Philosophical Transactions/Volume 1/Number 18
Munday, October 22. 1666.
Patternes of the Tables proposed to be made for Observing of Tides, promised in the next foregoing Transactions; by Sr. Rob. Moray.
IN performance of what was promised in the last of these Papers for Observing the Tides, here are subjoined Patternes of the Tables there mentioned: One, for marking[errata 1] the precise Time of the High-waters and Low-waters during one Month; that is, between New and New Moon, or Full and Full Moon. The other, for marking the Degrees of the Risings and Fallings of the Water in Equal spaces of Time, and the Velocity of its motion at several heights: The Degrees of Heat and Cold, &c.
The Times, assigned in the first, to the High-waters and Lowest Ebbs, are taken out of Mr. Wings's Almanack, for this present year 1666, as he calculates them for the Month of September for London Bridge. Only, whereas he takes notice but of one High-water for every day, Here are set down the Times of the other, and the two Ebbs intervening, by subdividing the Differences, he assignes between two Tides, equally amongst them. In all which, though there may be Errors, that is not to be considered, seeing the Dissein is to Correct and State the Times of the Tides exactly by Experiments, after this method. Mr. Wing states the High-waters to fall out at London-Bridge constantly, when the Moon is 46. deg. 30. min. to the West-ward of the Meridian. For, the Times, he marks for them, are made up by adding every day 3. hours, 6. minutes, to those in his Table for knowing the Time of the Moons coming to the South.
The First Table consists of two parts, and each part of four Columns. The first part marks the Tides and Ebbs from the day of the New-Moon to its Full: The other, from the Full to the next New. The first Column in both parts hath the day of the Month and Week; M. standing every where for Morning, and A. for Afternoon. The third Column hath the Character of the day of the Week prefixt to the Hour and Minut of the High-water, and answering to the day of the Month. The last Column hath the same for the time of Low-water, varying the Character of the day, as often as the Low-water falls out more early than the High-water. In this Example between the said New Moons there falls out in all just 57. periods of the Tide or Flowing water, and 58. of the Ebb or Low-water; which numbers vary according to the Intervals of the Moons changes; but with what constancy and exactness, is to be inquired after: Which whosoever undertakes to do, may keep such a Table, as is here proposed, in a Book by it self.
The other Table doth in 9. Columns comprehend the Particular Observations of the Degrees of the Rising and falling of the Tides, and the other things specified at the Tops of them: The first Column marking the Hour and Minut common to all the several Observations. Each hour is divided in 3. equal parts, that number of Observations being only pitch't upon by way of Example: The numbers may else be varied at pleasure, when other more frequent Observations are thought fit to be made, or when they prove too frequent and laborious; though the most frequent are most desirable, till competent information of all particulars be attained.
The Rising of the Tide from Low-water to the highest pitch of the Full Sea, is here supposed to be 60. foot: And the Degrees of its rising every 20. Minuts, to be in the Proportion of Sines[errata 2] ; The whole time of Flowing supposed to be 6. hours. But this Example will serve for marking the Spaces of the increasing or Rising, as well, as of the falling of the water, in order to the Investigation of their Proportions to one another when the Duration of the Tide exceeds 6. hours by any number of minuts, as well as for just 6. hours; seeing they may easily be collected from any Number of Observations; their precise Time and that of the Duration of the waters Rising and Falling (that is, the just interval between the High-water and Low-water) being known: This Calculation by Sines[errata 3] being only set down as a Conjecture, flowing from Observations of the Motion of the water in its Rising and Falling, which seems to observe this or some such like Proportion; which is supposed still to hold in all Tides, be the Duration what it will; the Increase still continuing proportionably till the very midle of the Hight and Duration, and Decreasing afterwards in the same manner: Which whether it be so indeed or not, is that, which is desired to be known.
There is the like Proportion here supposed to be in the different degrees of the Velocity or the Current of the Water after Equal spaces of Times, as in its Rising and Falling: And so it is markt in the Third Column. But because the true Velocity of the Current of the Water, raised above the Levell 456 of a foot, is unknown, it is by way of Supposition set at ten feet in one Minute of an Hour, which being once stated, the rest distant from each other by the space of 20 Minutes of an Hour, are set down according to the same Proportion of Sines[errata 4] before suggested. It being supposed, that if the the Velocity of the Current of the Tide, after it hath flowed 20 minutes of an hour, be such, as a Log of Wood placed in the Water will move 10 foot in the space of one minute of time, at the middle of the Tide will in the like space of Time move 114 f.276, and so proportionably at other times: Which, howsoever these Proportions shall be found by Experiments to fall out, may be not unworthy of the pains and charges requisite to acquire the knowledge of it. For, besides the satisfaction it may afford upon other accounts, it may possibly be of no small use to those, who need an exact reckoning of their Ships running, when the Velocity of the Current of the Tide may be necessary to be known; lest through the defect of the knowledge of that, especially when it is reckoned less than indeed it is, the Ship be thrown in the night upon Shores, Rocks or Sands, when they reckon themselves to be far from them.
The Numbers in the 4, 5, 6, 7, and 8. Columns set down at random, only for Examples sake; there being no difficulty in the apprehension of it, and imitating of it in setting down the true Hights and Variations of the Thermometer, Baroscope, &c. the Use whereof is so vulgarly known, that there needs no further Direction concerning them. But if any person, who would make these Experiments, do not know the fabrick or use of any of the Instruments requisite for some of these Observations, nor where to have them, he may address himself' to Mr. Shortgrave, one of the Operators of the Royall Society, lodged in Gresham Colledge, from whom he will receive full satisfaction about these things.
