THE NORTH STAR.
ROCHESTER, DECEMBER 3, 1847.
OUR PAPER AND ITS PROSPECTS.
We are now about to assume the management of the editorial department of a newspaper, devoted to the cause of Liberty, Humanity and Progress. The portion is one which, with the purest motives, we have long desired to occupy. It has long been our anxious wish to see, in this slave-holding, slave-trading, and negro-hating land, a printing-press and paper, permanently established, under the complete control and direction of the immediate victims of slavery and oppression.
Animated by this intense desire, we have pursued our object, till on the threshold of obtaining it. Our press and printing materials are bought, and paid for. Our office secured, and is well situated, in the centre of business, in this enterprising city. Our office Agent, an industrious and amiable young man, thoroughly devoted to the interests of humanity, has already entered upon his duties. Printers well recommended have offered their services, and are ready to work as soon as we are prepared for the regular publication of our paper. Kind friends are rallying round us, with words and deeds of encouragement. Subscribers are steadily, if not rapidly coming in, and some of the best minds in the country are generously offering to lend us the powerful aid of their pens. The sincere wish of our heart, so long and so devoutly cherished seems now upon the ere of complete realization.
It is scarcely necessary for us to say that our desire to occupy our present position at the head of an Anti-Slavery Journal, has resulted from no unworthy distrust or ungrateful want of appreciation of the zeal, integrity, or ability of the noble band of white laborers, in this department of our cause; but, from a sincere and settled conviction that such a Journal, if conducted with only moderate skill and ability, would do a most important and indispensable work, which it would be wholly impossible for our white friends to do for us.
It is neither a reflection on the fidelity, nor a disparagement of the ability of our friends and fellow-laborers, to assert what "common sense affirms and only folly denies," that the man who has suffered the wrong in the man to demand redress,—that the man struck is the man to cry out—and that he who has endured the cruel pangs of Slavery is the man to advocate Liberty. It is evident we must be our own representatives and advocates, not exclusively, but peculiarly—not distinct from, but in connection with our white friends. In the grand struggle for liberty and equality now waging, it is meet, right and essential that there should arise in our ranks authors and editors, as well as orators, for it is in these capacities that the most permanent good can be rendered to our cause.
Hitherto the immediate victims of slavery and prejudice, owing to various causes, have had little share in this department of effort: they have frequently undertaken, and almost as frequently failed. This latter fact has often been urged by our friends against our engaging in the present enterprise; but, so far from convincing us of the impolicy of our course, it serves to confirm us in the necessity, if not the wisdom of our undertaking. That others have failed, is a reason for our earnestly endeavoring to succeed. Our race must be vindicated from the embarrassing imputations resulting from former non-success. We believe that what ought to be done, can be done. We say this, in no self-confident or boastful spirit, but with a full sense of our weakness and unworthiness, relying upon the Most High for wisdom and strength to support us in our righteous undertaking. We are not wholly unaware of the duties, hardships and responsibilities of our position. We have easily imagined some, and friends have not hesitated to inform us of others. Many doubtless are yet to be revealed by that infallible teacher, experience. A view of them solemnize, but do not appal us. We have counted the cost. Our mind is made up and we are resolved to go forward.
In aspiring to our present position, the aid of circumstances has been so strikingly apparent as to almost stamp our humble aspirations with the solemn sanctions of a Divine Providence. Nine years ago, as most of our readers are aware, we were held as a slave, shrouded in the midnight ignorance of that internal system—sunken in the depths of servility and degradation—registered with four footed boasts and creeping things—regarded as property—compelled to toil without wages—with a heart swollen with bitter anguish—and a spirit crushed and broken. By a singular combination of circumstances we finally succeeded in escaping from the grasp of the man who claimed us as his property, and succeeded in safely reaching New Bedford, Mass. In this town we worked three years as a daily laborer on the wharves. Six years ago we became a Lecturer on Slavery. Under the apprehension of being re-taken into bondage, two years ago we embarked for England. During our stay in that country, kind friends, anxious for our safety, ransomed us from slavery, by the payment of a large sum. The same friends, as unexpectedly as generously, placed in our hands the necessary means of purchasing a printing press and printing materials. Finding ourself now in a favorable position for aiming an important blow at slavery and prejudice, we feel urged on in our enterprise by a sense of duty to God and man, firmly believing that our effort will be crowned with entire success.
