The Emperor Marcus Antoninus: His Conversation with Himself/The Life of the Emperour Marcus Aurelius Antoninus
THE
LIFE
Of the EMPEROUR
Marcus Aurelius Antoninus.
AFter the Death of Julius Cæsar, the Roman Empire fell under the most different Administrations imaginable: The Famous Triumvirate, together with the Reigns of Caligula, Nero, and Domitian, sat heavy upon the People, and made them sensible of the most Tyrannical Exercises of Power: The Emperours Augustus, Vespasian, Trajan, Adrian, and Antoninus Pius, were quite of another Temper, and made the Government remarkable for Justice and Clemency. At that time of Day those Princes were look'd on as extraordinary in their kind, and to have been perfect Examples of Virtue, and Vice. But God, who sends Governours according as he intends to prosper or punish a Nation, was pleas'd to make it apparent, that the good Qualities of the first Cæsars were but faint Resemblances of those in Marcus Aurelius. In earnest, we may venture to say that Providence proportion'd the Conduct of this Prince, to the Calamities of his Reign. The Times were never so Tempestuous, nor the State so Distress'd before : So that Humanly speaking, nothing less than such a Person at the Helm, could have preserv'd it. If the Reader expects a History of Court Intrigues, and Politick Maxims, he'l be disappointed : For I am now to write the Life of a Royal Philosopher ; that is of an Emperour who was made up of Truth, Honesty, and Religion, and who scorn'd to be govern'd by any other Rule than that of Reason and Justice.
The Family of Marcus Aurelius was one of the most Noble and Illustrious in all Italy. [1] By his Father Annius Verus, he was descended from Numa, King, and Successor to Romulus. His great Grandfather was Prætor [2] and Senator, and his Grandfather thrice Consul and Governour of Rome. His Father died in his Prætorship and left Issue Anna Cornificia ; and Annius Verus, who is the same with our Marcus Aurelius; his Aunt, or Father's Sister, Annia Galeria Faustina; was married to the Emperour Antoninus Pius. So much for his Father's Family : His Mother Domitia, Calvilla, Lucilla, was extracted from Malennius, a Prince of the Salentines : [3] She was Daughter to Calvisius Tullus, who had been twice Consul, and Granddaughter to Catilius Severus, who had likewise been twice Consul and Governour of Rome.
Marcus Aurelius was born at Mount Celius, the 25th of April, [4] in the Second Consulship of his Mother's Grandfather, and from him had the Name of Catilius Severus. Afterwards the Emperour Adrian call'd him Annius Verissimus, in allusion to his Disposition ; and the remarkable regard he so early discover'd for Honesty, and Truth. [5] But after his Minority was somewhat worn off, and he was admitted to put on a Mans Habit ? [6] He took the Name of his Family, and was call'd Annius Verus, till he was Adopted by the Emperour Antoninus Pius, and transplanted into the Family of the Aurelii, from which time he was known by the Name of Marcus Aurelius. Being very young when his Father died, he was removed to his Grandfather ; Who took such care of his Education ; that as soon as he was big enough to appear out of the Nursery, he put him into the Hands of a Governour of great Merit and Integrity ; and procured him the best Masters for all the Improvements of Youth. Euphorion taught him to Read, and Geminus a Player to pronounce Gracefully. And Andro was pitch'd upon to instruct him in Musick, and Mathematicks. He learned Grammar for the Greek Tongue of Alexander, and for the Latin of Trosius Aper, Pollio, and Eutichius Proculus. His Greek Rhetorick Masters, were Annius Marcus, Caninius Celer, and Herode ; and Cornelius Fronto did him the same Service in Latin. But being of an elevated and noble Genius, and having a Passion for nothing but Reality and Truth, he spent not much time in these Studies ; but pass'd on to a more significant and necessary part of Learning, and applied himself wholly to the Stoick Philosophy. For this purpose he entertain'd Sextus Chæronensis, Plutarcks Granson, Junius Rusticus, Claudius Maximus, and Cinna Catulus, who were the most Eminent Stoicks of that Age. He likewise had the Assistance of Claudius Severus, a great Peripatetick Philosopher.
He always paid a great Regard to his Preceptors, as being fully sensible of the Advantages of Education, and of the Value of that Pains which had been taken with him. This acknowledging Temper work'd so far that he erected Statues for Fronto, and Rusticus, which Rusticus, and Proculus, another of his Masters, He rais'd to the Consulship: [7] And the latter having no great Fortune, he furnish'd him with Mony to live up to the Grandeur of his Office : [8] And as for Rusticus, he always did him the Honour to Salute him before the Captain of the Guards. But this was not all. For being convinc'd, that Mony and Preferment, were no sufficient Return for Sense and Principles, which latter Advantages being either the first Growth, or at least the Improvements of Instruction ; he was willing to let the World know how much he was indebted to the Care of these Great Men : The satisfying of this Obligation was the Principal Motive which put him upon Writing his admirable Meditations. An extraordinary piece of Gratitude This, which as 'twas an Original in him ; so no body since has had the Ingenuity to Copy after it. When People have any good Qualities, they are apt to thank themselves for the getting them. To impute their Virtue to the Assistance of another, is the way, they fancy to tarnish the Lustre, and lose the Credit on't. But Marcus Aurelius was always a declar'd Enemy to this sort of Self-Love : This Impartiality of Temper made his Acknowledgments run high, and treat his Masters almost with the same Respect he did his Deities. For after their Death he erected them Statues of Gold among his Domestick Gods, made frequent Visits to their Tombs, and there honoured them with the Solemnity of Sacrifices and Flowers. [9]
And since the Advantages of Philosophy consist in Practice ; it must be confess'd that to perfect the Character of a good Prince, He should not be unacquainted with with the Measures of Justice, which are so serviceable to the Publick Interest : Marcus Aurelius took care not to neglect so significant a part of Knowledge, he took considerable pains in the study of the Law, in which he was instructed by L. Volusius Mecianus, the most able Lawyer of his Time. [10]
He was a Favourite of Adrians from his very Infancy, who loved to have him always at his Court, this Emperour presented him with a Horse upon the Publick Charge, [11] when he was but six Years old; an Honour which had never been so early bestow'd upon any one before.
And it being the Custom among the Romans for young Persons of Quality to pass through the Priesthood, in order to qualify themselves for State-Employment, he was admitted one of the Salii, that is a Priest of Mars. [12] And in this Business he was far from behaving himself as other young People do, in an Office, Which they look upon only as a Title, and Qualification for some other more considerable Promotion ; No, he perform'd all the parts of the Function with that Constancy and Exactness, as if this Post had been the utmost of his Ambition. This Application made him Master of the Musick, and Head of the Order, so that during his being there, all those who were either entred into this Society or dismiss'd it, were always admitted, or discharg'd by him. And at these Solemnities there was no need of a Prompter to assist him, for he had all the Holy Forms, and Ceremonies by heart. And thus he practised betimes one of his own Maxims, To do every thing according to the Rules of Art, and with the utmost Improvement. 'Twas in this Society that he receiv'd the first Presages of his coming to the Throne : For the Priests according to Custom throwing Garlands of Flowers upon Mars's Statue, laid upon a Couch of State, that which was thrown by Marcus Aurelius fell as exactly upon the Head of this pretended Deity, as if it had been put on by a Mans Hand ; Now the Crowning of this Statue was the peculiar Privilege of the Emperour.
