The Coronado expedition, 1540-1542/Second Part

by George Parker Winship

 

 

SECOND PART, WHICH TREATS OF THE HIGH VILLAGES AND PROVINCES AND OF THEIR HABITS AND CUSTOMS, AS COLLECTED BY PEDRO DE CASTAÑEDA, NATIVE OP THE CITY OF NAJARA.

Laus Deo.

It does not seem to me that the reader will be satisfied with having seen and understood what I have already related about the expedition, although that has made it easy to see the difference between the report which told about vast treasures, and the places where nothing like this was either found or known. It is to be noted that in place of settlements great deserts were found, and instead of populous cities villages of 200 inhabitants and only 800 or 1,000 people in the largest. I do not know whether this will furnish grounds for pondering and considering the uncertainty of this life. To please these, I wish to give a detailed account of all the inhabited region seen and discovered by this expedition, and some of their ceremonies and habits, in accordance with what we came to know about them, and the limits within which each province falls, so that hereafter it may be possible to understand in what direction Florida lies and in what direction Greater India; and

The buffalo of Gomara, 1554

this land of New Spain is part of the mainland with Peru, and with Greater India or China as well, there not being any strait between to separate them. On the other hand, the country is so wide that there is room for these vast deserts which lie between the two seas, for the coast of the North sea beyond Florida stretches toward the Bacallaos^[1] and then turns toward Norway, while that of the South sea turns toward the west, making another bend down toward the south almost like a bow and stretches away toward India, leaving room for the lands that border on the mountains on both sides to stretch out in such a way as to have between them these great plains which are full of cattle and many other animals of different sorts, since they are not inhabited, as I will relate farther on. There is every sort of game and fowl there, but no snakes, for they are free^[2] from these. I will leave the account of the return of the army to New Spain until I have shown what slight occasion there was for this. We will begin our account with the city of Culiacan, and point out the differences between the one country and the other, on account, of which one ought to be settled by Spaniards and the other not. It should be the reverse, however, with Christians, since there are intelligent men in one, and in the other wild animals and worse than beasts.

 

Chapter 1, of the province of Culiacan and of its habits and customs.

Culiacan is the last place in the New Kingdom of Galicia, and was the first settlement made by Nuño de Guzman when he conquered this kingdom. It is 210 leagues west of Mexico. In this province there are three chief languages, besides other related dialects. The first is that of the Tahus, who are the best and most intelligent race. They are now the most settled and have received the most light from the faith. They worship idols and make presents to the devil of their goods and riches, consisting of cloth and turquoises. They do not eat human flesh nor sacrifice it. They are accustomed to keep very large snakes, which they venerate. Among them there are men dressed like women who marry other men and serve as their wives. At a great festival they consecrate the women who wish to live unmarried, with much singing and dancing,^[3] at which all the chiefs of the locality gather and dance naked, and after all have danced with her they put her in a hut that has been decorated for this event and the chiefs adorn her with clothes and bracelets of fine turquoises, and then the chiefs go in one by one to lie with her, and all the others who wish, follow them. From this time on these women can not refuse anyone who pays them a certain amount agreed on for this. Even if they take husbands, this does not exempt them from obliging anyone who pays them. The greatest festivals are on market days. The custom is for the husbands to buy the women whom they marry, of their fathers and relatives at a high price, and then to take them to a chief, who is considered to be a priest, to deflower them and see if she is a virgin; and if she is not, they have to return the whole price, and he can keep her for his wife or not, or let her be consecrated, as he chooses. At these times they all get drunk. The second language is that of the Pacaxes, the people who live in the country between the plains and the mountains. These people are more barbarous. Some of them who live near the mountains eat human flesh.^[4] They are great sodomites, and have many wives<, even when these are sisters. They worship painted and sculptured stones, and are much given to witchcraft and sorcery.

The third language is that of the Acaxes, who are in possession of a large part of the hilly country and all of the mountains They go hunting for men just as they hunt animals. They all eat human flesh, and he who has the most human bones and skulls hung up around his house is most feared and respected. They live in settlements and in very rough country, avoiding the plains. In passing from one settlement to another, there is always a ravine in the way which they can not cross, although they can talk together across it.^[5] At the slightest call 500 men collect, and on any pretext kill and eat one another. Thus it has been very hard to subdue these people, on account of the roughness of the country, which is very great.

Many rich silver mines have been found in this country. They do not run deep, but soon give out. The gulf of the sea begins on the coast of this province, entering the land 250 leagues toward the north and ending at the mouth of the Firebrand (Tizon) river. This country forms its eastern limit, and California the western. From what I have been told by men who had navigated it, it is 30 leagues across from point to point, because they lose sight of this country when they see the other. They say the gulf is over 150 leagues broad (or deep), from shore to shore. The coast makes a turn toward the south at the Firebrand river, bending down to California, which turns toward the west, forming that peninsula which was formerly held to be an island, because it was a low sandy country. It is inhabited by brutish, bestial, naked people who eat their own offal. The men and women couple like animals, the female openly getting down on all fours.

 

Chapter 2, of the province of Petlatlan and all the inhabited country as far as Chichilticalli.

Petlatlan is a settlement of houses covered with a sort of mats made of plants^[6] These are collected into villages, extending along a river from the mountains to the sea. The people are of the same race and habits as the Culuacanian Tahues. There is much sodomy among them. In the mountain district there is a large population and more settlements. These people have a somewhat different language from the Tahues, although they understand each other. It is called Petlatlan because the houses are made of petates or palm-leaf mats.^[7] Houses of this sort are found for more than 240 leagues in this region, to the beginning of the Cibola wilderness. The nature of the country changes here very greatly, because from this point on there are no trees except the pine,^[8] nor are there any fruits except a few tunas,^[9] mesquites,^[10] and pitahayas.^[11]

Petlatlan is 20 leagues from Culiacan, and it is 130 leagues from here to the valley of Señora. There are many rivers between the two, with settlements of the same sort of people — for example, Sinoloa, Boyomo, Teocomo, Yaquimi, and other smaller ones. There is also the Corazones or Hearts, which is in our possession, down the valley of Señora.^[12] Señora is a river and valley thickly settled by able-bodied people. The women wear petticoats of tanned deerskin, and little san benitos reaching halfway down the body.^[13] The chiefs of the villages go upon some little heights they have made for this purpose, like public criers, and there make proclamations for the space of an hour, regulating those things they have to attend to. They have some little huts for shrines, all over the outside of which they stick many arrows, like a hedgehog. They do this when they are eager for war. All about this province toward the mountains there is a large population in separate little provinces containing ten or twelve villages. Seven or eight of them, of which I know the names, are Comupatrico, Mochilagua, Arispa, and the Little Valley.^[14] There are others which we did not see.