But the labour employed in the Observations of the Heat, Cold, &c. required to be taken notice of in order to the Ends proposed in the former Tract, and others, that may be of no less delight than advantage, will be much retrenched, when Dr. Christopher Wren puts in practice, what he some years ago proposed to the Royal Society concerning an Engine with a Clock-work, which may perform these Observations in the last enumerate Columns, without being toucht or lookt after but once or twice a day.
The Tables themselves follow.
A Perpendicular Line divided into Signes, supposed to be the Periods of the Risings and Fallings of the Tides, as in the other Table represented.
|a The Low-water
k The Middle
s The High-water
|Age of the ☽||Time of High water||Time of Low water||1666.
|Age of the ☽||Time of High water||Time of Low water||1666.|
|ho. mi.||Day.||Hour.||Min.||Day.||Hour.||Min.||ho. mi.||Day.||Hour.||Min.||Day.||Hour.||Min.||Hour.||Min.|
|I. Qu.||8.||26.||A.||♂||2.||39.||M.||3.11 ☾||9.||48.||A.||♃||4||1¼||M.||V.||00|
|♂||11.||10 A. ☽||♂||8.||52||M.||3.||5.||A.||☿||26.||☿||10||15½||M.||4||29¼||A.||20|
|Rising and fall of Tides||Velocity of the Current||Thermometre||Baroscope||Hygroscope||Azimuth force of the wind||Weather|
|XII.||00||0,||000.||00,||000.||6.||7.||28.||1.||3.||4.||S. to W.||50.||3.||Rain great|
|20||0,||456.||00,||000.||6.||7.||28.||1||3.||4.||S. to W.||50.||3.||Rain great|
|40||1,||353.||10,||000.||6.||8.||28.||1.||3.||4.||S. to W.||60.||3.||Rain small|
|I.||00||2,||211.||36,||250.||6.||8.||28.||1.||3.||3.||S. W.||45.||4.||Rain small|
|20||3,||000.||48,||587.||6.||8.||28.||1.||3.||2.||S. W.||30.||4.||Rain very small|
|40||3,||696.||66,||658||6.||8.||28.||2.||3.||1.||S. W.||36.||4.||Fair but cloudy|
|II.||00||4.||284.||81,||053.||6.||9.||28.||2.||3.||1.||S. W.||36.||4.||Fair and warm|
|20||4,||740.||93,||289.||6.||9.||28.||2.||2.||7.||S. W.||42.||5.||Warm and cloudy|
|III||00||5,||211.||114,||276.||6.||8.||28.||2.||60.||5.||S. W.||60.||5.||Sunshine and clear|
|20||4,||284.||93,||289.||6.||6.||28.||3.||2.||1.||S. W||73.||5.||Sun clouded|
|IIII||00||4,||740.||93,||289.||6.||6.||28.||3.||2.||1.||S. W.||90.||6.||Hazy about|
|V.||00||3,||000.||48,||487.||6.||4.||28.||4.||2.||3.||N. W.||59.||7.||Clearing up|
Other Inquiries concerning the Sea.
The Publisher of these Tracts knowing, that the Honorable Robert Boyle had not left unconsidered the Natural History of the Sea, of which Subject the late, and these present Papers, have entertained the Reader as to the Observables of its Flux and Reflux; He was, on this occasion, instant with that Gentleman to impart to him, for publication, these Heads of Inquiries, he had drawn up, touching that Subject: Which having obtained (though the Author desires, they may be lookt upon as unfinisht) he thus subjoyns.
What is the Proportion of Salt, that is in the Water of differing Seas; And whether in the same Sea it be always the same? And if it be not, how much it differs?
What is the Gravity of Sea-waters in reference to Fresh Waters and to one another: Whether it vary not in Summer and Winter, and on other Scores? And whether in the same Season its Gravity proceed only from the greater or lesser Proportion of Salt, that is in it, and not sometimes from other Causes? And what are the differing Gravities of the Sea-water, according to the Climats. *
* This last Clause containing a difficult Quære, and that may seem something odd, Mr. Boyle thinks fit to note, That having recommended this matter, among others, to a learned Physitian, that was sailing into America, and furnished him with a small Hydrostaticall Instrument, to observe from time to time the Differences of Gravity, he might meet with: This account was returned him, That he found by the Glass, the Sea-water to increase in weight, the nearer he came to the Line, till he arrived a certain Degree of Latitude; as he remembers, it was about the 30th, after which, the Water seemed to retain the same specifick gravity, till he came to the Barbados, or Jamaica.
What are the Odors, Colours and Tasts, observable in Sea-water?
What is the Depth of the Sea in several places, and the Order of its Increase and Decrements. And whether the Bottom of the Sea does always rise towards the Shore, unless accidentally interrupted?
Of the Bottom of the Sea, and how it differs from the Surface of the Earth, in reference to the Soyl, and Evenness or Roughness of the Superficies; And the Stones, Minerals, and Vegetables to be found there?
What the Figuration of the Seas from North to South, and from East to West, and in the several Hemispheres and Climats?
What communication there is of Seas by Streights, and Subterraneal Conveyances?