At fifteen Years of Age he put on his Mans Habit, [13] and by Adrian's Order had the Daughter of L. Ceionius Commodus contracted to him. Not long after he was trusted with the Government of Rome, during the Absence of the Consuls, who went to Mount Alba to keep the Latin Holydays; [14] In this Post of Authority he behaved himself with the Gravity of an Old Magistrate ; And represented the Emperour with great Dignity, and Prudence. [15]
His Sister Anna Cornificia was married to Numidius Quadratus; and that her Hushand might not upbraid this Lady with want of Fortune, he gave her all his Paternal Estate; And also gave his Mother the Liberty of adding what part of her own Settlement she pleas'd. [16]
He was not without some Fancy for the Pencil, and for this Study Diognetus was his Master, a Person eminent both for Painting, and Philosophy. [17]
He loved Wrastling, Foot-Races,Tennis, and Hunting, [18] not so much for the sake of the Diversion, as because he looked upon them as a sort of innocent Preservatives of Health. Nay he went somewhat farther, and was of Socrates and Aristippus's Opinion, that the Exercise of the Limbs was not unserviceable to Virtue it self. Before his Constitution was weaken'd with Fatiguing and constant Business, he used Hunting, and would frequently ride singly at the biggest Wild Boars, and attack them with great Dexterity and Courage. [19] But his Passion for Philosophy, got the Ascendant, and made him cool in other Diversions. This Passion seiz'd him so strongly in his very infancy, that when he was but twelve Years Old, he put on the Habit of the Stoick Philosophers, [20] practis'd their Austerities, and lay upon the Ground with nothing but his Cloak under him. And his Mother had all the Difficulty imaginable, to persuade him to lie upon a boarded Bed, tho' it had nothing but a few Skins thrown over it. Nature seem'd to have made him on purpose to restore and encourage that Philosophy, which had always been most firm to the Interest of Virtue, For even in his Childhood the Equality and Gravity of his Temper was such, that neither Pleasure nor Uneasiness could ever make him so much as change Countenance. [21] But then this Gravity having no mixture of Moroseness, was not at all troublesome to his Friends, nor to those who had Business with him : To do him Justice; his good Qualities ne'er run out into Excess ; his Prudence in Conversation was without Pride, and his Complaisance without Meanness.
Adrian having lost Ceionius Commodus, [22] whom he had Adopted for the Empire, and being in quest of one to supply his Place, Marcus Aurelius came into his Mind, but finding him too Young, for then he was scarcely Eighteen, the Emperour adopted Antoninus Pius, but with this Proviso, that he should adopt Marcus Aurelius, and L. Verus, Son of Commodus lately deceas'd. And thus Marcus Aurelius was Adopted at Eighteen Years old. [23] The Night before this Honour, he dream'd his Hands and Shoulders were made of Ivory ; and upon trial whether they would bear any great Burthen, he found them much stronger than formerly.
The News of his being Adopted did but disturb him; And when his Domesticks ask'd him how he could receive an Honour of that Bulk, with such an Air of Dissatisfaction ; He made them a long Discourse concerning the Misfortunes, which perpetually attend a Royal Station.
Some few Days after his Adoption, Adrian went into the Senate, [24] and moved that his want of Age for the Office of Questor might be dispenc'd with; This was the last Favour he received of this Emperour, who died soon after Baiæ. Marcus Aurelius made him a Magnificent Funeral; And brought the Gladiators into the Amphitheaters to Fight in honour of the Deceas'd.
After Adrian's Death, Antoninus Pius broke the Contract which Marcus Aurelius in Obedience to the late Emperour, had made with the Daughter of Lucius Commodus, and offer'd him his own Daughter Faustina, precontracted to Verus ; But Verus being too young to be married, the Emperour made Choice of Marcus Aurelius, whom after his having been Questor he preferred to the Consulship, tho' the Laws were somewhat strain'd in his Favour : He likewise gave him the Title of Cæsar, [25] made him Colonel of one of the six Companies of Knights, and was present at the Shews furnish'd out by Marcus and his Fellow-Officers. He forc'd all the Honourable Distinctions of a Prince upon him, and by an Order of the Senate had him admitted into the College of the High-Priests.
Marcus Aurelius being constrain'd in his Genius, and rather burthen'd than pleas'd with his Promotion; was oblig'd to be constantly at the Council Board, to qualify himself for the Functions of Government, but all this forcing did but increase his Inclination for Philosophy, in which he spent all the time he could spare out of Publick Business : This Passion of his for the study of Wisdom, was not a little promoted by the Emperour Antoninus Pius : Who besides the engaging him farther by his own Example, sent for the Famous Apollonius of Chalcis from Athens ; now the Conversation of this Stoick Philosopher was not unserviceable to the young Prince. And here I can't omit the relating a Passage, the oddness of which will help us to understand the Temper both of the Philosopher, and the Emperour. As soon as Appollonius was arriv'd at Rome, Antoninus Pius sent him Word, That he might come to Court as soon as he pleas'd, and his Scholar should be put into his Hands. [26] To this Message the Philosopher reply'd; That 'twas the Scholar's Business to wait upon his Master, and not the Masters to run after the Scholar. This Answer being carried to the Emperour, he only smil'd at it, and said, That Appollonius, he perceiv'd found less trouble in his Journey from Athens to Rome, than in walking from his Inn to the Palace ; This was all the Notice he took of Appollonius's Freak, and sent Marcus Aurelius to his Lodgings.
About this time the young Prince lost his Governour. The Death of this Person touched him so sensibly, that he forgot his usual Fortitude, and shed Tears upon the Occasion. And when some of the Court rallied upon him, as if he had given way to an Inconsistency, the Emperour replied, Pray give him leave to be a Man, Nature will have its Course in some measure ; in spight both of Empire, and Philosophy.
He married Faustina two Years after his second Consulship, [27] This Princess was an extraordinary Beauty, but of too airy a Temper to be any great Blessing to her Husband ; she was for living by her Mothers Example, and getting Beaux to admire her Person : As for the Charms of Marcus Aurelius, she understood nothing of them, nor had any Relish for so much Wisdom and Regularity. He had a Daughter by her the first Year after he was married, at which time he had also the Tribunician and Proconsular Authority, which were commonly the sole Prerogatives of the Imperial Crown.
To this Dignity and Grandeur, the Senate added another extraordinary Privilege, first invented for Augustus, but much enlarged in the succeeding Reigns : By the Roman Law no Act could pass in the Senate unless the Consul, who was the Principial Member, brought in the Bill: [28] For 'twas his Prerogative to make the first Proposal of the Matter. The Consuls relinquish'd this Right in favour of Augustus, and by a formal Act empower'd him to make his Report, as they call'd it, every Day in the Senate; that is to Move, or propose the passing what he had a mind to, every Day of their Sitting.
But when People have once begun to Flatter, and Complement away their Privileges, 'tis a difficult Point to make a Halt, and keep within Bounds. Thus this Privilege granted to Augustus of Moving for a new Act once a Day, was afterwards improv'd to succeeding Emperours, and mounted to the Liberty of bringing in three, four or five distinct Bills in the same compass of Time ; and Marcus Aurelius had it in the last, and largest Extent. Now this Prerogative carried such a vast weight of Power along with it; that 'twas enough of it self to make all the Sessions of the Senate insignificant.