TO OUR OPPRESSED COUNTRYMEN
We solemnly dedicate the "North Star" to the cause of our long oppressed and plundered fellow countrymen. May God bless the offering to your good! It shall fearlessly assert your rights, faithfully proclaim your wrongs, and earnestly demand for you instant and even-handed justice. Giving no quarter to slavery at the South, it will hold no truce with oppressors at the North. While it shall boldly advocate emancipation for our enslaved brethren, it will omit no opportunity to gain for the nominally free, complete enfranchisement. Every effort to injure or degrade you or your cause—originating wheresoever, or with whomsoever—shall or find in it a constant, unswerving and inflexible foe.
We shall energetically assail the ramparts of Slavery and Prejudice, be they composed of church or state, and seek the destruction of every refuge of lies, under which tyranny may aim to conceal and protect itself.
Among the multitude of plans proposed and opinions held, with reference to our cause and condition, we shall try to have a mind of our own, harmonizing with all as far as we can, and differing from any and all where we must, but always discriminating between men and measures. We shall cordially approve every measure and effort calculated to advance your sacred cause, and strenuously oppose any which in our opinion may tend to retard its program. In regard to our position, on questions that hare unhappily divided the friends of freedom in this country, we shall stand in our paper where we have ever stood on the platform. Our views written shall accord with our views spoken, earnestly seeking peace with all men, when it can be secured without injuring the integrity of our movement, and never shrinking from conflict or division when summoned to vindicate truth and justice.
While our paper shall be mainly Anti-Slavery, its columns shall be freely opened to the candid and decorous discussion of all measures and topics of a moral and humane character, which may serve to enlighten, improve, and elevate mankind. Temperance, Peace, Capital Punishment, Education,—all subjects claiming the attention of the public mind may be freely and fully discussed here.
While advocating your rights, the North Star will strive to throw light on your duties: while it will not fail to make known your virtues, it will not shun to discover your faults. To be faithful to our foes it must be faithful to ourselves, in all things.
Remember that we are one, that our cause is one, and that we must help each other, if we would succeed. We have drank to the dregs the bitter cup of slavery; we have worn the heavy yoke; we have sighed beneath our bonds, and writhed beneath the bloody lash;—cruel mementoes of our oneness are indellibly marked in our living flesh. We are one with you under the ban of prejudice and proscription—one with you under the slander of inferiority—one with you in social and political disfranchisement. What you suffer, we suffer; what you endure, we endure. We are indissolubly united, and must fall or flourish together.
We feel deeply the solemn responsibility which we have now assumed. We have seriously considered the importance of the enterprise, and hare now entered upon it with full purpose of heart. We have nothing to offer in the way of literary ability to induce you to encourage us in our laudable undertaking. You will not expect or require this at our hands. The most that you can reasonably expect, or that we can safely promise, is, a paper of which you need not be ashamed. Twenty-one years of severe boundage at the South, and nine years of active life at the North, while it has afforded us the best possible opportunity for storing our mind with much practical and important information, has left us little time for literary pursuits or attainments. We have yet to receive the advantage of the first day's schooling. In point of education, birth and rank, we are one with yourselves, and of yourselves. What we are, we are not only without help, but against trying opposition. Your knowledge of our history for the last seven years makes it unnecessary for us to say more on this point. What we have been in your cause, we shall continue to be; and not being too old to learn we may improve in many ways. Patience and Perseverance shall be our motto.
We shall be the advocates of learning, from the very want of it, and shall most readily yield the deference due to men of education among us; but shall always bear in mind to accord most merit to those who have labored hardest, and overcome most, in the praiseworthy pursuit of knowledge, remembering "that the whole need not a physician, but they that are sick," and that "the strong ought to bear the infirmities of the weak."
Brethren, the first number of the paper is before you. It is dedicated to your cause Through the kindness of our friends in England, we are in possession of an excellent printing press, types, and all other material necessary for printing a paper. Shall this gift be blest to our good, or shall it result in our injury? It is for you to say. With your aid, co operation and assistance, our enterprise will be entirely successful. We pledge ourselves that no effort on our part shall be wanting, and that no subscriber shall lose his subscription—"The North Star Shall Live."
LETTER TO HENRY CLAY.