It is 40 leagues from Señora to the valley of Suya. The town of Saint Jerome (San Hieronimo) was established in this valley, where there was a rebellion later, and part of the people who had settled there were killed, as will be seen in the third part. There are many villages in the neighborhood of this valley. The people are the same as chose in Señora and have the same dress and language, habits, and customs, like all the rest as far as the desert of Ohichilticalli. The women paint their chins and eyes like the Moorish women of Barbary. They are great sodomites. They drink wine made of the pitahaya, which is the fruit of a great thistle which opens like the pomegranate. The wine makes them stupid. They make a great quantity of preserves from the tuna; they preserve it in a large amount of its sap without other honey. They make bread of the mesquite, like cheese, which keeps good for a whole year.^[15] There are native melons in this country so large that a person can carry only one of them. They cut these into slices and dry them in the sun. They are good to eat, and taste like figs, and are better than dried meat; they are very good and sweet, keeping for a whole year when prepared in this way.^[16]

In this country there were also tame eagles, which the chiefs esteemed to be something fine.^[17] No fowls of any sort were seen in any of these villages except in this valley of Suya, where fowls like those of Castile were found. Nobody could find out how they came to be so far inland, the people being all at war with one another. Between Suya and Ohichilticalli there are many sheep and mountain goats with very large bodies and horns. Some Spaniards declare that they have seen flocks of more than a hundred together, which ran so fast that they disappeared very quickly.

At Ohichilticalli the country changes its character again and the spiky vegetation ceases. The reason is that the gulf reaches as far up as this place, and the mountain chain changes its direction at the same time that the coast does. Here they had to cross and pass through the mountains In order to get into the level country.

 

Chapter 3, of Chichilticalli and the desert, of Cibola, its customs and habits, and of other things.

Chichilticalli is so called because the friars found a house at this place which was formerly inhabited by people who separated from Cibola. It was made of colored or reddish earth.^[18] The house was large and appeared to have been a fortress. It must have been destroyed by the people of the district, who are the most barbarous people that have yet been seen. They live in separate cabins and not in settlements. They live by

The buffalo of Thevet, 1558.jpg

hunting. The rest of the country is all wilderness, covered with pine forests. There are great quantities of the pine nuts. The pines are two or three times as high as a man before they send out branches. There is a sort of oak with sweet acorns, of which they make cakes like sugar plums with dried coriander seeds. It is very sweet, like sugar. Watercress grows in many springs, and there are rosebushes, and pennyroyal, and wild marjoram.

There are barbels and picones,^[19] like those of Spain, in the rivers of this wilderness. Gray lions and leopards were seen.^[20] The country rises continually from the beginning of the wilderness until Cibola is reached, which is 85 leagues, going north. From Culiacan to the edge of the wilderness the route had kept the north on the left hand.

Cibola^[21]is seven villages. The largest is called Maçaque.^[22] The houses are ordinarily three or four stories high, but in Maçaque there are houses with four and seven stories. These people are very intelligent. They cover their privy parts and all the immodest parts with cloths made like a sort of table napkin, with fringed edges and a tassel at each corner, which they tie over the hips. They wear long robes of feathers and of the skins of hares, and cotton blankets.^[23] The women wear blankets, which they tie or knot over the left shoulder, leaving the right arm out. These serve to cover the body. They wear a neat well-shaped outer garment of skin. They gather their hair over the two ears, making a frame which looks like an old-fashioned headdress.^[24] This country is a valley between rocky mountains. They cultivate corn, which does not grow very high. The ears start at the very foot, and each large fat stalk bears about 800 grains, something not seen before in these parts.^[25] There are large numbers of bears in this province, and lions, wild-cats, deer, and otter. There are very fine turquoises, although not so many as was reported. They collect the pine nuts each year, and store them up in advance. A man does not have more than one wife. There are estufas or hot rooms in the villages, which are the courtyards or places where they gather for consultation. They do not have chiefs as in New Spain, but are ruled by a council of the oldest men.^[26] They have priests who preach to them, whom they call papas,^[27] These are the elders. They go up on the highest roof of the village and i>reach to the village from there, like public criers, in the morning while the sun is rising, the whole village being silent and sitting in the galleries to listen.^[28] They tell them how they are to live, and I believe that they give certain commandments for them to keep, for there is no drunkenness among them nor sodomy nor sacrifices, neither do they eat human flesh nor steal, but they are usually at work. The estufas belong to the whole village. It is a sacrilege for the women to go into the estufas to sleep.^[29] They make the cross as a sign of peace. They burn their dead, and throw the implements used in their work into the fire with the bodies.^[30]

It is 20 leagues to Tusayan going northwest. This is a province with seven villages, of the same sort, dress, habits, and ceremonies as at Cibola. There may be as many as 3,000 or 4,000 men in the fourteen villages of these two provinces. It is 40 leagues or more to Tiguex, the road trending toward the north. The rock of Acuco, which we described in the first i)art, is between these.

 

Chapter 4, of how they live at Tiguex, and of the province of Tiguex and its neighborhood.

Tiguex is a province with twelve villages on the banks of a large, mighty river; some villages on one side and some oh the other. It is a spacious valley two leagues wide, and a very high, rough, snow-covered mountain chain lies east of it. There are seven villages in the ridges at the foot of this — four on the plain and three situated on the skirts of the mountain.

There are seven villages 7 leagues to the north, at Quirix, and the seven villages of the' province of Hemes are 40 leagues northwest. It is 40 leagues north or east to Acha,^[31] and. 4 leagues southeast to Tutahaco, a province with eight villages. In general, these villages all have the same habits and customs, although some have some things in particular which the others have not.^[32] They are governed by the opinions of the elders. They all work together to build the villages, the women being engaged in making the mixture and the walls, while the men bring the wood and put it in place.^[33] They have no line, but they make a mixture of ashes, coals, and dirt which is almost as good as mortar, for when the house is to have four stories, they do not make the walls more than half a yard thick. They gather a great pile of twigs of thyme and sedge grass and set it afire, and when it 1s half coals and ashes they throw a quantity of dirt and water on it and mix it all together. They make round balls of this, which they use instead of stones after they are dry, fixing them with the same mixture, which comes to be like a stiff clay. Before they are married the young men serve the whole village in general, and fetch the wood that is needed for use, putting it in a pile in the courtyard of the villages, from which the women take it to carry to their houses.

The young men live in the estufas, which are in the yards of the village.^[34] They are underground, square or round, with pine pillars.

The buffalo of De Bry, 1595

Some were seen with twelve pillars and with four in the center as large as two men could stretch around. They usually had three or four pillars. The floor was made of large, smooth stones, like the baths which they have in Europe. They have a hearth made like the binnacle or compass box of a ship,^[35] in which they burn a handful of thyme at a time to keep up the heat, and they can stay in there just as in a bath. The top was on a level with the ground. Some that were seen were large enough for a game of ball. When any man wishes to marry, it has to be arranged by those who govern. The man has to spin and weave a blanket and place it before the woman, who covers herself with it and becomes his wife.^[36] The houses belong to the women, the estufas to the men. If a man repudiates his woman, he has to go to the estufa.^[37] It is forbidden for women to sleep in the estufas, or to enter these for any purpose except to give their husbands or sons something to eat. The men spin and weave. The women bring up the children and prepare the food. The country is so fertile that they do not have to break up the ground the year round, but only have to sow the seed, which is presently covered by the fall of snow, and the ears come up under the snow. In one year they gather enough for seven. A very large number of cranes and wild geese and crows and starlings live on what is sown, and for all this, when they come to sow for another year, the fields are covered with corn which they have not been able to finish gathering.

There are a great many native fowl in these provinces, and cocks with great hanging chins.^[38] When dead, these keep for sixty days, and longer in winter, without losing their feathers or opening, and without any bad smell, and the same is true of dead men.