But as it happen'd this Authority was lodg'd in the best Hands imaginable. [29] For all the use Marcus Aurelius made of it was only to maintain the Liberties, and promote the Happiness of the People.
Farther ; He never abus'd the Interest he had with the Emperour, who prefer'd none but those of his Recommendation ; for he was always very careful never to mention any but such as were well qualified for their respective Employments. And here we may observe that his Submissions to the Emperour always kept pace with the Growth of his own Authority ; For he constantly paid his Imperial Majesty the same Regard as if himself had been no more than a private Person : Indeed his Affection to the Emperour seem'd daily to encrease upon him : For during his three and twenty Years at Court he never left him, nor so much as lay abroad above two Nights.
This close Attendance, together with all the Marks of Tenderness and Regard, made so strong an Impression upon Antoninus Pius, that he would never listen to the Suggestions of those who endeavour'd to create a Jealousy against Marcus Aurelius, and put him upon suspecting the Reality of his Affection. One day when he was walking in the Garden with one of his Courtiers, and feeing Lucilla Marcus Aurelius's Mother on her Knees in a private Place before Apollo's Statue ; the Gentleman whispers him in the Ear, what do you think, Sir says he, that Lady is so earnest in her Devotions for ; she's begging Apollo, that your Majesty may trip off, and that her Son may govern in your Place. This Sentence, which had they had a Tyrant to deal with, might have been fatal both to Mother and Son, was disregarded by the Emperour, who was too well assur'd of the Good-faith and Probity of Marcus Aurelius, to believe any Report to his Disadvantage. The good Understanding between these two Princes, continued without the least coolness till the Death of Antoninus ; who falling sick at Lorium, and perceiving himself past hopes of Recovery ; order'd his Captains of the Guards, Principal Officers, and those he could confide in, to be brought into his Bed-chamber, [30] And before this Company he confirm'd the Adoption of Marcus Aurelius, naming him for his sole Successor, without any mention of Verus : And the Commander in Chief coming to receive Orders, he gave him Equanimity for the Word; letting them understand, that by leaving such a Successor, they had all they could reasonably wish for. Immediately after this, he order'd the Golden Fortune to be carried into Marcus Aurelius's Apartment : Now this Statue was look'd on as an Omen of good Luck, and a kind of Publick Security, and was always kept in the Emperour's Bed-chamber.
After the Death of this Prince the Senate prevail'd with Marcus Aurelius to take the Government upon him. [31] And here the first Act of his Imperial Authority was to grant it to an Assistant; for he made Lucius Verus his Partner, gave him the Tribunician Power, the Title of Emperour, and an equal share with himself in the Administration. [32] This was the first time Rome was ever govern'd by two Soveraigns. A sight extraordinary enough in any place, especially in a Town where the Choice of a single Prince, had often occasion'd so much Confusion and Blood-shed.
The same day Marcus Aurelius took the Name of Antoninus, and gave it to his Colleague Verus, to whom he contracted his Daughter Lucilla. [33] And as a mark of their Satisfastion in this Alliance and the good Correspondence between them; they setled a considerable Fund for the support of those who were lately Naturaliz'd, and at that time very numerous. The two Emperours upon their going out of the Senate-House, had the Guards drawn up before them, to whom they gave a Largess or Bounty of five hundred Crowns a Man, and proportionably to the Officers. This being done they proceeded to the Funeral Solemnity of their Father the late Emperour, whose Corps they carried to Adrian's Tomb, and lodg'd it there: They likewise proclaim'd a Vacation out of respect to the Mourning; and then according to Custom went on to the Deifying-Ceremony; which was perform'd in the manner following. [34]
In the Palace Porch, there was an Ivory Bed of State, made higher than ordinary, with a Counter-pane of Gold Tissue, and upon this they laid the Effigies of the deceased Prince in Wax-work: On the left hand of this Bed, the Senators or Nobility sat all in Black. The Ladies of the first Quality were placed on the right hand; they appear'd in a plain white Habit, without any thing of Jewels, or Dressing. This part of the Ceremony lasted a Week, during which the Physicians paid their Attendance, treated the Effigies like a Patient, and always at their going away pretended the Disease gain'd Ground, and that the Symptoms grew Mortal. At last when the Emperour's Death was publish'd, a certain number of young Noblemen and Gentlemen of the best Quality, took up the Bed and carried it upon their Shoulders through a Street call'd the Via Sacra, into the Old Forum or Square, where the Magistracy used to resign their Respective Employments. Two sides of this Square were Scaffolded: Upon one of which there was a Choir of Youths, and on the other, one of young Ladies, and both Sexes of the best Quality: Their Business was to sing Hymns, and Funeral Poems in Honour of the dead, and that in the most Solemn, Affecting manner imaginable. These Dirges being over, the Nobility and Gentry above-mentioned, took up the Bed of State and carry'd it out of the City into the Campus Martius, in the middle of which Field there was upon this occasion a little wooden Pyramid built several Stories high. The first Story was made like a little square Chamber, fill'd with all sort of combustible Matter, and ornamented on the out side with pieces of Gold Tissue, Ivory Statues, and Paintings of the best kind: The second Story being of the same Figure with the first, but a little less, was embellish'd in the same manner, only with the difference of being open on the four sides of the Square. Above this there was several other Stories which lessen'd by degrees, till the last grew narrow to a Point. The Bed, and Effigies in Wax was placed in the second Story stuffed with Perfumes of all sorts, as Gums, Flowers, and Odoriferous Plants, the People both in City and Country striving to out-do each Other in this last Respect to their Prince. This being done the Gentry march'd on Horseback round the Pyramid in good order; adjusting the Motions of their March to the Tune of several Military Instruments which plaid to them; This sort of Tournament was followed by Chariot-Racing managed by young People in Habits edg'd with Purple, and disguis'd in Visors, which represented the Persons of the most celebrated Generals, and Emperours of Roman Extraction.
This Cavalcade and Racing being over, those who were to succeed to the Empire came up to the Funeral Pile, and set fire to it with Flambeaux; the Consuls, Nobility, and Gentry doing the same afterwards in their Order. And thus all being presently in a Flame, there was an Eagle privately let loose from the top of the Pyramid; which immediately towring out of sight, was supposed to carry the Emperour's Soul into Heaven; who from this time was reputed a God, and worship'd accordingly.
[35] After this Ceremony the two Emperours made each of them a Funeral Oration in Commendation of their Father, chose him a high Priest out of his own Family; set up a Fraternity of Priests call'd Aurelians in Honour of him, and concluded the Solemnity with playing of Prizes, or Combats between the Gladiators.
The Deifying of his Father was no sooner over, but Antoninus was crouded with Addresses from the Heathen Priests, the Philosophers, and Governours of Provinces, desiring they might have the Liberty to revive the Persecution against the Christians, who had been sheltred from their Malice during the Reigns of Adrian and Antoninus Pius. The Emperour who was no less an Enemy to Rigour than either of these Princes, and being inclinable besides to govern by their Maxims, would by no means hearken to this unreasonable Request: And to protect the Christians from Violence in the remoter Provinces, he wrote to the Convention of Asia, then sitting at Ephesus, this admirable Letter secured us by Eusebius.