Of the Motion of the Sea by Winds, and how far Storms reach downwards towards the Bottom of the Sea?
Of the grand Motions of the Bulk or Body of the Sea; especially of the Tides: Their History as to their Nature and Differences.
* The Particulars whereof (saith the Author) are here omitted. Sir Robert Moray and Dr. Wallis having by their more accurate inquiries about Tides made them needless. What power the Sea hath to produce or hasten Putrefaction in some Bodies, and to preserve others; as Wood, Cables, and others that are sunk under it?
Of the Power ascribed to the Sea to eject Dead Bodies, Succinum, Ambergris?
Of the shining of the Sea in the night?
What are the Medical vertues of the Sea, especially against Hydrophobia?
What is its vertue to Manure Lande? And what are the Plants, that thrive best with Sea-water?
Concerning the Parenchymous parts of the Body.
These were communicated by the inquisitive Mr. Edmund King at the Instance of the Publisher, as follows;
The Parenchymous parts of the Body, are by Anatomists generally supposed to be in very many places wholly void of Vessels; designed chiefly to fill up Cavities and Interstices between the Vessels, and to boulster up the same, and to convey them through the parts.
But having many years endeavoured to excarnate several parts of the Body, viz. the Liver, Lungs, Spleen, Kidneys &c. (not to name the Placenta Uteri, which seems to be Parenchymous too;) and being very desirous to make a Scheme of the Vessels of any of these, what ever they were, I fixt upon; I found, notwithstanding all my care to preserve the Vessels, when I was freeing them, as heedfully as I could, from the supposed Parenchyma, that In every breach, I made, either with my fingers or otherwise, all my endeavours were destructive to my purpose; and that[errata 5], upon examination of those bits, much of which is called Parenchyma, I met in them more Vessels, than I had preserved in the parts whence they came: And though the Portion were never so small, yet my bare eye could make this discovery; much more could I, when assisted by a Microscope, perceive, I had destroyed more Vessels, than preserved, in despight of the exactest care, I was capable to use. And being not a little concern'd, that I should undertake to preserve the Vessels by such a Cause, as I saw plainly to be their destruction (were the part never so big, or never so small) I was both confounded and tired. For I saw (and so must any, that will attempt this work) in my endeavouring to preserve one Vessel of a traceable magnitude, I spoiled an infinite number of others less discernable, which were as truly Vessels, as the other, differing only in size and figure (as to appearance.) Then reviewing what mischief I had done in every place, quite through the whole Tract of my Fingers, Knife, &c. I began to think with my self, That it was not impossible for these parts to consist wholly of Vessels curiously wrought and interwoven (probably for more Uses, than is yet known;) And the consideration, which came into my mind, of a piece of fine Cloth (which consists of so many several minute Hairs, call'd Wool) was no discouragement to this opinion, Yet I durst not be so presumptuous as to indulge my self too much in it; much less to venter presently to speak of a thing, which seem'd to contradict so many Learned Men's belief. But being restless, till I might receive more satisfaction in the thing, I iterated experiments over and over; some of which prov'd so successfull to my apprehension, that I was encouraged in the years 1663. and 1664. to discourse of it to several very worthy Persons, as Mr. Boyle, Sir William Petty, Dr. Williams, Dr. Lenthal, Dr. Jaspar Needham, Dr. Samson, (who afterwards sent me a Letter from France, intimating the acquaintance, he had made with the Learned Steno, who hath since publisht something of the same Discovery) Mr. Daniel Cox, and Mr. Samuel Parker, &c. who doubtless cannot but remember, that then I related to them, I found much cause to believe, that that substance, commonly call'd Parenchyma, was in most, if not in all its Parenchymous parts, full of Vessels; however it had been imagin'd by all, I could ever meet with, to consist in great part of a substance, in many places void of Vessels, designed for such uses, as are above mentioned.
Against which I have now further to alledge, 1. That I observe in a piece of Musculous Flesh (so call'd) either raw, rosted, or boyled, &c. that if I so far extend it, as to make it to be seen through, I can (assisting my Eye) perceive it full of Vessels, placed as thick as is possible to be imagin'd (the fat if there be any, being first removed) there appearing then nothing, but vessels, yet so as with a Microscope may be seen through, when they are extended. 2. That, if any one, as he is at dinner, take a piece of flesh, and begin either at the head or tail of a Muscle, he may divide it in infinitum, all along from head to tail, without breaking any thing of that, called Flesh, only these transverse Fibres, that seem to stich them together, and (as I am apt to think) pass through the very Bodies of the smallest of them, and quite through the whole Muscle up the very Cutaneous porosities; so that there is not one of these small ducts, that run per longitudinem but 'tis furnish'd with a sufficient number of outlets, when need requires, though too minute to suffer any alimentary juice to pass transversly (in a living Body) or any other liquor, when the Body is dead and cold. But to wave their use at present, and to return to what I was saying, Compress between the fingers this bit of flesh, and you shall find the Juice, especially if the Meat be Hot, to go before your fingers toward either end you please; but if you compress both ends, you shall see it swell into the middle; and again, if you press the middle, it will run out at both ends. But further, suppose a piece of flesh, called Parenchyma, as big, or as little as you please, in any part of the Body, and let me prick it with a Needle, where you shall appoint; if you feel it, I presume you will acknowledge, a Nerve, or a Fibrilla, related to it, is touch's: if you feel it not, I am sure some liquor either sanguineous or other, will follow the Needle: And from whence can that come, but out of Vessels? unless accidentally, as by a Contusion, &c. it be extravasated; in which case my Argument will not be injured, because the part is depraved, whereas I speak of the parts, as they are in their natural state.