The villages are free from nuisances, because they go outside to excrete, and they pass their water into clay vessels, which they empty at a distance from the village.^[39] They keep the separate houses where they prepare the food for eating and where they grind the meal, very clean. This is a separate room or closet, where they have a trough with three stones fixed in stiff clay. Three women go in here, each one having a stone, with which one of them breaks the corn, the next grinds it, and the third grinds it again^[40] They take off their shoes, do up their hair, shake their clothes, and cover their heads before they enter the door. A man sits at the door playing on a fife while they grind, moving the stones to the music and singing together. They grind a large quantity at one time, because they make all their bread of meal soaked in warm water, like wafers. They gather a great quantity of brushwood and dry it to use for cooking all through the year. There are no fruits good to eat in the country, except the pine nuts. They have their preachers, Sodomy is not found among them. They do not eat human flesh nor make sacrifices of it. The people are not cruel, for they had Francisco de Ovando in Tiguex about forty days, after he was dead, and when the village was captured, he was found among their dead, whole and without any other wound except the one which killed him, white as snow, without any bad smell. I found out several things about them from one of our Indians, who had been a captive among them for a whole year. I asked him especially for the reason why the young women in that province went entirely naked, however cold it might be, and he told me that the virgins had to go around this way until they took a husband, and that they covered themselves after they had known man. The men here wear little shirts of tanned deerskin and their long robes over this. In all these provinces they have earthenware glazed with antimony and jars of extraordinary labor and workmanship, which were worth seeing.^[41] Chapter 5, of Cicuye and the villages in its neighborhood, and of how some people came to conquer this country.

We have already said that the people of Tiguex and of all the provinces on the banks of that river were all alike, having the same ways of living and the same customs. It will not be necessary to say anything particular about them. I wish merely to give an account of Cicuye and some depopulated villages which the army saw on the direct road which it followed thither, and of others that were across the snowy mountains near Tiguex, which also lay in that region above the river.

Cicuye^[42] is a village of nearly live hundred warriors, who are feared throughout that country. It is square, situated on a rock, with a large court or yard in the middle, containing the estufas. The houses are all alike, four stories high. One can go over the top of the whole village without there being a street to hinder. There are corridors going all around it at the first two stories, by which one can go around the whole village. These are like outside balconies, and they are able to protect themselves under these.^[43] The houses do not have doors below, but they use ladders, which can be lifted up like a drawbridge, and so go up to the corridors which are on the inside of the village. As the doors of the houses open on the corridor of that story, the corridor serves as a street. The houses that open on the plain are right back of those that open on the court, and in time of war they go through those behind them. The village is inclosed by a low wall of stone. There is a spring of water inside, which they are able to divert.^[44] The people of this village boast that no one has been able to conquer them and that they conquer whatever villages they wish. The people and their customs are like those of the other villages. Their virgins also go nude until they take husbands, because they say that if they do anything wrong then it will be seen, and so they do not do it. They do not need to be ashamed because they go around as they were born.

There is a village, small and strong, between Cicuye and the province of Quirix, which the Spaniards named Ximena,^[45] and another village almost deserted, only one part of which is inhabited.^[46] This was a large village, and judging from its condition and newness it appeared to have been destroyed. They called this the village of the granaries or silos, because large underground cellars were found here stored with corn. There was another large village farther on, entirely destroyed and pulled down, in the yards of which there were many stone balls, as big as 12-quart bowls, which seemed to have been thrown by engines or catapults, which had destroyed the village. AH that I was able to find out about them was that, sixteen years before, some people called Teyas,^[47] had come to this country in great numbers and had destroyed these villages. They had besieged Cicuye but had not been able to capture it, because it was strong, and when they left the region, they had made peace with the whole country. It seems as if they must have been a powerful people, and that they must have had engines to knock down the villages. The only thing they could tell about the direction these people came from was by pointing toward the north. They usually call these people Teyas or brave men, just as the Mexicans say chichimecas or braves,^[48] for the Teyas whom the army saw were brave. These knew the people in the settlements, and were friendly with them, and they (the Teyas of the plains) went there to spend the winter under the wings of the settlements. The inhabitants do not dare to let them come inside, because they can not trust them. Although they are received as friends, and trade with them, they do not stay in the villages over night, but outside under the wings. The villages are guarded by sentinels with trumpets, who call to one another just as in the fortresses of Spain.

There are seven other villages along this route, toward the snowy mountains, one of which has been half destroyed by the people already referred to. These were under the rule of Cicuye. Cicuye is in a little valley between mountain chains and mountains covered with large pine forests. There is a little stream which contains very good trout and otters, and there are very large bears and good falcons hereabouts.

 

Chapter 6, which gives the number of villages which were seen in the country of the terraced houses, and their population.

Before I proceed to speak of the plains, with the cows and settlements and tribes there, it seems to me that it will be well for the reader to know how large the settlements were, where the houses with stories, gathered into villages, were seen, and how great an extent of country they occupied.^[49] As I say, Cibola is the first:

Cibola, seven villages.
Tusayan, seven villages.
The rock of Acuco, one.

ON THE TERRACES AT ZUÑI.

Tiguex, twelve villages.
Tutahaco,^[50] eight villages.
These villages were below the river.
Quirix,^[51] seven villages.
In the snowy mountains, seven villages.
Ximena^[52] three villages.
Cicuye, one village.
Hemes^[53] seven villages.
Aguas Calientes,^[54] or Boiling Springs, three villages.
Yuqueyunque,^[55] in the mountains, six villages.
Valladolid, called Braba,^[56] one village.
Chia,^[57] one village.

In all, there are sixty-six villages.^[58] Tiguex appears to be in the center of the villages. Valladolid is the farthest up the river toward the northeast. The four villages down the river are toward the southeast, because the river turns toward the east.^[59] It is 130 leagues — 10 more or less — from the farthest point that was seen down the river to the farthest point up the river, and all the settlements are within this region. Including those at a distance, there are sixty-six villages in all, as I have said, and in all of them there may be some 20,000 men, which may be taken to be a fair estimate of the population of the villages. There are no houses or other buildings between one village and another, but where we went it is entirely uninhabited.^[60] These people, since they are few, and their manners, government, and habits are so different from all the nations that have been seen and discovered in these western regions, must come from that part of Greater India, the coast of which lies to the west of this country, for they could have come down from that country, crossing the mountain chains and following down the river, settling in what seemed to them the best place.^[61] As they multiplied, they have kept on making settlements until they lost the river when it buried itself underground, its course being in the direction of Florida. It comes down from the northeast, where they^[62] could certainly have found signs of villages. He preferred, however, to follow the reports of the Turk, but it would have been better to cross the mountains where this river rises. I believe they would have found traces of riches and would have reached the lands from which these people started, which from its location is on the edge of Greater India, although the region is neither known nor understood, because from the trend of the coast it appears that the land between Norway and China is very far up.^[63] The country from sea to sea is very wide, judging from the location of both coasts, as well as from what Captain Villalobos discovered when he went in search of China by the sea to the west,^[64] and from what has been discovered on the North sea concerning the trend of the coast of Florida toward the Bacallaos, up toward Norway.^[65]

To return then to the proposition with which I began, I say that the settlements and people already named were all that were seen in a region 70 leagues wide and 130 long, in the settled country along the river Tiguex.^[66] In New Spain there are not one but many establishments, containing a larger number of people. Silver metals were found in many of their villages, which they use for glazing and painting their earthenware.^[67]

 

Chapter 7, which treats of the plains that were crossed, of the cows, and of the people who inhabit them.