I'm well satisfied that the Practices of the Christians are not conniv'd at by the Immortal Gods, and that they'l take care to punish those that refuse to worship them much deeper than you can. As for the Persecutions you raise against these People upon the score of Religion, it does but fortify them the more in their Perswasion, And since they believe they lose their Lives for their God, you may imagine they'l rather wish for Death, and reckon it an Advantage. And thus they get the better of you upon the Experiment, chusing rather to dye, than submit to your Orders. As to the Calamity of the late Earthquakes, I think it not amiss to put you in mind to compart your own behaviour with theirs under such Misfortunes as these. Now their Reliance upon their God rises always in Proportion to their Danger ; whereas your Courage presently sinks upon such an occasion : Indeed you seem to behave your selves ignorantly during the whole course of the Affliction ; for you not only neglect the rest of the Gods, and over-look that Immortal Being worship'd by the Christians, but banish and persecute those People to Death who serve and adore him. Several Governours of Provinces have formerly written about this Business to the late Emperour our Father of Divine Memory : The Answer they receiv'd was, that they should give that Perswasion no trouble, unless they found them practising against the State. Now I being willing to follow my Father's Measures, and being solicited by several Informations about this matter, my Instructions were to the same purpose. And therefore if any one for the future shall Prosecute a Christian meerly upon the Account of his Religion, the Christian shall be discharg'd, and the Prosecutor punish'd. This Letter was publish'd in the Temple when the Convenvention, or Common Council of Asia was sitting.
This Order was obey'd, and the Empire seem'd to be all over settled in Peace and Prosperity. Indeed the beginning of this Reign was so happy and undisturb'd, that one would almost have thought the very Soul and Reason of Antoninus Pius had been Transfus'd into his Successors : Which was the more to be wonder'd at, since in reality there was nothing more different than the Temper and Inclination of these two Princes.
Marcus Antoninus was settled and certain in his Humour, unpretendingly Grave, and not without a Mixture of Affability and Complaisance : He was both Merciful and Just, and no less Indulgent to others than Rigorous to himself; Deaf to the Charms of Vanity, immovable in his Enterprizes, and Resolutions, which were never fix'd and taken up without Mature Deliberation; being never swayed by Passion and Freak : He hated busy Informers, was Religious without Affectation, untransported and free from Eagerness upon all occasion; always under an Equality of Temper, always Master of himself, and resign'd to the Reason of the Case; a perfect stranger to Disguise and Dissimulation, and always upon his Guard against the Excesses of Self-love; never uneasy nor impatient, very inclinable to pardon the greatest Crimes against himself; but not to be prevail'd on where Reasons of State and Publick Interest required Severity. His Laws had a Regard to the common Advantage of all Ranks and Nations under his Government ; neither could any Prince be more tender of the Property and Privileges of the Subject. The Good of the Commonwealth was always his Rule to act by, from which he was never diverted by any Private Fancy, Interest, or Ambition of his own. To conclude, since his Designs were only to oblige Mankind, and Resign to Providence he never strain'd his Politicks to the Prejudice of his Morals, but always kept within the compass of Justice and Truth.
Lucius Verus had none of these good Qualities ; his Inclinations were eager, unballasted, and lewd ; 'tis true, he could not be tax'd with the Savage Fancies and Barbarities of some Tyrants, and that was the best of him. But this Contrariety of Temper did not appear in the first Years of their Reign. The irresistable Merits of Antoninus made some Impression upon his Brother, insomuch that the Motives either of Shame. or Gratitude, gave check to his Humour, and kept him in Order, while they liv'd together. Nay he pretended to Copy after this Prince, and imitate the Prudence of his Conduct : To give him his due, he manag'd himself in every respect as if Marcus Antoninus had been sole Emperour. For Verus treated him with the same Respect, or if you please with the same Submission which a Deputy-Governour gives to a Proconsul, or a Governour of a Province to the Emperour himself. But 'tis a difficult matter to keep Vice under any long Restraint. This force served only to heighten Desire, and therefore Verus took care not to lose the first Opportunity of throwing off the Disguise, and shewing himself in his Natural Colours.
Commodus was born at the latter end of this first Year of Antoninus's Reign. The Birth of this Prince, who proved a scandal to Human Nature, was usher'd in with all the terrible Calamities imaginable. [36] The over-flowing of the Tyber led the way : The Inundation of this River was so violent, that it over-turn'd a great part of Rome, swept away abundance of Cattel, ruin'd the country round about, and occasion'd an extraordinary Famine, [37] The two Emperours stept in immediately to the Relief of the People, supplied the Necessities of those who had suffer'd, and repaired the Damages with all the speed that was possible. After this Inundation there happen'd Earthquakes, great Fires in several Cities, and an universal Infection of the Air, which produced such an infinite number of Infects on the suddain ; that what little Forage the Floods had left was destroy'd by this Plague : And at the same time the whole World seem'd to be up in Arms, and the Miseries of War were just breaking in from every Quarter. The Parthians headed by their King Vologeses, surpriz'd the Roman Troops in Armenia; and cut them in Pieces; from thence they marched into Syria, and forced the Governour Attillius Cornelianus to quit the Country : The Catti ravaged Germany, and the Country of the Grifons with Fire and Sword; and the Brittains were just upon the Verge of an Insurrection.
Calpurnius Agricola was dispatched against the Revolt in Great Brittain, Aufidius Victorinus against the Catti, and the Partian Expedition was reserv'd for Verus, who left the Town some few Days after. [38]
Marcus Antoninus being by the posture of Affairs, oblig'd to stay at Rome, went with Verus as far as Capua, treated him with all the Regard imaginable, and gave him several of his Favorites, and Principal Officers to attend him; which was done possibly to observe the Motions, and secure the Conduct of this Prince, or it may be 'twas only to raise his Figure, and make his Court appear more Magnificent; or lastly, which seems more probable, it might be design'd as a Check upon his Extravagance ; and to keep him from flying out by the Authority of the Company. But all these Precautions signify'd nothing. For Verus, who was now quite tired with Dissembling, was not at all over-aw'd by the grave Retinue which Antoninus had given him. As soon as this Emperour was out of sight, Verus was resolv'd to knock off the Shackles, for now he had neither Fear, nor Fancy to continue Restrain'd any longer : Now he suffer'd his Inclinations to strike out ; forgot the Defeat of the Roman Legions, took no notice that Syria was ready to Revolt, but lanch'd into Vice immediately, and went all the Lengths of an Infamous Liberty; carrying his Debauchery to such an Excess, that it threw him into a dangerous fit of Sickness at Canusium. This News being brought to Rome, Antoninus, tho' just come thither, set forward to visit him. But before he began his Journey, he made Vows for his Brother's Recovery in a full House of the Senate; which upon his Return he very Religiously performed, after he understood that Verus was Embark'd.