To confirm and illustrate all which, I desire, that the following familiar Observations may be considered:
1. If a Horse, fat and fair to look on, without a hollow to be seen between his Muscles, be rid extreme hard, and into a great sweat, and then kept one day without water or moist meat, you shall see him look so thin in many places, as in musculous parts, that you will hardly beleive it to be the same Horse, especially if he be (as the phrase is among Horse-masters) a Nash or Wash-Horse. The cause of which thinness will easily be granted to be only an exhastion of Juice, expended out of the Blood, which did stuff out these Vessels. And whoever, that is used to ride hard, shall observe, how thick this foul Horse breaths, and at what a rate he will reek and sweat, will not much wonder at the alteration. But if the Horse be a hardy one, and used to be hard ridden, then you will see, that one days rest, and his belly full of good meat and drink, will in one day or two almost restore him to his former plight, the food being within that short space of time so distributed, that all the Vessels will be replenish'd again, as before. And the cleaner the Horse is, the sooner recruited, and the less sign of hard riding will appear. This seems to shew the facility, with which the Juice, called Blood, passeth; Which surely, if there were such a thing as a Parenchyma, might by several accidents (not difficult to mention) be so deprav'd in several parts of it, that it might lose its receptive faculty; than which it may be thought to have none of greater use, being supposed to be without Vessels.
2.Discoursing sometimes with Grasiers in the Country, about the Pasture of Cattle, I have been informed by them, that, if they buy any Old Beasts, Oxen, or Cows, to feed, they choose rather those that are as poor, as can be, so they be found; because that, if they are pretty well in flesh, what they then add to them by a good pasture, though it make them both look and sell well, yet it will not make them eat so well, their flesh proving hard and verry tough: Which some may suppose to be the age of Parenchyma; and so it is of that so called. But if those Beasts be old and extremely poor, then they feed very kindly, and will be not only very fat, but spend well, like young ones, and eat very tender.
Of which I take the reason (excluding a Parencbyma now) to be this. When an Oxe or a Cow is grown old, and in an indifferent plight as to his flesh (for so it is call'd) all those Vessels having been kept at that size for the rnost part, have contracted a tenseness and fermness, and their fibers less extensive, not so fitted for the reception of more unctuous particles to relaxe them; and that additional unctuous matter, which occasions fatness, is forced to seek new quarter, any where (often remote from Muscles) where it can be with least difficulty received; sometimes to one place, sometimes to another, as may be seen in Shambles: Whereas, if there were such a thing as a Parenchyma, that certainly would, like a hungry Sponge, immediately swell up in several parts, (which without much difficulty might be discover'd in dissection) and more eminently, where it should find the pores most patent: And in the dissection of such Muscles it would be very strange, not to find some, if not many, pieces of them in various shapes, to the great inconvenience of the parts, in which they are seated: Which yet I confess I could never find in any Muscle, unless it were where there had been a Contustion, or an Inpostume, or the like. But according to my opinion of the Parenchymous parts, the reason, why the Flesh of a very lean Oxe or Cow, that hath got new Flesh in a good pasture, eats tenderer, seems to be this: That in a very lean Best the Vessels desseined for admitting and distributing the nourishing Juice, are so near contracted, and lye so close together, that, when once they are relax'd, by the fresh and unctuous nourishment, they extend every way in all extensive parts, until in a short time the whole Creature is, as it were, created a new, having got new flesh upon old bones: And the necessity of extreme extension makes all those parts, that are, as has been said, for the admission of nourishment, so thin and fine, that it will make the lean Beast, put into a rich pasture, eat young and tender: Whereas one of the same Age, that never was very poor, fed in the same pasture, shall eat hard and tough.
3.it has been observed, that Corpulent Persons in some Diseases, that seize on them, do fall away to wonder, not only in the Wast, but in the Arms, Legs, and Thighs; and the very Calves of the Legs have been observed so flaccid and loose, that one might wrap the skin about the bones. The reason whereof, according to the opinion deliver'd, may be easily rendred to be, A great Consumption of the Stock of Liquors, that in Health kept the Vessels turgid; Which Vessels I suppose to make up those Muscles. But when the Pores are obstructed, that the nourishment is hindred (which then also uses to be but sparingly administred) and sweats, either spontaneous, or forced, are large, there must needs be a great expence of those Liquors, the supply being but inconsiderable: which cannot but contract all these ducts of all sorts nearer together, and make them much less in themselves, meerly from Exhaustion: Or, if there should be no sweats, the internal Heat spends the spirits, and dries up the Liquors; the consequence whereof may reasonably be presumed to be this Flaccidity of parts, and great and sudden Change, made in them; not that there is need of any Parenchyma to fill up these Muscles, considering what hath been said. Mean while, I humbly conceive, that if it be in any part of a Muscle, their Ingenuity, that plead for it, will put them upon some experiments, to bring it to Ocular Demonstration, either in a Living or Dead Muscle, any kind of flesh, raw, rosted, boyl'd, or in what they can best make it out. And when I shall be convinc'd of an Errour in what I have discoursed, I shall beg pardon for giving the Occasion of the trouble of that Experiment, which shall prove a Parenchyma in any Muscle; and think my time well spent in receiving a full satisfaction of the ungroundedness of my opinion; and readily submit to the Author, with a grateful acknowledgement of my Obligation to any one, that shall rectifie me in my mistake, if it be one.