We have spoken of the settlements of high houses which are situated in what seems to be the most level and open part of the mountains, since it is 150 leagues across before entering the level country between the two mountain chains which I said were near the North sea and the South sea, which might better be called the Western sea along this coast. This mountain series is the one which is near the South sea.^[68] In order to show that the settlements are in the middle of the mountains, I will state that it is 80 leagues from Chichilticalli, where we began to cross this country, to Cibola; from Cibola, which is the first village, to Cicuye, which is the last on the way across, is 70 leagues; it is 30 leagues from Cicuye to where the plains begin, It may be we went across in an indirect or roundabout way, which would make it seem as if there was more country than if it had been crossed in a direct line, and it may be more difficult and rougher. This can not be known certainly, because the mountains change their direction above the bay at the mouth of the Firebrand (Tizon) river.

Middle court at Zuñi

Now we will speak of the plains. The country is spacious and level, and is more than 400 leagues wide in the part between the two mountain ranges — one, that which Francisco Vazquez Coronado crossed, and the other that which the force under Don Fernando de Soto crossed, near the North sea, entering the country from Florida. No settlements were seen anywhere on these plains.

In traversing 250 leagues, the other mountain range was not seen, nor a hill nor a hillock which was three times as high as a man. Several lakes were found at intervals; they were round as plates, a stone's throw or more across, some fresh and some salt. The grass grows tall near these lakes; away from them it is very short, a span or less. The country is like a bowl, so that when a man sits down, the horizon surrounds him all around at the distance of a musket shot.^[69] There are no groves of trees except at the rivers, which flow at the bottom of some ravines where the trees grow so thick that they were not noticed until one was right on the edge of them. They are of dead earth.^[70] There are paths down into these, made by the cows when they go to the water, which is essential throughout these plains. As I have related in the first part, people follow the cows, hunting them and tanning the skins to take to the settlements in the winter to sell, since they go there to pass the winter, each company going to those which are nearest, some to the settlements at Cicuye,^[71] others toward Quivira, and others to the settlements which are situated in the direction of Florida. These people are called Querechos and Teyas. They described some large settlements, and judging from what was seen of these people and from the accounts they gave of other places, there are a good many more of these people than there are of those at the settlements.^[72] They have better figures, are better warriors, and are more feared. They travel like the Arabs, with their tents and troops of dogs loaded with poles^[73] and having Moorish pack saddles with girths.^[74] When the load gets disarranged, the dogs howl, calling some one to fix them right. These people eat raw flesh and drink blood. They do not eat human flesh. They are a kind people and not cruel. They are faithful friends. They are able to make themselves very well understood by means of signs. They dry the flesh in the sun, cutting it thin like a leaf, and when dry they grind it like meal to keep it and make a sort of sea soup of it to eat. A handful thrown into a pot swells up so as to increase very much. They season it with fat, which they always try to secure when they kill a cow.^[75] They empty a large gut and fill it with blood, and carry this around the neck to drink when they are thirsty. When they open the belly of a cow, they squeeze out the chewed grass and drink the juice that remains behind, because they say that this contains the essence of the stomach. They cut the hide open at the back and pull it off at the joints, using a flint as large as a finger, tied in a little stick, with as much ease as if working with a good iron tool. They give it an edge with their own teeth. The quickness with which they do this is something worth seeing and noting.^[76]

There are very great numbers of wolves on these plains, which go around with the cows. They have white skins. The deer are pied with white. Their skin is loose, so that when they are killed it can be pulled off with the hand while warm, coming off like pigskin.^[77] The rabbits, which are very numerous, are so foolish that those on horseback killed them with their lances. This is when they are mounted among the cows. They fly from a person on foot.

 

Chapter 8, of Quivira, of where it is and some information about it.

Quivira is to the west of those ravines, in the midst of the country, somewhat nearer the mountains toward the sea, for the country is level as far as Quivira, and there they began to see some mountain chains. The country is well settled. Judging from what was seen on the borders of it, this country is very similar to that of Spain in the varieties of vegetation and fruits. There are plums like those of Castile, grapes, nuts, mulberries, oats, pennyroyal, wild marjoram, and large quantities of flax, but this does not do them any good, because they do not know how to use it.^[78] The people are of almost the same sort and appearance as the Teyas. They have villages like those in New Spain. The houses are round, without a wall, and they have one story like a loft, under the roof, where they sleep and keep their belongings. The roofs

Zuñi court, showing 'balcony'

are of straw. There are other thickly settled provinces around it containing large numbers of men. A friar named Juan de Padilla remained in this province, together with a Spanish-Portuguese and a negro and a half-blood and some Indians from the province of Capotban,^[79] in New Spain. They killed the friar because he wanted to go to the province of the Guas,^[80] who were their enemies. The Spaniard escaped by taking flight on a mare, and afterward reached New Spain, coming out by way of Panuco. The Indians from New Spain who accompanied the friar were allowed by the murderers to bury him, and then they followed the Spaniard and overtook hin. This Spaniard was a Portuguese, named Campo.^[81]

The great river of the Holy Spirit (Espiritu Santo),^[82] which Don Fernando de Soto discovered in the country of Florida, flows through this country. It passes through a province called Arache, according to the reliable accounts which were obtained here. The sources were not visited, because, according to what they said, it comes from a very distant country in the mountains of the South sea, from the part that sheds its waters onto the plains. It flows across all the level country and breaks throngh the mountains of the North sea, and comes out where the people with Don Fernando de Soto navigated it. This is more than 300 leagues from where it enters the sea. Ou account of this, and also because it has large tributaries, it is so mighty when it enters the sea that they lost sight of the land before the water ceased to be fresh.^[83]

This country of Quivira was the last that was seen, of which I am able to give any description or information. Now it is proper for me to return and speak of the army, which I left iu Tiguex, resting for the winter, so that it would be able to proceed or return m search of these settlements of Quivira, which was not accomplished after all, because it was God's pleasure that these discoveries should remain for other peoples and that we who had been there should content ourselves with saying that we were the first who discovered it and obtained any information concerning it, just as Hercules knew the site where Julius Cæsar was to found Seville or Hispales. May the all-powerful Lord grant that His will be done in everything. It is certain that if this had not been His will Francisco Vazquez would not have returned to New Spain without cause or reason, as he did, and that it would not have been left for those with Don Fernando de Soto to settle such a good country, as they have done, and besides settling it to increase its extent, after obtaining, as they did, information from our army.^[84]

 

---

 

says: "All the skeletons, especially of adults [in the intramural burials], were, with but few except ions, disposed with the heads to the east and slightly elevated as though resting on pillows, so as to face the west; and the hands were usually placed at the sides or crossed over the breast. With nearly all were paraphernalia, household utensils, articles of adornment, etc. This paraphernalia quite invariably partook of a sacerdotal character." In the pyral mounds outside the communal dwellings, "each burial consisted of a vessel, large or small, according to the age of the person whose thoroughly cremated remains it was designed to receive, together, ordinarily, with traces of the more valued and smaller articles of personal property sacrificed at the time of cremation. Over each such vessel was placed either an inverted bowl or a cover {roughly rounded by chipping) of potsherds, which latter, in most cases, showed traces of having been firmly cemented, by means of mud plaster, to the vessels they covered. Again, around each such burial were found always from two or three to ten or a dozen broken vessels, often, indeed, a complete set; namely, eating and drinking bowls, water Jar and bottle, pitcher, spheroidal food receptacle, ladles large and small, and cooking-pot. Sometimes, however, one or another of these vessels actually designed for sacrifice with the dead, was itself used as the receptacle of his or her remains, in every such case the vessel had been either punctured at the bottom or on one side, or else violently cracked — from Zuñi customs, in the process of 'killing' it." The remains of other articles were around, burned in the same fire.