This young Prince's Wildness recovered with his Health, and his Sickness prov'd no sufficient Discipline to Reform him. He pursued his Debaucheries in his Voyage; and upon his Arrival in Syria, he made a halt at Daphne, part of the Suburbs of Antioch, and here he perfectly forgot himself to all the purposes of Virtue, and Sobriety. This Place, by reason of the Temperature of the Climate, the Deliciousness of the Gardens, Fountains, and Groves, invited the Men of Pleasure thither, and was grown the very Seat, and Sink of Debauchery: Insomuch that People of Virtue and Reputation, were almost asham'd to be seen there. Verus encreas'd the Scandal of this Daphne by such Improvements in Lewdness, as were meer Discoveries to the Inhabitants, tho' otherwise the greatest Libertines on the Face of the Earth.
In the mean time this Emperour's Generals fought the Parthians with great Success. [39] Statius Priscus took Artaxata : Cassius and Martius Verus routed Vologeses, made themselves Masters of Seleucia, sack'd and burnt Babylon, and Ctesiphon, and pull'd down the Noble Palace of the Parthian Kings. These Victorious Troops which had done such brave Exploits, and beaten an Army of five hundred thousand Men, had a worse Enemy to encounter at their Return, [40] and were half of them destroy'd by Sickness, and Famine. This Mortality lay so hard upon Cassis's Army, that by that time he had reached Syria he was able to muster but a very few. However, these Misfortunes made no Impression upon Verus's Vanity, who immediately took the Title of Conquerour of Armenia and Parthia; as if he had fairly won all this Honour by keeping out of the Field, and Debauching at a distance.
Marcus Antoninus, who pretended to know nothing of these Sallies, was of Opinion that Marriage was the most likely Expedient to Retrieve him : His Daughter therefore Lucilla contracted to Verus, and one of the most Beautiful Ladies living, was immediately put into the Hands of Antoninus's Sister, in order to embark for Syria, the Emperour seeing them on their way, as far as Brundusium. 'Tis said he once design'd to go along with her to Verus, but chang'd his Resolution upon a Report being spread, [41] that the meaning of this Progress into Syria was only to get the Honour for himself, of putting an end to the Parthian War. He staid at Brundusium till the Princess was embark'd, and wrote to the Proconsuls, and Governours of Provinces, not to meet, nor attend her upon her Journey, telling them that the usual Cavalcades, and Solemnities upon such Occasions, serv'd only to crowd the People to Death.
[42] Verus, who expected Marcus Antoninus would come through, and make him a Visit, and being afraid he should hear of his Disorders, left Daphne, and went to meet his Brother Emperour at Ephesus, from whence he departed some few Days after the Solemnity of his Marriage, and return'd to Antioch with his Empress ; and here this great Lady soon learn'd to imitate the Liberties of Verus, and was too conformable to the Example her Mother Faustina had set her.
Verus having made a King of Armenia, and gain'd an entire Conquest over the Parthians, [43] return'd to Rome, and had his share in the Honour of a Triumph, with Marcus Antoninus. His Return was likely to have been very Calamitous to the whole Empire, for he brought the Plague along with him, and left it in all the Places he marched through. The cause of this Pestilence was suppos'd to proceed from the following Accident. Upon the taking of Babylon, the Soldiers breaking in to Apollo's Temple to plunder it, found a little Golden Cabinet under Ground, which was no sooner open'd, but such a strong Dose of Infection flew out on't, that it poison'd the Air to a vast Extent, and carried the Mortality from Mesopotamia, as far as Gaul. But this Conjecture apart, 'tis more probable the Plague was bred by the Famine and Diseases in Cassius's Army, at his Return from the Defeat of the Parthians.
About this time the Germans revolted, made an Irruption into Italy, and put the Country under Military Execution. [44]
Pertinax [45] a Man of known Bravery, tho' by the ill Offices of some Envious People his Fidelity being suspected, neither his own Merit nor the Interest of his Friends, could ever prefer him any higher than to the Command of some Auxiliaries; this Person, notwithstanding the Opposition of the Courtiers, was pitch'd on with his Friend Claudius Pompeianus [46] to make head against this terrible Invasion, which threatned as far as Rome it self. Antoninus made them both his Generals, and was resolv'd they should share with him in the Honour of this Expedition. Pertinax being highly sensible of the Favour of this Trust, took care that the Emperour should have no Cause to repent it; and gave no less Proof of his Honesty than of his Experience, and Courage. In short, the Romans charg'd the Enemy briskly, who receiv'd them in good Order, and fought with great Resolution. The Fight was obstinate, and held a great while, but at last the Germans were cut in pieces; and which is remarkable, they found a great many Women in Armour amongst the Dead, who fell fighting by the sides of their Husbands, and Children.
Thus a great Victory was gain'd, and the Roman Army had behav'd themselves exceedingly well; [47] However, the Emperour was not to be prevail'd on by any unreasonable Demands; and therefore when the Soldiers petition'd him to raise their Pay, he refused them with this Answer; "That to give them Mony extraordinary for the Success of the Battel, was in effect to Tax the Corps of their Parents and Relations, and to set an Excise upon their Blood, for which he was answerable to God Almighty, the only Person to whom Princes were accountable." Indeed, let the Difficulty of the Juncture be what it would, he was always Master of so much Fortitude, and Prudence, as never to be over-ruled beyond Justice, either out of Fear, or easyness of Temper.
Upon this Success he was proclaim'd Emperour the fifth time, the Victories of Verus, having given him the same Title four times before. [48] The Night before the Battel, a Spy being taken in the Camp, was brought to his Tent. And the Emperour having a mind to examine him, the Man told him; I am so very Cold that I can't speak, therefore if you would know any thing of me, you must first order me some Cloaths to my back, if you have any. The Emperour was not at all displeas'd with his Bluntness, but gave him what he ask'd for, and so let him go.
[49] And here we must not forget the Exploit of a private Soldier, who standing Centinel one Night on the bank of the Danube, and hearing the Voice of some of his fellow Soldiers, whom the Enemy had taken by surprize on the other side, he immediately swam the River in his Armour, disengag'd his Comerades, and brought them off with him into the Camp the same way.
The Year following there broke out a much more dangerous War than that which they had finish'd. The Marcomanni, [50] and the Quadi, a very warlike People raised a great Army, at which the Romans were extreamly dispirited, being in a very ill Condition to resist so powerful an Enemy, at a time when the Plague raged violently both in Town and Country, and swept away vast Multitudes into their Graves. The Emperour was the only Person not in Despair, his Confidence lay in the Protection of Heaven, for which he endeavour'd to qualify himself in the first Place, by the offering of Sacrifices : He made a Procession round about the Town, and the Statues of the Gods being laid upon Couches, [51] a great Entertainment was serv'd up to them in their Temples ; and for fear any acceptable part of Worship should be omitted, all foreign Religions were taken in, and Priests sent for from almost every Quarter: And which is still more strange, he restor'd the Solemnities of Isis, which had been Prohibited ever since the time of Augustus ; and made no scruple to worship that Goddess, whose Temple had been pull'd down in the Reign of Tiberius, the Decorations burnt, her Statue thrown into the Tiber, and her Priests knockt on the Head. There was so much Cattel sacrificed upon this Occasion, that some satyrical People, whose Tongues are never to be tyed, made a jest on't; and said that if the Emperour should have the good luck to return Conquerour, he would scarcely be able to find a piece of Beef for the Gods in the whole Empire.