Sir.—I have just received and read your Speech, delivered at the Mass Meeting in Lexington, Kentucky, 13th November 1847, and alter a careful and candid perusal of it, I am impressed with the desire to say a few words to you on one or two subjects which form a considerable part of that speech. You will, I am sure, pardon the liberty I take in thus publicly addressing you, when you are acquainted with the fact, that I am one of those "unfortunate victims" whose case you seem to commiserate, and have experienced the cruel wrongs of Slavery in my own person. It is with no ill will, or bitterness of spirit that I address you. My position under this government, even in the State of N. Y., is that of a disfranchised man. I can have, therefore, no political ends to serve, nor party antipathy to gratify. My "intents" are not wicked but truly charitable. I approach you simply in the character of one of the unhappy millions enduring the evils of Slavery, in this otherwise highly favored and glorious land.
In the extraordinary speech before me, after dwelling at length upon the evils, disgrace and dangers of the present unjust, mean, and iniquitous war waged by the United States upon Mexico, you disavow for yourself and the meeting, "in the most positive manner," any wish to acquire any foreign territory whatever for the purpose of introducing slavery into it. As one of the oppressed, I give you the full expression of sincere gratitude for this declaration, and the pledge which it implies, and earnestly hope that you may be able to keep your vow unsullied by compromises, (which, pardon me,) have too often marred and defaced the beauty and consistency of your humane declarations and pledges on former occasions. It is not, however, any part of my present intention to reproach you invidiously or severely for the past. Unfortunately for the race, you do not stand alone in respect to deviations from a strict line of rectitude. Poor, erring and depraved humanity, has surrounded you with a throng of guilty associates, it would not, therefore, be magnanimous in me to reproach you for the past, above all others.
Forgetting the things that are behind, I simply propose to speak to you of what you are at this time—of the errors and evils of your present, as I think, wicked position, and to point out to you the path of repentance, which if pursued, must lead you to the possession of peace and happiness, and make you a blessing to your country and the world.
In the speech under consideration, you say,
"My opinions on the subject of slavery are well known; they have the merit, if it be done, of consistency, uniformity and long duration."
The first sentence is probably true. Your opinions on slavery may be well known, but that they have the merit of consistency or of uniformity, I cannot so readily admit. If the speech before me be a fair declaration of your present opinions, I think I can convince you that even this speech abounds with inconsistencies such as materially to affect the consolation you seem to draw from this source. Indeed if you are uniform at all, you are only so in your inconsistencies.
You confess that
"Slavery is a great evil, and a wrong to its victims, and you would rejoice if not a single slave breathed the air within the limits of our country."
These are noble sentiments, and would seem to flow from a heart overborne with a sense of the flagrant injustice and enormous cruelty of slavery, and of one earnestly and anxiously longing for a remedy. Standing alone, it would seem that the author had long been in search of some means to redress the wrongs of the "unfortunate victims" of whom he speaks—that his righteous soul was deeply grieved, every hour, on account of the foul blot inflicted by this curse on his country character.
But what are the facts? You are yourself a Slaveholder at this moment, and your words on this point had scarcely reached the outer circle of the vast multitude by which you were surrounded, before you poured forth one of the most helpless, illogical, and cowardly apologies for this same wrong, and "great evil" which I ever remember to have read. Is this consistency, and uniformity? if so, the oppressed may well pray the Most High that you may be soon delivered from it.
Speaking of "the unfortunate victims" of this "great evil," and "wrong," you hold this most singular and cowardly excuse for perpetuating the wrongs of my "unfortunate" race.
"But here they are to be dealt with as well as we can, with a due consideration of all circumstances affecting the security and happiness of both races."
What do you mean by the security, safety and happiness of both races? do you mean that the happiness of the slave is augmented by his being a slave, and if so, why call him an "unfortunate victim." Can it be that this is mere cant, by which to seduce the North into your support, on the ground of your sympathy for the slave. I cannot believe you capable of such infatuation. Ido not wish to believe that you are capable of either the low cunning, or the vanity which your language or this subject would seem to imply, but will set it down to an uncontrollable conviction of the innate wickedness of slavery, which forces itself out, and defies even your vast powers of concealment.
But further, you assert,
"Every State has the supreme, uncontrolled and exclusive power to decide for itself whether slavery shall cease or continue within its limits, without any exterior intervention from any quarter."
Here I understand you to assert the most profligate and infernal doctrine, that any State in this Union has a right to plunder, scourge and enslave any part of the human family within its borders, just so long as it deems it for its interest so to do, and that no one or body of persons beyond the limits of said state has a right to interfere by word or deed against it. Is it possible that you hold this monstrous and blood-chilling doctrine? It so, what confidence can any enlightened lover of liberty place in your pretended opposition to Slavery. I know your answer to all this, but it only plunges you into lower depths of infamy than the horrible doctrines avowed above. You go on to say:
"In States where the Slaves outnumber the whites, as is the case in several [which I believe are only two out of fifteen] the blacks could not be emancipated without becoming the governing power in these states."