Since the above note was extracted, excavations have been conducted by Dr. J. Walter Fewkes at the prehistoric Hopi pueblo of Sikyatki, an exhaustive account of which will be published in a forthcoming report of the Bureau of Ethnology, Sikyatki is located at the base of the First Mesa of Tusayan, about 3 miles from Hano. The house structures were situated on an elongated elevation, the western extremity of the village forming a sort of acropolis. On the northern, western, and southern slopes of the height, outside the village proper, cemeteries were found, and in these most of the excavations were conducted. Many graves were uncovered at a depth varying from 1 foot to 10 feet, but the skeletons were in such condition as to be practically beyond recovery. Accompanying these remains were hundreds of food and water vessels in great variety of form and decoration, and in quality of texture far better than any earthenware previously recovered from a pueblo people. With the remains of the priests there were found in addition to the usual utensils, terra cotta and stone pipes. beads, prayer-sticks, quartz crystals, arrowpoints, stone and shell fetiches, sacred paint, and other paraphernalia similar to that used by the Hopi of today. The house walls were constructed of small flat stones brought from the neighboring mesa, laid in adobe mortar and jilastered with the same material. The rooms were invariably small, averaging perhaps 8 feet square, and the walls were quite thin. No human remains were found in the houses nor were any evidences of cremation observed.

Mota Padilla, cap. xxxii,5, p 160, describes a funeral which wa« witnessed by the soldiers of Coronado's army: "en una ocasion vieron los españoles. que habiendo muerto un indio. araron una grande balsa ó luminaria de leña, sobre que pusieron el cuerpo cubierto con una manta, y luego todos los del pueblo, hombres y mujeres, fueron poniendo sobre la cama de leña, pinole, calabazas, frijoles, atole, maia tostado, y do lo demasque usaban comer, y dieron fuego por todas partes, de suerte que en breve todo se convirtió en cenizas con el cuerpo."

1. The Newfoundland region.
2. Ternaux's rendering. Compare the Spanish text.
3. Compare the Spanish. Several words in the manuscript are not very clear. Ternaux omits them, as usual.
4. Omitted by Ternaux, who (p. 151) calls these the Pacasas.
5. Compare the Spanish text. Ternaux (p. 152) renders: "Ils ont soin de bâtir lears villages de manière à ce qu'ils soient séparés les uns des autres par des ravins impossibles à franchir," which is perhaps the meaning of the Spanish.
6. Ternaux, p. 156: "couvertes en nattes de glaísul." The Spanish manuscript is very obscure.
7. An account of these people is given in the Triumphos, lib. 1, cap. ii, p. 6, Andres Perez de Ribas, S. J. "Estas [casas] hazian, unas de varas de monte hincadasen tierra, eutretexidas, y atadas con vejucos que son vuas ramas como de çarçaparrilla, muy fuertes, y que duran mucho tiẽpo. Las paredes que haziã con essa barazon las afortauan con una torta de barro, para que no las penetrasse el Sol. ni los vientos, cubriendo la casa con madera, y encima tierra, ó barro, con que hazian açotea, y con esso se contentauan. Otros hazian sus casas de petates q es genero de esteraa texidas de caña taxada." Bandelier found the Opata Indians living in houses made with "a slight foundation of cobblestones which supported a framework of posts standing in a thin wall of rough stones and mud, while a slanting roof of yucca or palm leaves covered the whole." — Final Report, pt. i, p. 58.
8. The meaning of this sentence in the Spanish is not wholly clear. Ternaux, p. 156: "Cette manière de bâtir. . . change dans cet endroit probablement, parce qu'il n'y a plus d'arbres sans épines."
9. The Opuntia tuna or prickly pear.
10. Prosopis juliflora.
11. Cereus thurberii.
12. Sonora.
13. Oviedo, Historia, vol. iii, p. 610 (ed. 1853): "Toda esta gente, dende las primeras casas delmahiz, andan los hombres muy deshonestos, sin se cobrir casa alguna de sus personas; é las mugeres muy honestas, con unas sayas de cueros de venados hasta los piés, é con falda que detrás les arrastra alguna cosa, ó abiertas por delante hasta el suelo y enlaçadas con unas correas. É traen debaxo, por donde están abiertas, una mantilla de algodon é otra ençima, é unas gorgueras de algodon, que les cubren todos los pechos."
14. Ternaux, pp. 157-158: "une multitude de tribus à part, réunis en petites nations de sept on huit, dix on douze villages, ce sont: Upatrico, Mochila, Guagarispa, El Vallecillo, et d'antres qui son près des montagnes."
15. Bandelier, Final Report, pt. i, p. 111, quotes from the Relaciones of Zárate-Salmeron, of some Arizona Indians: "Tambien tienen para su sustento Mescali que es conserva de raiz de maguey." The strong liqnor is made from the root of the Mexican or American agave.
16. These were doubtless cantaloupes. The southwestern Indians still slice and dry them in a manner similar to that hero described.
17. The Pueblo Indians, particularly the Zuñi and Hopi, keep eagles for their feathers, which are highly prized because of their reputed sacred character.
18. Chichiltic-calli, a red object or house, according to Molina's Vocabulario Mexicano, 1555. Bandelier, Historical Introduction, p. 11, gives references to the ancient and modern descriptions. The location is discussed on page 387 of the present memoir.
19. Ternaux (p. 162) succeeded no better than I have in the attempt to identify this fish.
20. Ternaux, p. 162: "A l'entrée du pays inliabité on rencontre une espèce do lion de couleur fauve." Compare the Spanish text. These were evidently the mountain lion and the wild cat.
21. Albert S. Gatschet, in his Zwölf Sprachen, p. 106, says that this word is now to be found only in the dialect of the pueblo of Isleta, under the form sibúlodá, buffalo.
22. Matsaki, the ruins of which are at the northwestern base of Thunder mountain. See Bandelier's Final Report, pt. i. p. 133, and Hodge, First Discovered City of Cibola.
23. The mantles of rabbit hair are still worn at Moki, but those of turkey plumes are out of use altogether. See Bandelier's Final Report, pt. i, pp. 37 and 158. They used also the fiber of the yucca and agave for making clothes.
24. J. G. Owens, Hopi Natal Ceremonies, in Journal of American Archæeology and Ethnology, vol. ii, p. 165 n., says: "The dress of the Hopi [Moki, or Tusayan] women consists of a black blanket about 31/2 feet square, folded around the body from the left side. It passes under the left arm and over the right shoulder, being sewed together on the right side, except a hole about 3 inches long near the upper end through which the arm is thrust. This is belted in at the waist by a sash about 3 inches wide. Sometimes, though not frequently, a shirt is worn under this garment, and a piece of muslin, tied together by two adjacent corners, is usually near by, to be thrown over the shoulders. Most of the women have moccasins, which they put on at certain times."