Thus when the Religious part was finish'd, he set forward against the Enemy, [52] and took Verus along with him; [53] who would gladly have been left at Rome to have carried on his Debauchery, but this Antoninus was willing to prevent. The two Emperours therefore marched directly for Aquileia; and immediately after their Arrival, made up to the Marcomans, who lay entrench'd not far off; And here they forc'd their Camp, and routed them with a great Slaughter. [54] In this Fight Furius Victorinus, Captain of the Guards, with some of the best Troops, was cut off. However, this did not discourage the two Emperours from pushing their Point, and going on with their Advantage; In short, they press'd the Enemy so hard, that at last their Army grew Mutinous : Upon which the greatest part of their Confederates drew off their Forces, kill'd those who advised the Revolt, and sent to beg Peace of the Romans. Verus being satisfied with their Submissions, and fond of the Liberties of the Town, [55] was earnest with Antoninus to grant them their Request, and march home. What greater Advantage, says he, can your Majesty hope for than this offer ? Have you a mind to force your Enemies upon some desperate Attempt, and shew them the Weakness of the Empire whether they will or no? Let us rather manage their Ignorance, and make the most of their Consternation, and give them leave, while they are dispos'd to't, to think more of a Retreat, than a Revenge. To this Antoninus answer'd, That there was no trusting to these Barbarians, that their pretence of Submission was only to gain time; and keep the Storm from falling upon them: That 'twas the Interest of the Empire to make Advantage of the Misunderstandings, and Disorders amongst them, and not give them leisure to agree, and rally all their Forces upon the Romans, when probably we shall be still in a worse Condition to receive them; and having thus delivered his Opinion, he immediately order'd his Troops to march.
[56] The two Emperours pass'd the Alps, pursued the Enemy, and defeating them several times, dispers'd them entirely at last, and return'd without any Considerable Loss, Winter being now pretty forward, they resolv'd to go into Quarters at Aquileia ; but the [57] Plague forc'd them to alter their Measures, and go off with a few of their Troops. [58] Upon their March, Verus was seized with an Apoplectick Fit near Altinum, whither he was carried, and where he died soon after ; his Body was convey'd to Rome by Antoninus, who shew'd him the same Funeral Respect which had been paid to the Emperour his Father ; and ne're scrupled to make a God of him. [59]
I grant we have reason to believe that Antoninus was well enough satisfied with his Death ; such a Supposition is no less than what may be expected from the Prudence and Gravity of this Prince, and from the tender Regard he had for the welfare of his People. But that, as a certain Historian adds, [60] He should publickly own his Satisfaction in a Speech of Thanks to the Senate, this is altogether incredible. However, that Author will have it, that the Emperour hinted to the House, that the Parthian War had never been so happily ended, had it not been manag'd by his Direction and Advice ; and then declar'd, That having now the Soveraignty wholly in his own Hands ; and no longer embarrass'd with a debauch'd Assistant, he would alter his Measures, and begin a new Reign. Now Antoninus was too Modest, and too Wise to talk at this rate; such Discourse was neither suitable to his own Maxims, [61] nor to the Character he gives of Verus in his first Book, nor in fine to the purport of his Speech, the design of which was to thank them for ordering the Apotheosis of Verus. His Enemies no doubt set this Report about, to give some Colour to another Calumny which they spread at the same time, that the Emperour having discover'd the Design of rus to poyson him, prevented him in his Plot, help'd him to a Dose, and practis'd his own foul Play upon him: Or as some said, prevail'd with his Physician to bleed him to Death. The suspicion of such a Practise being too gross to stick upon Antoninus, a great many People threw it upon Faustina; giving out that this Princess [62] had reveng'd her self by Poyson upon Verus, being enraged against him for betraying the scandalous Correspondence between them to his Empress Lucilla. But the most general Opinion was, that Lucilla was the Person that put him into this Mortal Fit; for not being able to endure the Passion Verus had for his own Sister Fabia, and being less concern'd at the Loss of her Husband's Affection; than at the haughty Behaviour of her Sister in law, who with an Insolence proportionable to her Lewdness, abus'd her Interest with her Brother, and treated the young Empress with Neglect: For this Reason Lucilla, chose rather to level her Revenge directly against Verus, than against her Rival, concluding from the proud Humour of Fabia; that to tumble her down in this manner from that Criminal height of Greatness, to which her Incest had raised her, would be the severest Punishment imaginable: For being thus reduced to a private Station; and having no Countenance of Royal Authority to support her, she would be no longer in any Condition, to dispute Quality with the Daughter, and Widow of an Emperour.
After the Deification was over, Antoninus being Apprehensive least the Town should be infected with a worse Mortality, than that they had lately felt, by the Lewdness of those Manumis'd Slaves, who had the Ascendant over Verus in Syria; and serv'd him in his Debaucheries; he resolv'd to remove them from the Court; And to do it in a manner that might least reflect upon his Brother's Memory, He sent them off with considerable Offices into distant Countries; and thus tho' they seem'd prefer'd, they were no better than decently Banish'd : In short, he kept none of them with him but Electus, of whom he had a much better Opinion than of the rest.
The Liberty, and Disorders of the War reviv'd the old Malice of the Heathens; who taking no notice of the Emperour's Orders, began to persecute the Christians in the remoter Provinces. St. Polycarp was the first that was sacrificed; the Flames of whose Martyrdom serv'd for a sort of Beacon to light up the Persecution in Gaul and Asia. 'Tis pretended that Antoninus had a Hand in't. For upon the Lord Deputy of Gaul's writing to the Emperour to know his Pleasure about some Christians in Custody, his Answer was, that he would have him execute those who confess'd, and discharge the rest. But here 'twas none of his intention to make the owning of Christianity Capital ; his meaning was only that those should suffer who could not clear themselves of the Crimes charg'd upon them. For the Governours of Provinces, and inferiour Magistracy, perceiving that the only way to oppress the Christians, was to asperse their Innocence, and surprize the Emperour by Misinformation; Upon this View, they used to load the Indictment, and make the pretended Criminal as black as possible ; the Particulars of which they took care to specify in their Packets to Court ; And to fortify the Evidence, transmitted the Depositions of some bribed, or frighted Slaves, who being set upon the Rack, confess'd what they had a mind to. And thus having gain'd a general Order by misrepresenting Matter of Fact, they explain'd it to their own Humour, and did what Mischief they pleas'd. And don't such Mismanagement as this sometimes happen under the best Emperours? Don't their Viceroys, Generals, and Magistrates often abuse their Power, and misbehave themselves in their Polls of Jurisdiction ? And would it not be unreasonable to charge the Violence, and Injustice of the Ministers, upon the misinterpreted, and misapply'd Orders of the Prince? He that considers the Circumstances of Time, and Place, together with the Temper of Antoninus, his Good Nature, his Justice and Resolution ; he that considers this can never believe that he would set a Persecution on Foot after having so long, and so Publickly declar'd against it ? that he should do it when he was sole Soveraign, and at a time too, when the Plague and the War, had almost dispeopled the Empire. How can this pretended Severity be reconciled with the Emperours Maxim, that those who miss the Truth, are mistaken against their Will, and deserve more to be pittied than hated: [63] To conclude ; we have one certain Argument more that Antoninus was no Persecutor ; because there were no Martyrdoms at Rome during his whole Reign and Residence; nor so much as one drop of Christian Blood shed within the Bills of Mortality.