THough much hath been already said and written of Petrification, yet 'tis conceived, that all that comes so far short of a competent stock for the composing of a perfect History of Petrification, that the incompleteness thereof ought to awaken the more diligent attention of the Curious, and to call in their aid for Additions, thereby so to increase and to complete the Materials for that work, that it may the better serve to clear and make out the Cause of that Transmutation. And that the rather, because if it lay in the power of humane Skill (by the knowledge of Nature's works) to raise Petrification, or to allay, or prevent it, or to order and direct it (which perchance in time might be attained the said way) much use might be made of this Art; especially if it could be made Applicable, to hinder the Generation of the Stone and Gravel in humane Bodies, or to dissolve the Stone, where 'tis formed; besides other valuable Uses, that might be excogitated.
Upon this Consideration, care is, and further will be taken in these Papers, to record, among other Observables of Nature, what shall be communicated of this kind of Change.
In Numb. 1. 2. and 5. several Relations have been made belonging to this Argument. Much of it, together with considerable Reflections may be seen in Mr. Boyle's Essay of Firmness: In Helmont de Ltihiasi, where, among other remarques, is recited the Testimony of Paræus, of a Petrified Child seen at Paris, and by the Owner used for a Whetstone: In Deusingius's Historia Infantis in abdomine inventi, & in ducitiem lapideam conversi: In Mr. Hook'sMicrography, and in others. To omit now, what has been related (but perhaps not well enough attested) by Authors, concerning the stupendious Petrification of whole Companies of Men, and Troops of Cattle; by Aventinus lib. 7. Annal. Bojorum; by Purchas in his Pilgrimage p. 426. in fol. printed at London 1614. and, (of a Troop of Spanish Horsemen) by Jos Acosta lib. 3. c. 9.
To all which, the Curious Dr. Beale adds a Narrative of a Stone, not long since taken out of the Womb of a Woman of his neighbourhood neer Trent in Somersetshire, by incision, and afterwards perfectly cured, though she had born the Stone with extreme torments for 8. or 9. years. The operation he relates to have been made in Easter last; after which time, he affirms to have seen the Stone, and weigh'd it in Gold-Scales, where it wanted somewhat of four Ounces, but had lost of the weight, it formerly had, being very light for a Stone of that Bulk. He further describes it to be of a whitish colour, lighter than Ash-colour; perchance (saith he) not unlike to that recited out of Scaliger by M.Boyle in his Essay of Firmness pag 238. qui aëris contactu postea in gypseam tum Speciem tum firmitatem concreverat. It had no deep asperities, and had somewhat of an Oval figure, out less at one end, than a Hen-Egge, and bigger and blunter at the other, than a Goose egge.
This Stone (so he concludes) is intended for the Royal Society, with the Testimony of the Chirurgion, that perform'd the Operation, and other Witnesses of special credit; where also will be annexed the manner of Operation.
It appears by this last clause (to add that on this occasion) that this Well-wisher to the Improvement of all usefull knowledge, has taken notice of that considerable Collection of Curiosities, lately presented to the lately nam'd Society so their Repository, by that Publick-minded Gentleman Mr. Daniel Colwall, a very worthy and useful Member of that Body: To which Repository whatsoever is presented as rare and curious, will be with great care, together with the Donors names and their Beneficence recorded, and the things preserved for After-ages, (probably much better and safer, than in their own private Cabinets;) and in progress of Time will be employed for considerable Philosophical and Usefull purposes; of which perhaps more largely in another place.
Of a kind of Worms, that eat out Stones.
This is taken out of a Letter, written by one M. de la Voye to M. Auzout, to be found in the 32. Journal des Scavans; as follows.