    Gomara, ccxiii, describes the natives of Sibola: "Hazen con todo esso unas mantillas de pieles de conejos, y liehres, y de venados, que algodon muy poco alcançan: calçan çapatos de cuero, y de inuierno unas como betas hasta las rodillas. Las mugeres van vestídas de Metl hasta en pies, andau ceñidas, trençan los cabellos, y rodeanselos ala cabeça por sobre las orejas. La tierra es arenosa, y de poco fruto, creo q por pereza dellos, pues donde siembran, llena mayz, frisoles, calabaças, y frutas, y aun se crian en ella gallipauos, que no se hazen en todos cabos."

    In his Relacion de Viaje, p. 173, Espejo says of Zuñi: "en esta provincia se visten algunos de los naturales, de mantas de algodon y cueros de las vacas, y de gamuzas aderezadas; y las mantas de algo. don las traen puestas al uso mexicano, eceto que debajo de partes vergonzosas traen unos pañes de algodon pintados, y algunos dellos traen camisas, y las mugeres traen naguas de algodon y muchas dellas bordadas con hilo de colores, y encima una manta como la traen los indios mexicanos, y atada con un paño de manos como toballa labrada, y se lo atan por la cintura con bus borlas, y las naguas son que sirven de faldas de camisa á raiz de las carnes, y esto cada una lo trae con la mas ventaja que puede; y todos, asi hombres como mujeres. andan calzados con zapatos y betas, las suelas de cuero de vacas, y lo de encima de cuero de venado aderezado; las mugeres traen el cabello muy peinado y bien puesto y con aus moldes que traen en la cabeza uno de una parte y otro de otra, & donde ponen el cabello con curiosidad win traer nengun tocado en la cabeza."

    Mota Padilla, xxzii, 4, p. 160: "Los indios son de buenas estaturas, las indias bien dispuestas: traen unas mantas blancas, que las cubren desde loa hombros hasta los piés y por estar cerradas, tienen por donde sacar los brazos; asimismo, usan traer sobre las dichas otras mantas que se ponen sobre el hombro izquierdo, y el un cabo tercian por debajo del brazo derecho como capa: estmian en mncbo los cabellos; y así, los traen muy peinados, y en una jicara de agua, se miran como en un espejo; pártense el cabello en dos trenzas, liadas con cintas de algodon de colores, y en cada lado do la cabeza forman dos ruedas ó circulos, que dentro de ellos rematan, y dejan la punta del cabello levantado como plumajes y en unas tablitas de hasta tres dedos, fijan con pegamentos unas piedras verdes que llaman chalchihuites, de que se dice bay minas, como tambien se dice las bubo cerca de Sombrerete, en un real de minas que se nombra Chalchihuites, por esta razon;. . . con dichas piedras forman sortíjas qne con unos palillos fijan sobre el cabello como ramillete: son las indias limpias, y se precian de no parecer mal."

25. Ternaux, p. 164: "les épis portent presque tous du pied, et chaque épi a sept on huit cents grains, ce que l'on n'avait pas encore vu aux Indes." The meaning of the Spanish is by no means clear, and there are several words in the manuscript which have been omitted in the translation.
26. Ternaux, p. 164: "ni de conseils de vieillards."
27. Papa in the Zuñi language signifies "elder brother,'" and may allude either to age or to rank.
28. Dr J. Walter Fewkes, in his Few Summer Ceremonials at the Tusayan Pueblos, p. 7, describes the Dā'wā-wýmp-ki-yas, a small number of priests of the sun. Among other duties, they pray to the rising sun, whose course they are said to watch, and they prepare offerings to it.

    Mota Padilla, cap. xxxii, 5, p. 160, says that at Cibola, "no se vió templo alguno, ni se lesa conoció ídolo, por lo que se tuvo entendido adoraban al sol y á la luna, lo que se confirmó, porque una noche que hubo un eclipse, alzaron todos mucha gríteria."

29. Ternaux, p. 165: "Lea étuves sont rares dans ce pays. Ils regardent comme un sacrilége que les femmes entrant deux à la fois dans un endroit."

    In his Few Summer Ceremonials at Tusayan, p. 6, Dr Fewkes says that "with the exception of their own dances, women do not take part in the secret kibva [estufa] ceremonials; but it can not be said that they are debarred entrance as assistants in making the paraphernalia of the dances, or when they are called upon to represent dramatizations of traditions in which women figure."

30. Mr Frank Hamilton Gushing, in the Corapte-rendu of the Congrès International des Americanistes, Berlin, 1888, pp. 171-172, speaking of the excavations of "Los Muertos" in southern Arizona.
31. The pueblo of Picuris.
32. Bandelier gives a general account of the internal condition of the Pueblo Indians, with references to the older Spanish writers, in his Final Report, pt.i, p. 135.
33. Bandelier, Final Report, pt. i, p. 141, quotes from Benavides, Memorial, p. 43, the following account of how the churches and convents in the pueblo region were built: "los ha hecho tan solaméte las mugeres, y los muchachos, y muchachas de la dotrina; porque entre estos naciones se vea hazer las mugeres las paredes, y los hombres hilan y texen sus mantas, y van á la guerra, y 2 la caza, y si obligamos a algii hombre á hazer pared, se corre dello, y las mngeres se rien."

    Mota Padilla, cap. xxxii, p.159: "estoa pueblos [de Tigiies y Tzibola] estaban murados. . . si bien se diferenciaban en que los pueblos de Tzibola son fabricados de pizarras unidas con argamasa de tierra; y los de Tigiies son de una tierra giiijosa, aunque muy fuerte; sus fébricas tienen las puertas para adentro del pueblo, y la entrada de estos muros son puertas pequefias y se sube por unas escalerillas apgostas, y se entra de ellas á una sala de terraplen, y pur otra escalera se bajaal plan de la poblacion."

    Several days before Friar Marcos reached Chichilticalli, the natives, who were telling him about Cibols, described the way in which these lofty houses were built: "para dérmelo á entender, tomaban tierra y ceniza, y echabanle agus, y sefialabanme como ponian la piedra y como subian el edificio arriba, poniendo aquello y piedra hasta ponello en lo alto; preguntábales á los hombres de aqnella tierra si tenian alas para subir aquellos sobrados; reianse y señalábanme el escalera, tambien como la podria yo setalar, y tomaban un palo y ponianlo aobre la cabeza y decian que aque! altura hay de sobrado & sobrado." Relacion de Fray Marcos in Pacheco y Cardenas, Doc. de Indias, vol. iii, p. 339.