Before the Year for Verus's Mourning was expired , [64] Antoninus married his Daughter again to Claudius Pompeianus; this Person was somewhat old, and no more than the Son of a Private Gentleman ; but then he had all the Recomending Qualities imaginable, and was fit to be prefer'd to the highest Posts of Trust and Honour : His Fidelity and Courage, his Probity and old Grave way of Living, his Experience, and his Reputation too, were all extraordinary. These Considerations made the Emperour chuse him before Noblemen of the best Quality and Figure; for Virtue, and Merit were the Things he most valued, and always prefer'd to Fortune and Birth. The young Empress and her Mother were not over-much pleas'd with this Match; but Antoninus having taken care that his Daughter should not suffer in her Privileges, nor sink in any part of her Quality, they both of them were satisfied at last. As for Faustina, she was of Opinion her Daughter had lost nothing, as long as she was continued in the Title, and State of an Empress : And Lucilia who had a mind to have her Liberty, and follow her Fancy, was somewhat pleas'd that she had taken rather a Valet, than a Husband.
Thus Antoninus having put his Daughter into good Hands, set forward to put an end to the War against the Marcomanni, who having now the Quadi, Sarmate, Vandales, and other Nations for their Confederates came on more Fierce and Formidable than before : The Wars against Hannibal, and the Cimbri, did not carry more Terror along with them : In some of the first Disputes, the Emperour had the worst on't : For probably 'twas in this War, that that Defeat was given to his Troops, which had likely to have cost him the Loss of Aquileia, which happen'd in the manner following.
Alexander, who pretended to Prophecy, and whose Life is written by Lucian; [65] had so great a Reputation at that time, that People look'd upon him as a kind of Deity : This Impostor had the Confidence to send the Emperour this Oracle in Verse.
Gurgitibus fluvii turentis ab imbribus Istri
Immississe duos Cybeles edico Ministros ;
Monte feras alitas ; tum quantum alit Indicus aer
Florum atq; Herbarum beneolentum; moxq; futura est,
Et Victoria, pax & amabilis, & Decus ingens.
Two Slaves of Cybel's, [66] with Arabian Sweets,
Let them be thrown info the Ister's Stream; This Water Sacrifice will rout the Foe,
And bless the Empire with a glorious Peace.
Antoninus comply'd with the Oracle either out of a Superstitious Principle, [67] or else to satisfy the Army, whose Spirits he believ'd would be raised by such an Expectation. The two Lions were accordingly thrown into the River, with a great Quantity of Sweet Herbs, Flowers, and Gums. These Lions had no sooner cross'd the River, but the Enemy knock'd them on the Head. Soon after the Battel began; and the Romans were so ill handled that they lost above twenty five thousand Men, and were pursued as far as Aquileia which had certainly been taken by the Barbarians had not the Emperour rallied his Troops and performed the part of a brave and experienced General. And now the Dishonour his Men had receiv'd, fir'd their Courage, and made them fight the better, insomuch that they routed the Enemy, and at last drove them out of Pannonia. [68]
While this War was depending, the Moors harass'd Spain ; and the Egyptian Heardsmen as they were call'd, being a sort of Banditti, run to Arms, and being headed by a Priest, and one Isidorus, a stout Fellow, [69] surpriz'd a Roman Garrison. The Stratagem was this. They disguis'd themselves in their Wives Cloaths, and pretended their Business was to pay the Governour of the Fort a Sum of Mony. This Officer being over Credulous; fell into the snare, and had his Throat cut, with the rest of the Garrison. [70] Thus flesh'd with Success the Rebels, sacrificed a Prisoner, and over his reeking Bowels, which they eat afterwards, swore themselves deeper into the Revolt, and that they would never desert their Party. Upon this, they encountred the Roman Troops, and defeating them several times, had made themselves Masters of Alexandria, if Antoninus had not ordered Cassius who commanded in Asia, to march against them. Cassius was too weak to attack these Barbarians, who were both very numerous, and very desperate, and led on by a Person of extraordinary Courage : However, he was lucky enough to make a Misunderstanding in their Camp, which Advantage he manag'd so well, that at last they were routed, and dispers'd.
[71] The Moors in Spain had no better Success than the Egyptians, for the Emperour's Generals cut off a great part of them, and clear'd the Country of the rest.
In the mean time Antoninus follow'd his blow against the Rebels in the North, and fatigued them to that degree, by gaining almost every Day considerable Advantages upon them ; that at last he made them come too, and submit to his own Terms ; and then returning to Rome he kept the Solemnity of the Decennalia, [72] and observ'd those Religious Ceremonies which were usual upon the occasion.
During the Peace, the Emperour employ'd himself in reforming the Laws, and correcting the Faults in the Administration. To give some Instances. First, To the end that those who were Free-born, might never be at a loss to prove their Privilege, he order'd every Citizen in Rome to go to the Treasury in Saturn's Temple, where the Publick Records were kept, and there give an Account of the number of his Children ; [73] and in the Provinces also he set up Offices to Register the Births in every Family.
[74] He very wisely Prohibited all Enquiries into the Circumstances and Condition of the Dead, after the Term of five Years. And that Malefactors might not be too long unpunish'd, nor the Subject suffer so much by the Interruption of the Holy Days ; he followed Augustus's Precedent, and lengthen'd the Law Term ; so that now the Courts sat two hundred and thirty Days in the Year : This Method had two good Consequences ; for thus Causes were dispatch'd with more Expedition, and a great many Temptations to Idleness, and Debauchery, remov'd out of the Peoples way.
He took particular care of the Concerns of Minors, and erected a new Court for that purpose ; the Judge of it was call'd Prætor Tutelaris, because he assign'd Guardians, and tried all the Causes depending between them and the "Infant". He likewise made a Supplemental Provision to the Law call'd Læx Lætoria ; which order'd a sort of Guardians [75] to Adult Minors only in Cases of Distraction or Debauchery, whereas all such Persons were now to be under that check without Exception.
He was so careful to prevent unlawful Marriages, and to keep People from running within the Prohibited Degrees, that he null'd a Marriage of many Years standing between a Woman of Quality, [76] and her Uncle, but at the same time declared the Children Legitimate. The Emperour's Rescript, or Order sent to this Lady by a Manumis'd Slave, is still extant ; It runs in the Name of Verus and Antoninus, and is very well worth the inserting.
The long time you have been married to your Uncle, [77] the Number of your Children, and your being dispos'd of by your Grandmother at an Age when you were not capable of understanding the Laws, and Customs of our Empire, are Considerations of Weight with us; all these Reasons concurring, prevail upon us to allow your Issue, by this Marriage of forty Years standing, the Quality, and Privileges of their Family, and to make them as much Legitimate, as if they had been born in lawful Wedlock.
[78] He moderated the Charge of Publick Solemnities, and Entertainments, and lessen'd the Number of the Roman Shews, that by this means he might hinder his Subjects from being over-fond of trifling Diversions, and prevent their Ruin by such unnecessary Expence, and which was often manag'd so unluckily, as to create Mortal Feuds between the best Families. He likewise regulated the Players Salary, and order'd it not to exceed such a Sum.