This miserable bug-bear is quite a confession of the mental and physical equality of the races. You pretend that you are a Republican. You loudly boast of your Democratic principles: why then do you object to the application of your principles in this case. Is the democratic principle good in one case and bad in another? Would it be worse for a black majority to govern a white minority that it now is for the latter to govern the former? But you conjure up an array of frightful objections in answer to this.
"Collisions and conflicts between the two races would be inevitable, and after shocking scenes of rapine and carnage, the extinction or expulsion of the blacks would certainly take place."
How do you know that any such results would be inevitable? Where, on the page of history, do you find anything to warrant even such a conjecture? You will probably point to the Revolution in St. Domingo, the old and thread-bare falsehood under which democratic tyrants have sought a refuge for the last forty years. But the facts in that direction are all against you. It has been dearly proven that that revolution was not the result of emancipation, but of a cruel attempt to re-enslave an already emancipated people. I am not aware that you have a single fact to support your truly terrible assertion, while on the other hand I have many all going to show what is equally taught by the voice of reason and of God, "that it is always safe to do right." The promise of God is, "that thy light shall break forth as the morning, and thy health shall spring forth speedily, and thy righteousness shall go before thee, the glory of the Lord shall be thy reward: then shalt thou call and the Lord shall answer; thou shalt cry and he will say, Here I am."
The history of the world is in conformity with the words of inspired wisdom. Look for instance, at the history of Emancipation in the British West Indies. There the blacks were, and still are, an overwhelming majority. Have there been any "shocking scenes of rapine and carnage, extinction or expulsion." You know there have not. Why then do you make use of this unfounded and irrational conjecture to frighten your fellow-countrymen from the righteous performance of a simple act of justice to millions now groaning in almost hopeless bondage.
I now give your argument in support of the morality of your position.
"It may be argued that, in admitting the injustice of slavery, I admit the necessity of an instantaneous reparation of that injustice. Unfortunately, however, it is not always safe, practicable or possible in the great movements of States of public affairs of nations, to remedy or repair the infliction of previous injustice. In the inception of it, we may oppose and denounce it by our most strenuous exertions, but, after its consummation, there is often no other alternative left us but to deplore its perpetration, and to acquiesce as the only alternative, in its existence, as a less evil that the frightful consequences which might ensued from the vain endeavor to repair it. Slavery is one of these unfortunate instances."
The cases which you put in support of the foregoing propositions, are only wanting in one thing, and that is analogy. The plundering of the Indians of their territory, is a crime to which no honest man can look with any degree of satisfaction. It was a wrong to the Indians then living, and how muchsoever we might seek to repair that wrong, the victims are far beyond any benefit of it; but with reference to the slave, the wrong to be repaired is a present one, the slave holder is the every day robber of the slave, of his birthright to liberty, property, and the pursuit of happiness—his right to be free is unquestionable—the wrong to enslave him is self evident—the duty to emancipate him is imperative. Are you aware to what your argument on this point leads? do you not plainly see that the greatest crimes that ever cursed our common earth, may take shelter under your reasoning, and may claim perpetuity on the ground of their antiquity?
Sir, I must pass over your allusions to that almost defunct and infernal scheme which you term "unmixed benevolence" for expelling not the slave but the free colored people from these United States, as well as your charge against the Abolitionists.
"It is a philanthropic and consoling reflection that the moral and physical condition of the African in the United States in a state of slavery is far better than it would have been had their ancestors not been brought from their native land."
I can scarce repress the flame of rising indignation, as I read this cold blooded and cruel sentence; there is so much of Satan dressed in the livery of Heaven, as well as taking consolation from crime, that I scarcely know how to reply to it. Let me ask you what has been the cause of the present unsettled condition of Africa? Why has she not reached forth her hand unto God? Why have not her fields been made Missionary grounds, as well as the Feejee Islands? Because of this very desolating traffic from which you seem to draw consolation. For three hundred years Christian nations, among whom we are foremost, have looked to Africa only as a place for the gratification of their lust and love of power, and every means hare been adopted to stay the onward march of civilization in that unhappy land.
Your declaration on this point, places your consolation with that of the wolf in devouring the lamb. You next perpetrate what I conceive to be the most revolting blasphemy. You say:
"And if it should be the decree of the Great Ruler of the Universe, that their descendants shall be made in instruments in his hands in the establishment of civilization and the Christian religion throughout Africa—our regrets on account of the original wrong will be greatly mitigated."