IN a great and very ancient Wall of Free-Stone in the Benedictins Abby at Caen in Normandy, facing Southward, there are to be found many Stones so eaten by Worms, that one may run his hand into most of the Cavities; which are variously fashion'd, like the Stones, which I have seen wrought with so much Art in the Louvre: In these cavities there is abundance of live-Worms, their excrement, and of that Stone-dust, they eat. Between many of the Cavities there remain but leaves, as it were, of Stone, very thin, which part them. I have taken some of these living Worms, which I found in the eaten Stone, and put them into a Box with several bits of the Stone, leaving them there together for the space of eight dayes; and then opening the Box, the Stone seem'd to me eaten so sensibly, that I could no longer doubt of it. I send you the Box and the Stones in it, together with the living Worms; and to satisfie your Curiosity, I shall relate to you, what I have observed of them, both with and without a Microscope. These Worms are inclosed in a Shell, which is grayish, and of the bigness of a Barly-corn, sharper at one end, than the other. By the means of an excellent Microscope I have observ'd, that 'tis all overspread with little Stones, and little greenish Eggs; and that there is at the sharpest end a little hole, by which these Creatures call out their excrement, and at the other end, a somewhat bigger whole, through which they put out their heads, and fallen themselves to the Stones, they gnaw. They are not so shut up, but that sometimes they come out, and walk abroad. They are all black, about two Lines of an Inch long, and three quarters of a Line large. Their Body is distinguish't into several plyes, and near their head they have three feet on each side, which have but two joints, resembling those of a Lowse. When they move, their Body is commonly upwards, with their mouth against the Stone. They have a big head, somewhat flat, and even, of the colour of a Tortoise-Shell, braunish, with some small white hair. Their mouth is also big; where may be seen four kinds of Jaw-bones, lying crossewise, which they move continually, opening and shutting them like a pair of Compasses with four branches. The Jaws on both sides of the mouth are all black; the nether-Jaw hath a point like the Sting of a Bee, but uniform, They draw threds out of their mouth with their fore-feet, using that point to range them, and to form their Shells of them. They have Ten Eyes, very black and round, which appear to be bigger than a Pins-head. There are five of them on each side of the head, standing after this manner
But besides these Worms, I have found; that Mortar is eaten by an infinit number of small Creatures, of the bigness of Cheese-Mites. These have but two Eyes, and are blackish. They have four feet on each side pretty long. The point of their Muzzel is very sharp, as that of a Spider. I send you but one of them, though I had abundance, but they are dead and lost. It may be, you'l find some at Paris, seeing that in the old Mortar betwixt Stones, that is found in Walls made with rubbish, there is great store of them, together with great plenty of their little Eggs: I have not yet examined, whether these be those, that in the surfaces of all the Stones, where they are met, with, make little round holes, and small traces and impressions, which make them look like Worm-eaten Wood. But 'tis probable, they are such. It should be observed, whether these Worms do not take Wings, and all the other appearances of Cater-pillars; and whether they are not to be found in Plaister, that is full of holes, in Bricks, in Greety Stones, and in Rocks.
You may observe more of them in Walls exposed to the South, than in others; and that the Worms, that eat the Stone, live longer, than those, that eat the Mortar, which keep not above eight dayes alive. I have observed all their parts with a very good Microscope, without which, and a great deal of attention, 'tis difficult to see them well.
I have seen other very old Walls altogether eaten, as those of the Temple at Paris, where I could find no Worms, but the Cavities were full of Shells of various kinds, diversly figur'd and turn'd; all which I believe to be little Animals petrified.
Some promiscuous Observations, made in Somerset-shire, and imparted by the above-mention'd Dr. Beale.
His words are these, in a Letter to the Publisher, of the 24. Septemb. 1666. at Yeovill in Somersetshire;
I have two or three remarks, perhaps not unworthy to be recorded for further application in like cases of time and place,
1. In the Moores from hence towards Bridgewater, in the extreme drought, we have endured this Summer, some lengths of pasture grew much sooner withered and parched, than the other pasture. And this parched part seem'd to bear the length and shape (in grosse) of Trees. They digg'd, and found, in the place, Oakes indeed, as black as Ebony. And hence they have been instructed to find and take up many hundreds of Oakes, as a neighbour of good credit assures me. This advertisement may be instructive for other parts, as Kent, Essex, Lincoln, &c.
2. My Cosen Philips of Montague has in his pastures of Socke, about three miles off, a large Pool, to which Pigeons resort; but the Cattle will not drink of it, no not in the extream want of water in this drought. To the taste it is not only brackish, but hath other loathsome tasts. In a Venice-glass it looked greenish and clear, just like the most greenish Cider as soon as it is perfectly clarifyed. I boyl'd a Pint of it in a Posnet of Bell-Mettall (commonly used to preserve Sweatmeats:) suddenly it yeilded a thick froth, whence I scumm'd half a score Spoonfulls; of which the inclosed is* This had somewhat of a Vitriolate taste. But the Experiment being made with greater quantities of this water, which questionless will be done, the nature and kind of it may be better known. a part. * Suffring the water to be boyl'd all away, it left much of the same on the sides and bottom of the Posnet.
3. From Lamport, towards Bridge-water, Eeles are so cheap in the frosts of Winter, that they vend them for little. Their abundance is from hence, that as the people walk, in the frosty Mornings, on the banks of the river, they discern, towards the edges of the banks, some parts not hoare, as the reste, but green; where searching the holes of the banks, they find heaps of Eeles.
For finding the Year of the Julian Period by a new and very easie Method.
THis occurs in the Journal des Scavans no. 36. as it had been proposed and communicated by the Learned Jesuit DE BILLY. viz.
Multiply the Solar Cycle by 4845. and the Lunar, by 4200 and that of the Indiction, by 6916. Then divide the Sum of the products by 7980. which is the Julian Period: The Remainder of the Division, without having regard to the Quotiens, shall be the year enquired after.
E. g. Let the Cycle of the Sun be 3; of the Moon 4; and of the Indiction 5. Multiply 3. by 4845, and you have 14535; and 4. by 4200, comes 16800; and 5 by 6916, comes 34580. The Sum of the products is 65915, which being divided by 7980. gives 8. for the Quotiens, and the number 2075, which remains, is the Year of the Julian Period.
Some learned Mathematicians of Paris, to whom the said P. de Billy, did propose this Problem, have found the Demonstration thereof; as the same Journal intimates.
of some Books, not long since published.
