Russia & The Struggle for Peace/Chapter 16
CHAPTER SIXTEEN
THE GREAT TRIUMPH
IN the official account of the first sitting of the Soviet of Workers' and Soldiers' Delegates, we read ("Izvestia," No. 1): "Notwithstanding the enthusiasm with which those present were filled, the proceedings were strictly businesslike. The meeting was only interrupted a few times by the welcoming of representatives of different army units who had risen in defence of liberty and revolution." This account is exceedingly characteristic, and might refer equally well to the whole of the first period of the Revolution. In spite of the great enthusiasm and exaltation of feeling which prevailed, the Revolution was distinguished by seriousness and restraint and "realism." Only now and then was the businesslike progress of the Revolution lightened for a moment by flashes of enthusiasm and joy. The first of these manifestations of triumph and exaltation took place three days after the formation of the Soviet, when the Soviet decided to end the strike and recommence the work in the munition factories. It was the first great sign of the power of the revolutionary democracy. It was the first great trial of the discipline and organisation of the Petrograd proletariat. The decision of the Soviet to commence work again so soon made a great impression. At the same time the Soviet recognised the urgency of proceeding with the elaboration of the economic demands of the workers. Six days later, they were able to announce the great victory of the working classes, the establishment of the 8-hour day and the recognition of Shop-stewards' Committees ("Soviety starost").
But the greatest outbreaks of enthusiasm were in connection with the return of the revolutionary exiles from Siberia and from abroad. First was the celebration of the return of the Social Democratic members of the second Duma, who had been in exile for 10 years. Their leader Tseretelli afterwards played a great and noble part in the development of the Revolution. All regiments sent guards of honour to meet him and his companions at the station, and delegations of the workers came with banners. After an enthusiastic and tempestuous welcome at the station they were solemnly received by the Soviet, and Tseretelli was elected as a Vice-President. There was great enthusiasm on the return of Plekhanov, the founder of Russian Social Democracy, of Breshko-Breshkovskaia, the "grandmother of the Revolution," and of Chernov, the leader of the Social Revolutionary Party. But the greatest celebrations were made on Lenin's arrival. The news of his arrival came unexpectedly, and on a Sunday when no papers were printed; but it spread with tremendous rapidity and a large crowd of delegates, soldiers' and sailors' guards of honour and workers assembled on the square outside the railway station to welcome him. Speeches were made by Lenin and by the President of the Soviet amid scenes of great enthusiasm.
The most wonderful day of celebration in the Revolution was the 23rd of March, the day of the funeral of the victims of the Revolution. It was a solemn and sacred vow of the new democracy—an initiation before the open graves of those who had given up their lives for its sake. It was at the same time a triumphal review of the revolutionary forces in their silent and mighty living power. It was an historical day—a landmark in the transition from the old Russia to the new, from tyranny to liberty. From the very early morning the inhabitants of Petrograd flocked out into the streets: hundreds of thousands took part in the triumphal procession; literally thousands and tens of thousands of banners and flags were carried. There was not one incident, not one accident, to mar the effect of this ceremony. "In three weeks of Russian freedom, her people has grown to maturity. The most brilliant proof is the day of the 23rd of March; the ideal order, the irreproachable discipline, with not a single untoward incident in the course of 12 hours while the army of the Revolution, one and a-half million people, passed the graves, paying their last tribute of honour to their fallen comrades"[1] ("Izvestia," March 25th).
Among these days of great triumph and exaltation we must mention the 14th of March, exactly a fortnight after the Revolution, when the Soviet addressed its famous manifesto to the peoples of the world. With this manifesto the revolutionary democracy began the struggle for peace.
- ↑ The "Times" of April 7 published the following account of the funeral of victims of the Revolution.
"(From our own correspondent.) Petrograd, April 5.
"The funeral of the victims of the Revolution took place to-day in the Champ de Mars. The first of the six processions started for its destination about 8 a.m. Owing to a heavy fall of snow not more than 5,000 persons figured in the contingent furnished by one of the most important quarters of the city. Another procession numbered about 2,000. Banners with inscriptions were displayed, dirges were sung, and bands played the 'Marseillaise.' Judging by the processions, most of the victims of the Revolution will not lie in the common grave in the Champ de Mars, to which only about 150 bodies will be conveyed. The families of the remainder have preferred to bury their own dead, with the rites of the Orthodox Church."
In his book "Russia's Agony," Mr. Wilton, the Petrograd correspondent of the "Times," complains that it was impossible to speak the truth about Russia after the Revolution. This is a very grave charge. "The Soviet Régime," he says, "was far worse than the Okhrana" (p. 114). I quote his despatch about the funeral literally from beginning to end, and I may be permitted to ask: What obstacles were placed in Mr. Wilton's way, that he was obliged to make such a miserable departure from the truth in this instance? How were the British public to have any idea of revolutionary Russia when even about its simplest, its humanly most thrilling incidents, such insidious untruths were published in this country? This was only the beginning of a long series of perversions and misrepresentations.