprung up, which, if it had existed at that time, would have obviated one of the greatest objections which was made to gradual emancipation, which was the continuence of the emancipated slaves to abide among us. That scheme is the American Colonization Society.—About 28 years ago, a few individuals, myself among them, met together in the city of Washington, and laid the foundations of that society. It has gone on, amidst extraordinary difficulties and trials, sustaining itself almost entirely, by spontaneous and voluntary contributions, from individual benevolence, without scarcely any aid from Government. The colonies planted under its auspices, are now well established communities, with Churches, Schools, and other institutions, appertaining to the civilized state. They have made successful war in repelling attacks and invasions by their barbarous and savage neighbors. They have made treaties, annexed territories to their dominion, and are blessed with a free representative Government. I recently read a message from one of their Governors to their Legislature, which, in point of composition, and in careful attention to the public affairs of their Republic, would compare advantageously with the messages of the Governors of our own States. I am not very superstitious, but I do solemnly believe that these Colonies are blessed with the smiles of Providence; and, if we may dare attempt penetrating the veil, by which he conceals his allwise dispensations from mortal eyes, that he designs that Africa shall be the refuge and the home of the descendants of its sons and daughters, torn and dragged from their native land, by lawless violence.
It is a philanthropic and consoling reflection that the moral and physical condition of the African race in the U. States, even in a state of Slavery, is far better than it would have been if their ancestors had not been brought from their native land. And if it should be the decree of the Great Ruler of the Universe that their descendants shall be made instruments in His hands in the establishment of Civilization and Christian Religion throughout Africa, our regrets, on account of the original wrong, will be greatly mitigated.
It may be argued that, in admitting the injustice of slavery, I admit the necessity of an instantaneous reparation of this injustice. Unfortunately, however, it is not always safe, practicable or possible, in the great movements of States and public affairs of nations, to remedy or repair the infliction of previous injustice. In the inception of it, we may oppose and denounce it, by our most strenuous exertions, but, after its consummation, there it often no other alternative left us but to deplore its perpetration, and to acquiesce as the only alternative, in its existence, as a less evil than the frightful consequences which might ensue from the vain endeavor to repair it. Slavery is one of those unfortunate instances. The evil of it was inflicted upon us, by the parent country of Great Britain, against all the entreaties and remonstrances of the colonies. And here it is amongst and amidst us, and we must dispose of it as best we can under all the circumstances which surround us. It continued, by the importation of slaves from Africa in spite of Colonial resistance, for a period of more than a century and a half, and it may require an equal or longer lapse of time before our country is entirely rid of the evil. And, in the meantime, moderation, prudence and discretion among ourselves and the blessings of Providence may be all necessary to accomplish our ultimate deliverance from it. Example of similar infliction of irreparable national evil and injustice might be multiplied to an indefinite extent. The case of the annexation of Texas to the United States is a recent and an obvious one where, if it were wrong, it cannot now be repaired. Texas is now an integral part of our Union; with its own voluntary consent. Many of us opposed the annexation with honest zeal and most earnest exertions. But who would now think of perpetrating the folly of casting Texas out of the confederacy and throwing her back upon her own independence, or into the arms of Mexico? Who would now seek to divorce her from this Union?
The Creeks and the Cherokee Indians were, by the most exceptionable means, driven from their country, and transported beyond the Mississippi river. Their lands have been fairly purchased and occupied by inhabitants of Georgia, Alabama, Mississippi and Tennessee. Who would not conceive of the flagrant injustice of expelling those inhabitants and restoring the Indian country to the Cherokees and the Creeks, under color of repairing original injustice? During the war of our revolution, millions of paper money were issued by our ancestors, as the only currency with which they could achieve our liberties and independence. Thousands and hundreds of families were stripped of their homes and their all and brought to ruin, by giving credit and confidence to the spurious currency. Stern necessity has prevented the reparation of that great national injustice.
THE GLORY.
Gen. Scott thus recapitulates his losses since arriving at the basin of Mexico:
August 19,20. Killed—137, including 14 officers. Wounded—877, including 52 officers. Missing—(probably killed) 38, rank and file. Total—1052.
September 8. Killed—116, including 9 officers. Wounded—665, including 49 officers. Missing—l8, rank and file. Total—789.
September 12, 13, 14. Killed—l39, including 10 officers. Wounded—703, including 68 officers. Missing—29, rank and file. Total—862.
Grand total of losses—2703, including 383 officers.
At the expense of twenty-seven hundred men, killed, or maimed and mangled, Gen. Scott has taken possession of the capital of Mexico, from which no private property can honestly or honorably be taken, and in which the public property, consisting of inferior ordnance and munitions of war, is not particularly valuable to our country. We find no great glory in this. He has moreoved proved that the Mexicans are comparatively weak or cowardly, or both—a very interesting ethnological fact, no doubt, but hardly worth so expensive a demonstration. We would give quite as much to know the source of the Niger, as to know which is the strongest and most combative, the Yankee or the Mexican; yet we thought the loss of Park was a high price to pay for the former bit of knowledge. What would the loss of 2700 Parks have been?
Gen. Scott seems to claim a great deal of glory on account of the small number of his men. He is rabid on the Union for overrating his forces, and lots old goody Ritchie have the following morsel in the midst of his glorification:
"The army has been more disgusted than surprised that, by some sinister process on the part of certain individuals at home, its numbers have been generally almost trebled in our public papers—beginning at Washington."
He claims to have marched from Puebla with 10,738 rank and file, and to have captured Mexico with 6000. This undoubtedly proves that Scott and his officers understand their trade, as Yankees always do, and that they and their men will fight like devils, whereas the Mexican soldiers will not even fight like men. But as history is very full of similar facts, we can not see anything even novel, much less glorious in all this. It seems nothing better than science, skill, courage, and strength wasted. To the Mexicans there might have been glory in a brave resistance if they had made it. But our army was not in a condition to win glory in any case. They either beat three times their number of cowards—no very glorious feat certainly, or they beat three times their number of brave but ill-directed and comparatively feeble men, righteously fighting for their hearth-stones. Is there any glory on that?—Chronotype.