Here, Sir, you would charge home upon God the responsibility of your own crimes, and would seek a solace from the pangs of a guilty conscience by sacriligiously assuming that in robbing Africa of her children, you acted in obedience to the great purposes, and were but fulfilling the decrees of the Most High God; but as if fearing that this refuge of lies might fail, you strive to shuffle off the responsibility of this "great evil" on Great Britain. May I not ask if you were fulfilling the great purposes of God in the share you took in this traffic and can draw consolation from that alleged fact, is it honest to make England a sinner above yourselves, and deny her all the mitigating circumstances which you apply to yourselves?
You say that "Great Britain inflicted the evil upon you." If this be true, it is equally true that she inflicted the same evil upon herself; but she has had the justice and the magnanimity to repent and bring forth fruits meet for repentance. You copied her bad example, why not avail yourself of her good one also?
Now, Sir, I have done with your Speech, though much more might be said upon it. I have a few words to say to you personally.
I wish to remind you that you are not only in the "autumn," but in the very winter of life. Seventy-one years have passed over your stately brow. You must soon leave this world, and appear before God, to render up an account of your stewardship. For fifty years of your life you have been a slaveholder. You have robbed the laborer who has reaped down your fields, of his rightful reward. You are at this moment the robber of nearly fifty human beings, of their liberty, compelling them to live in ignorance. Let me ask if you think that God will hold you guiltless in the great day of account, if you die with the blood of these fifty slaves clinging to your garments. I know that you have made a profession of religion, and have been baptized, and am aware that you are in good and regular standing in the church, but I have the authority of God for saying that you will stand rejected at his bar, unless you "put away the evil of your doings from before his eyes—cease to do evil, and learn to do well—seek judgment, relieve the oppressed—and plead for the widow." You must "break every yoke, and let the oppressed go free," or take your place in the ranks of "evil doers," and expect to "reap the reward of corruption."
At this late day in your life, I think it would be unkind for me to charge you with any ambitious desires to become the President of the United States. I may be mistaken in this, but it seems that you cannot indulge either the wish or expectation. Bear with me, then, while, I give you a few words of further counsel, as a private individual, and excuse the plainness of one win has felt the wrongs of Slavery, and fathomed the depths of its iniquity.
Emancipate your own slaves. Leave them not to be held or sold by others. Leave them free as the Father of his country left his, and let your name go down to posterity, as his came down to us, a slaveholder, to be sure, but a repentant one. Make the noble resolve, that so far as you are personally concerned, "America shall be Free."
In asking you to do this, I ask nothing which in any degree conflicts with your argument against general emancipation. The dangers which you conjecture of the latter cannot be apprehended of the former. Your own slaves are too few in number to make them formidable or dangerous. In this matter you are without excuse. I leave you to your conscience, and your God,
And subscribe myself,
Faithfully, yours,
NORTH STAR.
Of all the stars is this "brave old, overhanging sky," the North Star is our choice. To thousands now free in the British dominions it has been the Star or Freedom. To millions, now in our boasted land of liberty, it is the Star or Hope. Dark clouds may conceal, but cannot destroy it. Tempests may toss the sea—earthquakes convulse the globe—and storm-bolts shake the sky—it stands as firm as Heaven. Within its meek and twinkling rays, are Faith, Hope and Freedom—cherishing the one, indulging the other, and endeavoring to gain the last for our slavery smitten countrymen.
We have ventured to call our humble sheet by our favorite Star. We have been requested to change it, but as yet see no good reason for doing so. The Morning Star was suggested; the Evening Star has been named,—but the one is too early, and the other too late. The Midnight Star is our election. We are over-shadowed by gloomy clouds, and on a dark and perilous sea. We need the Polar Light to guide us into port.
SPECIMEN NUMBER.
We send this number of our paper to a great number of persons at a distance, as a Specimen number, some of whom have ordered it, and some have not. Those wishing to continue the paper will forward two dollars, otherwise it will not be sent again. Our next issue, No. 2, will be on the first Friday in January, and regularly every Friday of each week thereafter.
Geneva Choir.—We were among the thousands at the Canandaigua Celebration, who enjoyed the pleasure of listening to the spirit-stirring songs of the Geneva Choir. A recollection of the glorious effect produced by their excellent minstrelsy, leads us to extend to them a cordial invitation to be present at the Anti-Slaavery Fair to be held in this city on the 17th and 18th of the present month. We can ensure them a hospitable welcome, and an ample field in which to exert their vocal powers in behalf of Universal Liberty.