1. TENTAMINA PHYSICO-THEOLOGICA DE DEO, Sive THEOLOGIA SCOLASTICA, ad Normam Nova & Reformatæ Philosophia concinnata, & duobus libris comprehensa. Quorum altero, de Dei existentia adversus Atheos et Epicureos ex ipsorummet Principiss disputatur; altero, de Ejusdem Essentia & Attribusis; primo, secundium Theologiam Ethnicam, ubi explicatur, Quantum hactenus Alii in Gentilium sententiis, de summi Numinis Natura eruendis, hallucinati fuèrint; deinde secundum Theologiam Christianam: Et quid de Divina Essentia ac Attributis statuendum sit, desseritur, Quibus prostremò accedit specialis Dissertatio de Primo Numinis Attribute, ÆTERNITATE. Authore Samuele Parkero, A.M.
This Treatise, publish'd the last year, would sooner have been taken noticeof in these Tracts, had it not escaped the Publishers view till of late, when he, upon serious perusal, found it very worthy the recommending it to all sorts of persons, and particularly to those, who either please themselves with that fond opinion, That Philosophy is the Apprentiship of Atheisme; or hearken to the aspersions, that are generally laid upon the Reformation of Philosophy.
This excellent piece removes both these; and being joyned and compared with the truly Noble Mr. Boyle's Considerations in his First part of the Usefulness of Experimental-Natural Philosophy, will strongly evince, How Much that Philosophy, which searches out the real Productions of Nature (the true Works of God) does manifest the Divine Glory more, than the Notionals of the Gentils.
This Author (now a Fellow of the Royal Society) delivers his, Matter in two Books.
Lib. i. Cap. i.Atheists are disappointed of the Authority of Epicurus, and of other Antient Philosophers, for their gross Atheisme.
Cap. 2.The beautifull Frame of the World evinceth the Architectonical Author and Governor.
Cap. 3.The admirable Contrivance in the Structure of Mankind, and of Animals, does more conspicuously shew the Deity.
Cap. 4.The Atheist caught in his own Net, or convinced by the true force of his own Arguments.
Cap. 5.The Arguments devised against Atheists by Des Cartes, and drawn from the Idea's of our Mind, examin'd and found imperfect and invalid.
Lib. 2. Cap. i.The opinions of the Gentils concerning God, unduly applied to the Deity, which we worship; but properly to be understood by them of the Sun, or of the Soul of the World.
Cap. 2.More expresly proved, that the Antient Philosophers conceived, the Soul of the World to be God.
Cap. 3.The Historical Theology of the Gentils for the most part is unduly applyed or accommodated to the Holy Scriptures.
Cap. 4.The Divine Substance, Immensity, Incomprehensibility, Invisibility, explicated, as far as our weak reason does reach.
Cap. 5.The Divine Perfections, and other Attributes and Affections, how far explicable.
Cap. 6.The Eternity of God, how apprehended:
These are in short the Heads of the Book, which is yet but in Latin. It were to be wisht, the Authour would make it speak his own lively English.
II.HONORATI FABRI Soc. Jesu Theologi, Tractatus duo; quorum Prior est de Plantis ct de Generatione Animalium; Posterior, de Homine.
As the matter of this Book is considerable, so is the order and dependence of all its parts excellent; in regard that all the Propositions are ranged according to a Geometrical method, and so well disposed, that the latter do always suppose the former, and seem to depend all of them upon certain evident principles, whence they flow by a natural consequence.
This Volume contains two Treatises.
The First is divided into 5. Books. In the four first, he treats of Plants, and distributes them into three Classes; some growing in the Earth, as Trees, others, growing upon Plants, as Mosse; and a third sort, growing upon Animals, as Hair, Horns, and Feathers. He examins and considers the Parts of all these Plants and their Use, the manner, how they are produced, and nourished; and their different Qualities. He discourses also of Bread, Wine, Oyle, and the other Mixtes, that are made of Plantes.
In the Fifth Book, he treats of the Generation of Animals, where he delivers many curious matters, explicating in a very easie and familiar way that Argument, which hath alwayes been lookt open, as one of the obscurest in Natural Philosophy.
The Second Treatise consists of 7. Books; wherein the Authors considers, what appertains to Man. He discourses first, of Digestion, of the Circulation of the Bloud, and of the Use of the principal parts of the Human Body. Next, he treats of the Senses, External and Internal; of all he Motions of the Body, both Natural and Voluntary; of the sensitive Appetite, and the Passions; Thence he proceeds to the Temperaments, Habits, Instinct, Sleep, Sickness, &c. Lastly, passing to the Rational Soul, he endeavours to demonstrate the Immortality thereof, and to explain also the Manner, how it worketh upon the Body, and is united with the Body; where he omits not to reason of all the Powers of the Soul, of Liberty, and of the Operations of the Understanding and Will.
In general, the Authour makes it his study, for the explicating of the most perplext Difficulties, to shew, that Nature works not but by very simple and easie wayes.
In particular, he intersperses several curious remarks. E. g. He teaches how to make Perspectives, that magnifie Objects, without Glass; telling us, that when an Object is look't upon through a small hole, it appears much greater than it is; and that therefore, if instead of Glasses one did cast before ones eyes two Plates having little holes in them, it would furnish us with a new kind of Perspectives, more commodious than those of Glasses, which spoil the Sight by reason of the refraction of the Rayes, caused thereby. Again, He renders the cause of that common, but surprising, effect of Painters, drawing certain Pourtraictures, which seem to look directly upon all their Beholders, on what side soever they place themselves; Videl. That in those Pictures, the Nose is a little turned to one side, and the eyes to the other, Whence it comes, that such Pictures seem to look to the right side, because the Eyes are indeed turned that way; but they appear also to look to the left, because the point of the Nose is turned that way, and the Table, whereon the Picture is drawn, being flat, the Looker on perceives not, that the Eyes are turned th'other way; which he would do, if the Eyes of the Pourtrait were convexe; Whence it comes, that no Figure can be made embossed, which looks every way.