    Lewis H. Morgan, in his Ruts of a Stone Pueblo, Peabody Museum Reports, vol. xii, p. 541, says: "Adobe is a kind of pulverized clay with a bond of considerable strength by mechanical cohesion. In southern Colorado, in Arizona, and New Mexico there are immense tracts covered with what is called adobe soil. It varies somewhat in the degree of 1ta excellence. The kind of which they make their pottery has the largest per cent of alumina, and its presence is indicated by the salt weed which grows in this particular soil. This kind also makes the best adobe mortar. The Indians use it freely in laying their walla, as freely as our masons use lime mortar; and although it never acquires the hardness of cement, it disintegrates slowly. . . This adobe mortar is adapted only to the dry climate of southern Colorado, Arizona, and New Mexico, where the precipitation is less than Sinches perannum. . . To the presence of this adobe soil, found in such abundance in the regions named, and to the sandstone of the bluffs, where masses are often found in fragments, we must attribute the great progress made by these Indians in house building."

34. Bandelier discusses the estufas in hie Final Report, pt. i, p. 144 ff., giving quotations from the Spanish writera, with his usual wealth of footnotes. Dr Fewkes, in his Zuñi Summer Ceremonials, says: "These rooms are semi-subterranean (in Zuñi), situated on the first or ground floor. never, so far as I have seen, on the second or higher stories. They are rectangular or square roams, built of stone, with openings just large enough to admit the head serving as windows, and still preserve the old form of entrance by ladders through a sky hole in the roof. Within, the estufas have bare walls and are unfurnished, but have a raised ledge about the walls, serving as seats."
35. The Spanish is almost illegible. Ternaux (pp. 169-170) merely says: "Au milieu est un foyer allumé."
36. Mota Padilla, cap. xxxii, p. 160: "En los casamientos (á Tigües}] hay costumbre, que cuando un mozo da en servir á una doncella, la espera en la parte donde va á acarrear agua, y coge el cántaro, con cuya demostracion manifiesta á los deudos de ella, la voluutad de casarse: no tienen estos indios mas que una muger." Villagra, Historia de la Nueva Mexico, canto xv, fol. 135:

    Y tienen una cosa aquestas gentes,
    Que en saliendo las mozas de donzellas,
    Son á todos comunes, sin escusa,
    Con tal que se lo paguen, y sin paga,
    Es una vil bageza, tal delito,
    Mas luego que se casan vinen castas,
    Conteuta cada qual con su marido,
    Cuia costumbre, con la grande fuerça,
    Que por naturaleza ya tenian,
    Teniendo por certissimo nosotros,
    Seguiamos tambien aquel camino,
    Iuntaron muchas mantas bien pintadas,
    Para alcanar las damas Castellanas,
    Que mucho apetecieron y quisieron.

    It is hoped that a translation of this poem, valuable to the historian and to the ethnologist, if not to the student of literature, may be published in the not distant future.

37. This appears to be the sense of a sentence which Ternaux omits.
38. The American turkey cocks.
39. A custom still common at Zuñi and other pueblos. Before the introduction of manufactured dyes the Hopi used urine as a mordant.
40. Mr Owens, in the Journal of American Ethnology and Archæology. vol. ii, p. 163 n., describes these mealing troughs: "In every house will be found a trough about 6 feet long, 2 feet wide, and 8 inches deep, divided into three or more compartments. In the older houses the sides and partitions are made of stone slabs, but in some of the newer ones they are made of boards. Within each compartment is a stone (trap rock preferred) about 18 inches long and a foot wide, set in a bed of adobe and inclined at an angle of about 35°. This is not quite in the center of the compartment, but is set about 3 inches nearer the right side than the left, and its higher edge is against the edge of the trough. This constitutes the nether stone of the mill. The upper stone is about 14 inches long, 3 inches wide, and varies in thickness according to the fineness of the meal desired. The larger stone is called a máta and the smaller one 8 matáki. The woman places the corn in the trough, then kneels behind it and grasps the matáki in both hands. This she slides, by a motion from the back, back and forth over the máta. At intervals she releases her hold with her left hand and with it places the material to be ground upon the upper end of the máta. She usually sings in time to her grinding motion."

    There is a more extended account of these troughs in Mindeleff's Pueblo Architecture, in the Eighth Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, p. 208. This excellent monograph, with its wealth of illustrations, is an invaluable introduction to any study of the southwestern village Indians.

    Mota Padilla, cap. xxxii,3, p. 159; "tienen las indias sus cocinas con mucho aseo, y en el moler el maiz se diferencian de las demas poblaciones (á Tigües), porque en una piedra mas áspera martajan el maiz, y pasa á la segunda y tercera, de donde le sacan en polvo como harina; no usan tortillas que son el pan de las indias y lo fabrican con primor, porque en unas ollas ponen á darle al maiz un cocimiento con una poca de cal, de donde lo sacan ya con el nombre de mixtamal."

