The Collapse of the Second International/Appendix 1
At the Stuttgart and Copenhagen Congresses the following basic principles of Socialism were outlined by the International:―
If war threatens to break out the working class and its Parliamentary representatives in all the countries affected bind themselves―with the assistance of the International Socialist Bureau, whose activity should promote unity―to do all they can to prevent the outbreak of war, by the use of such means as they find most effective; these means, naturally, will differ in accordance with the degress of acuteness of the class struggle and of the general political situation.
Should war nevertheless break out, it is the duty of Socialists to intervene with the object of putting a speedy end to it; it is their duty to make use of the economic and political crisis in the fullest possible measure to rouse the common people and thus accelerate the downfall of the domination of capital.
Recent events impose upon the proletariat more than ever the duty to pursue its activity―directed according to a general plan―with a maximum of force and energy. On the one hand the general craze for armaments has sent up the prices of articles of prime necessity and thereby rendered class antagonisms more acute, and imbued the working class with the indomitable spirit of revolt and with the desire to put an end to this system of unrest and useless waste. On the other hand, the menace of war, which constantly makes itself felt, is the cause of even greater unrest. At any moment the great European nations may hurl themselves at one another, which crime against humanity and reason cannot be justified by any pretext as to its being committed in the interests of the people.
The Balkan crisis which has already brought in its wake such frightful misery, would become, should it spread the greatest danger to civilisation and to the proletariat; and it would at the same time, be the most shameful deed in the world's history, because the contrast between the magnitude of the catastrophe and the insignificance of the interests involved is enormous.
For this reason the Congress gladly puts on record the fact that there exists between the Socialist parties and the Trade Unions of all countries the fullest unanimity in the matter of waging war against war.
Co-operation on an imposing scale between the workers of all countries has been established by the fact that the proletarians of all countries have simultaneously taken up the fight against imperialism; each section of the International has opposed to the Government of its country the resistance of the proletariat, and mobilised the public opinion of its nation against military ventures of every sort. This co-operation has hitherto done much to safeguard international peace, which is being threatened by ever greater dangers. The fear of the ruling class that a proletarian revolution might break out as the consequence of a world war has turned out to be a material guarantee of peace.
Therefore, the Congress proposes to the Social-Democratic Parties to continue this activity, to make use of every means which they consider expedient. In indicating this general activity it outlines the special task of each Socialist Party.
The Social-Democratic Parties of the Balkan Peninsula are faced by a difficult problem. By systematically hindering every reform the Great Powers of Europe have, in a large measure, furthered the establishment in Turkey of an unbearable economic national and political system which was bound to lead to insurrection and war. To prevent this situation from being exploited in the interests of dynasties and the bourgeoisie, the Balkan Social Democratic Parties have put forward, with heroic courage, the demand for a Democratic Federation. The Congress proposes that they maintain their former position, which is worthy of admiration; it expects that Balkan Social Democracy after the war to make every effort to prevent dynasties, the military caste, and the bourgeoisie, of the Balkan States―which thirsts after expansion―from exploiting in their own class interests the results of the Balkan war bought at such a cost. And the Congress calls especially upon the Balkan Socialists to prevent the old enmity between the Serbs, Bulgarians, and Rumanians and Greeks from re-appearing, and to prevent all oppression of these Balkan peoples which at the present time are in the military camp of the opposite side—that is to say, of Turkey and Albania.
Therefore it is the duty of the Balkan Socialists to wage a struggle against these people being deprived of their rights; it is also their duty to oppose to the nationalist jingoism which is rampant, the brotherhood of all the Balkan nations, including the Albanians, Turks, and Rumanians.
It is the duty of the Social-Democratic Parties of Austria, Hungary, Croatia and Slavonia, Bosnia, and Herzegovina to continue with all their strength their fruitful activity against any attempts on the part of the dual monarchy to encroach upon Serbia. To-day, as has been the case in the past, and will be again in the future, their task is to resist the plan of Serbia being deprived, by force of arms, of the fruits of the war, of being turned into an Austrian colony, and of the peoples of Austria-Hungary itself, as well as all the European nations being exposed to the greatest dangers for the sake of dynastic interests. In an equal manner the Social-Democratic Parties of Austria-Hungary must, in the future, wage a struggle to secure for that portion of the Southern Slav people, which is under the domination of the House of Hapsburg, the right of democratic self-government within the limits of the Austro-Hungarian monarchy.
The Social-Democratic Parties of Austria-Hungary, as well as the Socialists of Italy, must give their special attention to the Albanian question. The Congress recognises the right of a nation to its independence. It does not, however, admit that under the cloak of independence Albania should become the victim of Austro-Hungarian and Italian aspirations and domination. Therein the Congress perceives not only a danger to Albania itself, but also, in the near future, a menace to peace between Austria-Hungary and Italy. Albania can have a real independent existence only when it becomes a self-governing member of the Balkan Federation. In view of this the Congress proposes to the Social-Democrats of Austria-Hungary and Italy to fight every attempt on the part of their governments to draw Albania into their sphere of influence. It proposes that they continue their work of cementing the peaceful relations existing between Austria-Hungary and Italy.