The art, which he teaches of making Parsley shoot out of the ground in a few hours, is this. Infuse the seed of it in Vineagar; and, having sown it in good ground, cast on it a good quantity of the Ashes of Bean-Cods, and sprinkle it with Spirit of Wine, and then cover it with some linnen. He mentions also, that if you calcine Earth, and then water it well, it will produce a great variety of different Herbs; and that the Ashes of Corn burnt, being sown, have sometimes produced other Corn.
To add that by the by, This Author is not so addicted to Aristotle, as to be on his side, when he thinks Truth is not. He hath emancipated himself considerably from the Scholastick way of Philosophing. He dares maintain, that the Vegetative and Sensitive Souls are not Substantial Forms; and that it is with Plants and Animals, as with Artificial things, the Form whereof results from the Union and Disposition of the parts. According to this Hypothesis, he explicates all the Operations of Plants and Animals, without having any recourse to the Soul. He avers also, that there are no Species Intentionales, and no Habitudes, and that the Animal Spirits, which Philosophers commonly believe to be necessary for all the Operations of Life, are useless.
It might also be observed out of this Author, what he discourses of the Generation of Animals by Putrefaction; of the Cause of Intermittent Feavers, and of the Animal instinct, and of many other particulars; were it not better to refer the Curious to the Book it self.
III.RELATION DU VOYAGE de l'Eveque de Beryte, par la Turquie, la Perse, les Indes, &c. jusques au Royaume de Siam, & autres lieux; par M. de Bourges, Prestre, &c.
This Author imploying his Pen chiefly, according to his design, to give an Accompt of the Success, the Undertakers of this Voyage had, in propagating the Christian Faith in the remoter parts of the World, and relating on that occasion, What number of Churches they have Founded in Cochin-China, and the Kingdome of Tonquin (in which latter alone he affirms, that there are more then three hundred thousand Christians;) Being, I say principally intent upon that Subject, he seems not to have made many Philosophical observations in those places. Mean while he does good service to those, that have occasion to travel into the East-Indies mostly by Land, by describing the passage, they took thither; which was, That they embarqued at Marseilles, in September, the most convenient and favourable season for that Voyage; whence Ships do ordinarily pass every Month from Syria, reckoning one Month for the time of Sayling to Alexandretta. Thence to Aleppo, counting one month more for the Stay, to be made there to meet the Caravane for Babylon, and six weeks more for the march from Alepo to Babylon; where a fortnight will pass, before an opportunity happen to embarque upon the Tyger for Balsora; which journey will require a fortnight more. And about this time it will be neer the end of January. Thence is always conveniency to pass to Congo, 4. days Journey from Comoron or Gombroun; to which latter part there is also frequent occasion to pass by sea from Balsora, which will take up some 15 or 16. days Sail. There (vid. at Comoron) you will every year meet with English, Portugal, Dutch, and Morish Vessels, for Surate, from October till the end of April; for they are obliged to be at Surate, before the end of May, because all the ports of those Indies are shut the 4. ensuing months, by reason of the danger of that Sea.
But besides this Direction, the Book is not quite destitute of Natural Observations. It relates, 1.How Diamonds are found and separated in Golconda; They take of the Earth, held to be proper to form them, which is reddish, and distinguish'd with white veins, and full of flints and hard lumps. Then they put near the places, which they will digge, a close and even Earth; and to it they carry those Earths, they have digged out of the Mine, and gently spread it abroad, and leave it exposed to the Sun for two days. Then being dryed enough they beat it, and sifting this Earth, they find the Diamonds in ashes of Flints, in which Nature hath set them. Here he adds, that the King of that Country farms out these Diamond-Mines for 600000. Crowns per annum, referring to himself the right of all the Diamonds, that exceed ten Carats in weight: There are Diamonds, that mount to 35. and 40 Carats. And this is the great Treasure of that Prince.
2. That the most esteemed fruit in those parts, the Durion (of the bigness and shape of an ordinary Melon) has a very unpleasing and even untollerable smell, like to that of a rotten Apple.
3. That Rice prospers most in waterish grounds; and that the fields, where it grows best, resembles rather to Marishes, than to any ploughed Soyle: Yea, that that Grain has the force, though 6. or 7. foot water stand over it, to shoot its Stalk above it; and that the Stem, which bears it, rises and grows proportionably to the height of the water, that drowns the field.
4. That the way of keeping ones self harmless from a wild Elephant, when he runs directly upon one, is, to hold something to him; as a Hat, a Coat, a piece of Linnen, which he seises on with his Trunk, and playes with it, as if he were pleased with this apparent homage, done to him; and so passes on. If he be in a rage, that then the only remedy is, to turn incessantly behind him to the left side, in regard that naturally (saith this Author) he never turns himself that way, but to the right: And the time, there is to turn, because of the Beasts unweildiness, affords leisure enough to climbe up some high Tree, or to mount some steep ground: all which if it fail, by holding always his tail, and turning with him, the Animal will be tired, and give opportunity to escape.
Printed for John Crook in Duck-Lane neer Little-Britain. 1666.