☞ We have before us, through the kindness of Mr. Harned, of the American and Foreign Anti-Slavery Office, New York, the able and elaborate Report of the British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society. The Report is well stored with important facts, and indicates great vigilance and application on the part of the Committee and Agents of that Society.
Rev. Charles Van Loon, Pastor of a Presbyterian Church, in Poughkeepsie, died at that place on Sunday evening last, aged 28 years. He was one of the noblest men we ever knew—eloquent, able, pious, and devoted heart and soul to the good of his fellow men. The Temperance Cause had no more effective advocate, and he had just returned from a lecturing tour in Ohio and the broad West, where he had done a great work for Humanity. As a friend of the down-trodden African Race, he had been eminent and untiring; and in every good work, (so far as it seemed such to him) he labored earnestly and ungrudgingly. He was buried on Wednesday from his father's in Albany.—Ought such a man to pass away without a memoir?—Tribune.
The announcement above has overshadowed our spirit with a cloud of melancholy. We were personally acquainted with Charles Van Loon. We became so on this very Western tour, and never was our heart more warmly attached to any man, on so short an acquaintaince. He was not as is above stated, Pastor of a Presbyterian, but a Baptist Church, in Poughkeepsie. He was one of the noble few who dared to separate from the Triennial Convention, and to join the cause of Free Missions, that he might not stain soul by fellowshipping with men-stealers.
A SISTER RESCUED FROM SLAVERY.
There has just left our office, an amiable, kind, and intelligent looking young woman, about eighteen years of age, on her way from slavery. A rehearsal of her sad story thrilled us with emotions which we lack words to express. On her right arm between her wrist and elbow, the initials of the name of her infernal master, is cut in large capitals. Oh! the wretch!
☞ Read and attend to the notice of the Western New York Anti-Slavery Society.
Let the Meeting be a general rally of the anti-slavery friends throughout Western New York.
Now, while Slavery is gathering her tens of thousands, to fight a base and fiend-like war; while the treasure of the professed freemen of the north is pouring out by millions, to give vigor to the bloody struggle; while the voice is going forth from pulpit and press, that "our country, right or wrong, must be supported;" while the press is teeming with praises of the leaders of Slavery's legions, who are now pursuing a career of robbery and wrong in Mexico; while the Mexican can truly say,—
Hearken! up the Rio Bravo comes the negro-catcher's shout;
Listen! 'tis the Yankee's hammer forging human fetters out;—
it is indeed a time when the friends of freedom should come together, filled with zeal for the holy cause, and raise a voice of warning and rebuke.
The corrupt political parties are shaking and trembling before the anti-slavery agitation; the time-serving church, with not enough of inherent virtue to be first pure and then peaceable, is vainly seeking for peace which it can never gain in its false and miserable position. If we will but persevere to the end, victory is ours. Let us then gather by thousands, not to build up a political party or nominate candidates for political office, but to stir up each other's minds to remembrance of the captive,—to listen to the voices of the true-hearted, and to arm ourselves anew from Heaven's own armory with the weapons of Truth and Love.—S.
SAMUEL BROOKS.
This indefatigable friend of humanity has, in consequence of the impaired state of his health, resigned his office of General Agent for the American Antislavery Society in the West. The labors of this friend during the past summer have been of the most arduous and wearing nature—enough we should think to shatter a stronger constitution than his. He will carry into (what we hope will be a transient) retiracy, the gratitude of all those who know how to appreciate pure and disinterested labors, and his re-appearance in the field will be looked for with anxious solitude.
TO CORRESPONDENTS.
H. C., of Upton, Massachusetts. His letter came safely to hand. For its list of subscribers and encouraging words, he will please accept out grateful thanks.
Z. W. H., of Plymouth Massachusetts. We acknowledge, with much satisfaction, the receipt of her communication, with its long array of patrons and cash accompaniment, which is indeed a tangible demonstration. Her efforts in behalf of the North Star are gratefully appreciated.
R. F. W., Boston, of November 17th, received and credited.
D. J., of Columbus, Ohio, is informed, that our engagements will not allow us to be present at the anticipated Convention to be held in Columbus. The other matters are attended to.
S. B., of Salem, Ohio. We thank him for his letters and list of Subscribers.
N. and D. shall receive the per-centage suggested.
H. E. S., of Lodi, Ohio. Thanks for your words of cheer, so kindly expressed. We shall be glad to hear from the same source often.