With great joy the Congress greets the protest strikes of the Russian workers; it greets them as a proof of the fact that the proletariat of Russia and Poland is beginning to recover from the blows inflicted upon it by the Tsarist counter revolution. In this the Congress sees the greatest guarantee against criminal intrigues of Tsarism which, having steeped in blood the peoples of its own country, and having treacherously betrayed the Balkan peoples to their enemies, is now alternately swayed by the fear of the consequences which the war may bring in its wake, and by the fear of the nationalist movement which it has called into life.
If Tsarism, however, is successful in making its appearance as the liberator of the Balkan peoples, this will be done merely for the purpose of having a pretext for gaining supremacy in the Balkans by means of a bloody war. The Congress hopes that both the town and the village proletariat of Russia. Finland, and Poland, which is growing strong, will rend asunder this web of lies, will resist every military adventure, will struggle against every attempt of Tsarism to encroach upon Armenia, Constantinople, etc., and will concentrate all its strength on taking up afresh the revolutionary struggle of liberation. For Tsarism is the hope of all the reactionary forces in Europe: it is the most dreaded enemy of democracy in general and of the peoples over which it dominates in particular. The whole of the International must look upon its overthrow as one of the most important tasks.
But the most important duty within the limits of the International devolves upon the working class of Germany, France, and England. At the present moment the task of the workers of these countries consists in demanding from their governments that they refuse to support in any way either Austria-Hungary or Russia; that they refrain from all interference with the Balkan turmoil and observe an absolute neutrality. War between the three great progressive civilised nations, in consequence of the Austro-Serbian dispute over seaports would be criminal folly. The workers of Germany and France cannot recognise the existence of any obligation whatsoever, determined by secret treaties, to join in the Balkan conflict.
Should, however, the military collapse of Turkey lead to an Ottoman domination in Asia Minor being shaken in its foundations, the task of the Socialists of England, France and Germany must consist in counteracting everywhere the policy of conquest in Asia Minor which will inevitably lead directly to a world war. The Congress regards the artificially nurtured antagonism between Great Britain and the German Empire as the greatest menace to peace. Therefore, the Congress welcomes every effort of the working class in both these countries to overcome this antagonism. It regards as the best means of attaining this aim the conclusion of an agreement between Germany and England in regard to the limitation of naval armaments and of the right of capture at sea. Congress proposes to the Socialists of England and Germany to continue their agitation in favour of such an agreement.
If the antagonisms between Germany on the one side and England and France on the other were overcome, this would do away with the greatest menace to peace and would also weaken the power of Tsarism which exploits this antagonism; it would also render impossible Austria-Hungary's attack upon Serbia and would guarantee peace to the world. Consequently all efforts of the International must be directed to this end. The Congress places upon record that the whole of the Socialist International is unanimous as regards these fundamental principles of foreign policy. It proposes that the workers of all countries oppose to capitalist imperialism the power of the international solidarity of the proletariat. It warns the ruling classes of all states in regard to the consequences that will arise if the wretched condition of the masses, brought about by the capitalist mode of production, be rendered still worse by military action. It makes a most peremptory demand for peace. Let the governments not forget that with the present state of Europe and together with the frame of mind of the working class they cannot let loose the fury of war without creating a danger for themselves; let them remember that the Franco-German war was followed by the Commune, that the Russo-Japanese war put in motion the revolutionary forces of the peoples of the Russian Empire, and that the growth of military and naval armaments has rendered the class conflicts in England and on the Continent extremely acute and has led to colossal strikes. The governments must be totally blind, or mad, if they have not yet grasped the fact that the mere suggestion of a monstrous world-war must call forth the indignation and revolt of the working class. The proletarians regard as a a crime for shooting at one another for the sake of increasing the profits of the capitalists, satisfying the ambitions of dynasties, or doing it for the glory of the secret treaties of diplomacy.
If the ruling classes, by destroying every possibility of a normal development, impel the proletariat to take desperate steps, they themselves will bear the whole responsibility for the crisis provoked by them.
The International will double its efforts to prevent the advent of this crisis; its protest will resound with ever greater force; it will carry on its propaganda with greater energy and on an ever-increasing scale. The Congress entrusts, therefore, the International Socialist Bureau to watch events more and more closely, and, come what may, maintain and strengthen the link which unites the proletarian parties.
At this moment the proletariat is conscious of being the bearer of the future of all mankind. To prevent the destruction of the flower of all the nations―threatened by the horrors of mass-murders, hunger, and epidemics―the proletariat will apply the whole of its energy.
The Congress appeals to you, proletarians and Socialists of all countries―let your voice be heard at this fateful hour! Announce your will everywhere and in every possible form Let your mighty protest resound in parliaments; congregate in large masses to announce your intentions to the world. Make use of every means at your disposal―by your organisations and by the strength of the proletariat! See to it that the governments have before their eyes the constantly vigilant and passionate desire of the whole proletariat for peace! In this manner oppose to the capitalist world of exploitation and mass murders the proletarian world of peace and the brotherhood of all nations!
- ↑ Nov. 24-25, 1912.