41. See W. H. Holmes, Pottery of the Ancient Pueblos, Fourth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology: also his Illustrated Catalogue of a portion of the collections made during the field season of 1881, in the Third Annual Report. See p. 519n., regarding pottery found at Sikyatki.
42. Bandelier, in his Visit to Pecos, p. 114, n., states that the former name of the pueblo was Aquin, and suggests the possibility of Castaneda having originally written Acuyé. The Relacion del Suceso, translated herein, has Acuique. As may be seen by examining the Spanish text, the Lenox manuscript copy of Castaneda spells the name of this village sometimes Cicuye and sometimes Cicuye.
43. Compare Bandolier's translation of this description, from Ternaux's text m his Gilded Man, p. 206. See the accompanying illustrations, especially of Zuñi, which give an excellent idea of these terraces or "corridors" with their attached balconies.
44. The spring was "still trickling out beneath a massive ledge of rocks on the west sill" when Bandelier sketched it in 1880.
45. The former Tano pueblo of Galisteo, a mile and a half northeast of the present town of the same name, in Santa Fé county.
46. According to Mota Padilla, this was called Coquite.
47. These Indians were seen by Coronado during his Journey across the plains. As Mr Hodge has suggested, they may have been the Comanches, who on many occasions are known to have made inroads on the pueblo of Pecos.
48. Ternaux's rendering of the uncertain word teules in the Spanish text. Molina, in the Vocabulario Mexicano (1555), fol. 36, has "bravo homre. . . tlauele." Gomara speaks of the chichimecas in the quotation in the footnote on page 529. The term was applied to all wild tribes.
49. Bandelier. Final Report, pt. i, p.:14; "With the exception of Acoma, there is not a single pueblo standing where it was at the time of Coronado, or even sixty years later, when Juan de Oñate accomplished the peaceable reduction of the New Mexican village Indians." Compare with the discussion in this part of his Final Report, Mr Bandelier's attempt to identify the various clusters of villages, in his Historical Introduction, pp. 22-24.
50. For the location of this group of pueblos flee page 492, note.
51. The Queres district, now represented by Santo Domingo, San Felipe, Santa Ana, Sia (Castañeda's Chia),and Cochiti. Acoma and Laguna, to the westward belong to the same linguistic group. Laguna, however, is a modern pueblo.
52. One of these was the Tano pueblo of Galisteo, as noted on page 523.
53. The Jemes pueblo clusters in San Diego and Guadalupe canyons. See pl. lxx.
54. The Jemes pueblo clusters in San Diego and Guadalupe canyons. See pl. lxx.
55. The Tewa pueblo of Yugeuingge, where the village of Chamita, above Santa Fé, now stands.
56. Taos.
57. The Keres or Querea pueblo of Sia.
58. As Ternaux observes, Castañeda mentions seventy-one, Sia may not have been the only village which he counted twice.
59. The trend of the river in the section of the old pueblo settlements is really westward.
60. Compare the Spanish text.
61. The Tusayan Indiana belong to the same linguistic stock as the Ute, Comanche, Shoshoni, Bannock, and others. The original habitat of the main body of these tribes was in the far north, although certain clans of the Tusayan people are of southern origin. See Powell, Indian Linguistic Families, 7th Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, p. 108.
62. The Spaniards under Coronado. The translation does not pretend to correct the rhetoric or the grammar of the text.
63. Ternaux, p. 184: "D'après la route qu'ils ont suivie, ils ont dû venir de l'extrémité de l'Inde orientale, et d'une partie très-inconnne qui, d'après la configuration des côtes, serait située très-avant dans l'intérieur des terres, entre la Chine et la Norwège."
64. See the Carta escrita por Santisteban á Mendoza, which tells nearly everything that la known of the voyage of Villalobos. We can only surmise what Castañeda may have known about it.
65. The Spanish text fully justifies Castañeda's statement that he was not skilled in the arts of rhetoric and geography.
66. Compare the Spanish text. I here follow Ternaux's rendering.
67. In a note Ternaux, p. 185, says: "Le [dernier] mot est illisible, raais comme l'auteur parle de certain émail que lea Espagnols trouvèrent, . . . j'ai cru pouvoir hasarder cette interpretation." The word is legible enough, but the letters do not make any word for which I can find a meaning.
68. More than once Castañeda seems to be addressing those about him where he is writing in Culiacan.
69. Ternaux omits all this, evidently failing completely in the attempt to understand this description of the rolling western prairies.
70. Compare the Spanish. This also is omitted by Ternaux.
71. Espejo, Relacion, p. 180; "los serranos acuden á servir á los de las poblaciones, y los de las poblaciones les llaman á estos, querechos; tratan y contratan con los de las poblaciones levandoles sal y caza, venados, conejos y liebres y gamuzas aderezadas y otros gèneros de cosas, á trueque de mantas de algodon y otras cosas con que les satisfacen la paga elgobierno."
72. Compare the Spanish.
73. The well known travois of the plains tribes.
74. Benavides: Memorial (1630), p. 74: Y las tiendas las llenan cargadas en reqnas de perros aparejados cõ sus en xalmillas, y son los perros medianos, y suelẽ llenar quiniẽtos perros en una requa uno delante de otro, y la gente lleua cargada su mercaduria, que trueca por ropa de algodon, y por otras cosas de ã carecen."
75. Pemmican
76. Mota Padilla, cap. xxxii. 2, p. 165; "Habiendo andado cuatro jornadaa por estos llanos, con grandes neblinas, advirtieron los soldados rastro como de picas de lanzas arrastradas por el suelo. y llevados per la curiosidad, le siguieron basta dar con cincuenta gandules, que con sus familias, seguian unas manadas de dichas vacas, y en unos perrillos no corpulentos, cargaban unas varas y pieles, con las que formaban sus tiendas ó toritos, en donde se entraban para resistir el sol ó el agua. Loa indios son de buena estatura, y no se supo si eran haraganes ó tenian pueblos: presumióse los tendrian porque ninguna de las indias llevaba niño pequeño; andaban vestidas con unos faldellines de cuero de venado de la cintura para abajo, y del mismo enero unos capisayos ó vizcainas, con que se cubren: traen unas medias calzas de cuero adobado y sandalisa de cuero crudo; ellos andan desnudos, y cuando mas les aflige el frio, se cubren con cueros adobados; no usan, ni los hombres ni las mujeres, cabello largo, sino trasquilados, y de media cabeza para la frente rapados á navaja; usan por armas las flechas, y con los aesos de las mismas vacas benefician y adoban los cueros: llámanse cíbolos. y tienen mas ímpetu para embestir que los toros, aunque no tanta fortaleza; y en las fiestas reales que se celebraron en la ciudad de México por la jura de nuestro rey D. Luis I, hizo el conde de San Mateo de Valparaiso se llevase una cibola para que se torease, y por solo verìa se despobló Mexico, por hallar lugar en la plaza, que le fué muy útil al tabla jero aquel dia."
77. Compare the Spanish. Omitted by Ternaux.
78. Mr Savage, in the Transactions of the Nebraska Historical Society, vol. i, p. 198, shows how closely the descriptions of Castañeda, Jaramillo, and the others on the expedition, harmonize with the flora and fauna of his State.
79. Ternaux, p. 194, read this Capetlan.
80. Ternaux, ibid., miscopied it Guyas.
81. Herrera, Historia General, deo. vi, lib. ix, cap. xii, vol. iii, p. 207 (ed. 1730): "Toda esta Tierra [Quivira] tiene mejor aparencia, que ninguna de las mejores de Europa, porque no es mui doblada, sino de Lomas, Llanos, i Rios de hermosa vista, i buena para Ganados, pues la experiencia lo mostraba. Hallaronse Ciruelas de Castilla, entre coloradas, i verdes, de mui gentil sabor; entre las Vacas se hallò Lino, que produce la Tierra, mui perfecto, que como el Ganado no lo come, se q neda por alli con sus cabeçuelas, i fior azul; i en algunos Arroios, se hallaron Vbas de buen gusto, Moras, Nueces, i otras Frutas; las Casas, que estos Indios tenian eran de Paja, muchas de ellas redondas, que la Paja llegaba hasta el suelo, i encima vna como Capitla, ò Garita, de donde se asomaban."

    Gomara, cap. ccxlii: "Esta Quiuira en quarenta grados, es tierra templada, de buenas aguas, de muchas yeruas, ciruelas, moras, nuezes, melones, y vuas, que maduran bien: Do ay algodon, y visten cneros de vacas, y venados. Vieron por la costa naos, que trayan arcatrazes de oro, y de plata en las proas, cō mercaderias, y pensaron ser del Catayo, y China, porq͏̃ señalauan auer navegado treynta dias. Fray Iuan de Padilia se quedo en Tiguex, con otro frayle Francisco, y torno a Quiuira, con hasta doze Indios de Mechuacan, y con Andres do Campo Portugues, hortelano de Francisco de Solis. Lleuo caualgadurar, y azemilas con prouision. Leuo ouejas, y gallinas de Castilla, y ornamentos para dezir missa. Los de Quiuira maturon a los frayles, y escapose el Portugues, con algunos Mechuacanes. El qnal, aun que se libro entonces de la muerte, no ae libro de catiuerio, porque luego le prendieron: mas de alli a diez meses, que fue esclano, huyo con dos perros. Santiguaua por el camino con vua cruz, aque le ofrecian mucho, y do quiera que llegana, le dauan limosna, aluergne, y de comer. Vino a tierra de Chichimecas, y aporto a Panuco."

82. The Mississippi and Missouri rivers.
83. This is probably a reminiscence of Cabeza de Vaca's narrative.
84. Mota Padilla, cap. xxxiii. 4, p. 166, gives his reasons for the failure of the expedition: "It was most likely the chastisement of God that riches were not found on this expedition, because, when this ought to have been the secondary object of the expedition, and the conversion of all those heathen their first aim, they bartered with fate and struggled after the secondary; and thus the misfortune is not so much that all those labors were without fruit, bat the worst is that such a number of soula have remained in their blindness."