M. A. T., New Brighton, Pennsylvania. A long list of Subscribers and words of God-speed from this zealous friend. Thanks—thanks.
M. H., of Albany, New York. Our acknowledgments for the good work there commenced.
FREE PAPERS.
We give to our readers the evidence of our right to be free in this democratic and Christian country—not so much however to establish our right to ourself as to expose the cold-blooded Methodist man-stealer, who claimed us as his property, and the hypocritical nation that has sanctioned his infamous claim. We shall send him a copy of this paper.
"Know all men by these Presents, That I, Thomas Auld, of Talbot County, and State of Maryland, for and in consideration of the sum of one hundred dollars, current money to me paid by Hugh Auld of the city of Baltimore, in the said state, at and before the sealing and the delivery of these presents, the receipt whereof, I, the said Thomas Auld, do hereby acknowledge, have granted, bargained, and sold, and by these presents do grant, bargain, and sell unto the said Hugh Auld, his executors, administrators, and assigns, one negro man, by the name of Frederick Baily, or Douglass, as he calls himself—he is now about twenty-eight year: of age—to have and to hold the said negro man for life. And I, the said Thomas Auld for myself, my heirs, executors, and administrators, all and singular, the said Frederick Baily, alias Douglass, unto the said Hugh Auld, his executors, administrators, and assigns, against me, the said Thomas Auld my executors, and administrators, and against all and every other person or persons whatsoever, shall and will warrant and forever defend by these presents. In witness whereof, I set my hand and seal, this thirteenth day of November, eighteen hundred and forty-six. THOMAS AULD.
Signed, sealed, and delivered in presence of Wrightson Jones,
John C. Leas."
The authenticity of this Bill of Sale is attested by N. Harrington, a Justice of the Peace of the State of Maryland and for the county of Talbot, dated same day as above.
"To all whom it may concern: Be it known, that I, Hugh Auld, of the city of Baltimore, in Baltimore county, in the State of Maryland, for divers good causes and considerations, me thereunto moving, have released from slavery, liberated, manumitted, and set free, and by these presents do hereby release from slavery, liberate, manumit, and set free, my negro man, named Frederick Baily, otherwise called Douglass, being of the age of twenty-eight years, or thereabouts, and able to work and gain a sufficient livelihood and maintainance; and him the said negro man, named Frederick Baily, otherwise called Frederick Douglass, I do declare to be henceforth free, manumitted, and discharged from all manner of servitude to me, my executors, and administrators forever.
In witness whereof, I the said Hugh Auld, have hereunto set my hand and seal, the fifth of December, in the year one thousand eight hundred and forty-six. HUGH AULD.
Sealed and delivered in presence of T. Hanson Belt,
James N. S. T. Wright"
The attestation of this Deed of Manumission is signed by T. Hanson Belt, a Justice of the Peace of the State of Maryland, in and for the city of Baltimore, dated on the day and year aforesaid.
Note.—Some time previous to the date of his legal freedom, it appears that Frederick Douglass had been transferred, as a little token of fraternal affection, from one brother to the other. But before Hugh Auld could lawfully execute a deed for F. D.'s manumission, it became necessary that he should show how he had obtained him. Hence the "Bill of Sale," already quoted.
As the phrase "for divers good causes and considerations, me thereunto moving," may appear to some a little mysterious, the following is annexed by way of explanation:
Received from , of , by the hands of , the sum of seven hundred and eleven dollars and ninety-six cents, in full of the consideration of a certain Deed of Manumission of a negro man known by the name of Frederick Baily, otherwise Douglass, formerly my slave for life, bearing date on the fifth of December, eighteen hundred and forty-six. HUGH AULD.
—English Paper.
From the Liberator.
CURIOSITIES OF VOTING.
The following letter and the annexed ticket explain themselves. The author is one of our most valuable friends in that quarter. In a private note accompanying the communication, he informs us that "this movement was the result of Friend Foster's teaching, when here last winter. He says that twenty-three of these votes were polled, although "quite a number stayed at home." Of this number was our correspondent.—We quite agree with him, that while we do not approve of the policy of expending Anti-Slavery time and strength in this direction, we can not rebuke those that do, with a rebuke bestowed on other voters under a pro-slavery Constitution. We still hold however to the faith that the circumstance that the party voted for will not accept the offices, under oath to rapport the Constitution, if elected, does not alter the character of the act of voting. Voting is a constitutional act as much as holding office. It exists only through the Constitution, and we can perceive no essential difference between the one act and the other.
the letter.
Friend Quincy:
I take the liberty to forward you a political curiosity—thrown up upon the sarface of that sea, whose waters foam and rage with such violence every second Monday in November. Although nothing but drift-wood, it yet deserves to be gathered up, and preserved as one of those specimens of lusus suffragii, calculated to rival any lusus naturæ, which has yet happened in the physical world. To those who have had an opportunity to examine it carefully, it is an object of wonder and apprehension. It is thought to have some of the characteristics of the torpedo, with this difference, that its electrical influence is felt only by the former. What particular elements in their mental or physical conformation, are the basis of such a phenomenon, a deeper philosophy than mine must determine. I hope you will favor your readers with a view of it, in order that they may analyze its structure, so that each one may be persuaded in his own mind, what manner of thing it is. C.
the ticket:
For Governor—W. L. Garrison.
For Lieut. Governor—Francis Jackson.
For Senators—Adin Ballou, of Milford.
John M. Fisk, of Brookfield.
Stephen S. Foster, of Worcester.
Effingham S. Capron, of Uxbridge.
J. T. Everett, of Princeton.
Deshong, the Mathematician.
The following letter from this famous "cypherer" has been sent to the papers:
Perhaps you have noticed in some of the New York papers, a statement concerning "the remarkable powers of a mathematician" in that city, who adds, subtracts, multiplies, divides, and performs all other mathematical operations with a rapidity that seems almost miraculous. As I am that person, I will endeavor to give you a correct statement of the facts;
First, let a column of figures, 5000 in length, and 10 or 2O in breadth, be set before me, and in less than five seconds of time, I will give the sum total, always commencing on the left hand side to place the answers down. It matters not what length the column is, or what breadth, I will give the sumtotal as fast as the figures can he written down.
Second, let a sum be written in multiplication, with 1000 figures in the multiplier, and as many in the multiplicand, and I will commence on the left hand, and write the product underneath, and in one line, as fast as the figures can be written down.
Third, let a sum be written in division, with any large amount for a divisor, and I commence writing down the remainder first, then the quotient. Interest at any per cent, can also be performed in the same manner, without any extra figures. Fractions of every denomination, can be summed up instantly, without reducing them to a common denominator.
These rules can he learned in one half hour, by any person having the printed instructions. Any person wishing these rules, will enclose ten dollars through the New York post-office.—Please forward me one paper which contains this, and on the receipt thereof, I will forward you a full set of these rules, gratis, by which you can become as expert in figures, as I am.
Your obedient servant,
PETER M. DESHONG,
P. S. Editors copying the above, and forwarding to Mr. Deshong the paper which contains it, will be furnished with a full set of rules.
LOCAL INTELLIGENCE.
DEATH OF DAVID SCOVILLE.
We publish below the proceedings of a meeting on the death of David Scoville, Esq. held by the Trustees of the Savings Bank at their banking house in this city, on Saturday morning, the 27th ult. William Pitkin Esq. President of the Board took the chair, and George H. Hungerford Esq. was appointed Secretary.
Mr. Pitkin the President arose, and addressed the Board in the feeling manner found in the proceedings. We fully condole in common with the rest of our citizens, the loss of so excellent a man as Mr. Scoville, as we learn that in addition to other prominent virtues, he was a known friend to the colored people.—Eds. North Star.
Gentleman: This special meeting of the Board of Trustees is occasioned by the sudden and lamented death of David Scoville, Esq., the Secretary of this Institution. His death occured in this room yesterday about half past three o'clock P. M., after a brief illness of about three hours.
By this afflictive dispensation of Providence, the Rochester Savings Bank is deprived of a trustworthy and vigilant officer, who has acted as its Secretary from its first organization in the year 1831, and has discharged his responsible duties with great fidelity, and in perfect confidence of all interested.
To us individually who have been so long and intimately associated with him in the management of the delicate and important interests connected with this institution—and have likewise known him as an exemplary Christian and respected citizen; his sudden removal by death can not but be long and deeply lamented.
A bereavement so distressing to the widow and relations of the deceased demands our sincere condolence and sympathies, and at the same time solemnly admonishes us anew to prepare for own last change, that we too may pass from a christian's life through the gates of death to the christian's immortality.
Isaac Hills Esq. then offered the following lowing resolutions, after prefacing the same with some appropriate remarks.
The resolutions were adopted unanimously.
Resolved, That in the sudden and unexpected death of David Scoville Esq.,