[79] He took great Care to keep the Streets, and High-ways in good Repair; He reform'd the Abuses at Auctions, and restrain'd the "Bankers" from taking unreasonable Interest. He very much mollified the Rigour of the Law by which Aliens who were either Legatees, or Heirs were oblig'd to pay the twentieth part of what fell to them, into the Exchequer; tho' this burthen had been in some Measure made lighter by the Emperour Trajan. He also provided that Children should inherit their Mothers Estates, who died Intestate. The Romans had a Law that those who were not Originally Italians, in case they stood for any Office at Rome, should be oblig'd to lay out a Third of what they were worth upon Land in Italy, that so they might look upon that, and the Town, as their own Country : Antoninus relax'd a little upon this Point, and bound them to no more than a Fourth.
He was particularly careful of the Honour, and Interest of the Senate. For he not only remitted a great many Causes to the House, which used to be tryed at the Council Board ; but also impower'd them to give Judgment without Appeal. He commonly reserv'd the Offices of Ædiles [80] and Tribunes, or Treasurers, for those Senators who were decay'd in their Fortunes, provided they were not grown poor by their Vice and Extravagance. 'Twas never his way to receive any Person into this Order, without the Consent of the whole House, nor then till he had strictly enquired into his Character. When any Nobleman was tried for his Life, he always took care to be fully informed of the Matter alledg'd against him, and never suffer'd any Commoner, tho' of the best Rank, to be concern'd in Causes of this Nature. [81] His Custom was to come to this Senate, or House of Lords, as often as his Affairs would give him leave, tho' he had nothing to move; And when he had any Business to "propose", he made no Difficulty to come up to Town, from the remoter Parts of Italy. The greatest part of the Curators [82] of Towns, were chosen by him out of the Senate; being perfectly of Augustus's Mind, that a Prince by raising the Character of the chief Magistrates; makes his own Figure shine out the better, and fortifies the Royal Authority, which neither can, nor ought to stand upon any other than a Just bottom.
His Regards for the Senate did not prevent his Favours coming down to the Inferiour Magistracy, nor indeed from reaching the Subject in general. [83] He never thought any Persons, let their Condition be never so mean, beneath his Concern; his care stoop'd even to the Gladiators, and Ropedancers; ordering the first to fight with Foins, or Buttons upon their Swords; and that the other should have Feather-beds, or Mats spread under them, to prevent the danger of a Fall; and from hence the Custom began of hanging Nets under the Rope a great while after.
[84] He made very severe Laws to secure the Privilege of burying Places, and to prevent the defacing of Tombs, and ments; he likewise order'd that the Poor should be buried at the Publick Charge: And how inclinable he was to pardon a Malefactor, we may learn from the following Instance; a Captain of a Troop of Banditti, who had a mind to be plundering of Rome, bethought himself of this Opportunity. He goes into Mars's Field in the Suburbs, climbs a wild Figtree there, and entertains the Mob with abundance of Prognostications, telling them withal that upon such a day when they saw him fall off the Tree, and turn himself into a Storke, the Sky would rain Fire, and lay the World in Ashes: The People, being generally given to Superstition, and over-credulous, swallow'd this Prophecy with a great deal of Belief, and Admiration; and in the mean time the Camerades of this Figure-slinger; made their Advantage of their Folly, and strolling from home. When the Day for this terrible Metamorphosis was come, the Knave drops off the Fig-tree, and in the Tumble, lets a Stork loose out of his Bosom with a good cleanly Conveyance, and then dives himself out of sight in the Crowd; The Mob were strangely amaz'd at this Miracle, and expecting a shower of Fire would come powdring down upon them, made a great hubbub, and confusion in the City. The Emperour being informed of this Adventure, had the pretended Prophet brought before him; and after having gotten the Truth out of him upon promise of Pardon, he was as good as his Word, tho' notwithstanding his Stoical Gravity, he could scarcely forbear laughing at the Fellows Roguery.
He made use of all sorts of Expedients to reform the Misbehaviour and Disorders among Women, and young People of Condition ; not knowing how much his own Family was concern'd in these Misfortunes. For he was still ignorant of the Liberties taken by his Empress Faustina ; as we may easily perceive by his Letters to her a little before her Death; And besides, we have reason to believe, that had he been acquainted with her Irregularities, he would rather have made use of proper Remedies, than conceal'd the Injury: Indeed we can't suppose him capable of so scandalous an Indulgence, especially since such Abuse of Families was severely punish'd in Private Persons by the Roman Laws. I grant a certain Historian is of another Opinion, who reports, that when the Emperour was advis'd by some of his Friends to be Divorced from Faustina upon the score of her ill Conduct, he made Answer, I must return her her Fortune then ; Now this jest of an Answer, has taken mightily, and gone a great way in Peoples Belief. [85]
I am not ignorant of the Risque a Man runs in opposing his Private Sentiment against Authority and common Belief. However since there is but one Historian who delivers this Passage, and even he none of the most considerable for Indifferency, Judgment, and Exactness, one may very well imagine that the Credit of this Sentence is not so much owing to its own Truth, as to the Negligence and Inadvertency of those that took it upon Trust. For granting the Empire was really Faustina's Portion; as we must suppose in Favour to the Historian, this Answer notwithstanding would have been improper, and unworthy the Character of Antoninus ; who scorn'd to hold the Empire of the World, by such a scandalous Tenure : [86] But then the Empire's being Faustina's Dower was so far from Matter of Fact, that it was really settled upon Antoninus before there was any Prospect of this Marriage : For when Adrian Adopted this Emperour, he oblig'd him to a Contrast with the Daughter of Lucius Commodus.
That Satyrical Stage-Jingle upon the Name of Tertullus, when the Emperour was at a Play, proves nothing; For Antoninus had no necessity of taking this Jest [87] to himself, there being enough besides to justify the Application.
The appearing in great Cities in a Coach, a Horse-litter, or on Horse-back, was already Prohibited by Adrian: This Law was reviv'd by Antoninus under express Penalties: For he could not endure a Circumstance peculiar to Triumph should grow cheap by common Usage; And that the Subject should take the Liberty of an Equipage, which even the Emperours declin'd unless upon extraordinary Occasions.
He was fully perswaded that the preferring unworthy Persons to the Magistracy, was one of the greatest Misfortunes that could happen to a Prince. And thus taking all possible Precaution to prevent such a Mischief from himself, he never made any Difficulty to deny an unreasonable Request: A Person of a very ill Reputation having beg'd an Office of him, he gave him this Answer; Purge your self first of those bad Reports that go of you: To this the Man presently replied, Sir, I know several Judges as great Rakes as my self. The Emperour took no notice of his Boldness, but made it his Business not to give any Occasion to such Reproaches for the future.
When he found any Person qualified to serve the Publick, he gave them their due Commendation ; and put them into such Ports as they were fit for ; upon such occasions he us'd to say, [88] That tho' a Prince could not make his Subjects what he had a mind to, yet 'twas in his Power to turn them to Account, by employing them in such Business as they understood. No sort of Consideration could make him overlook Merit, and Capacity in any Person. Nor did ever any Prince delight more in making the Fortune of his Friends. Some of them were rais'd by him to the highest Posts in the Government; And those who had pitch'd upon a Condition of Life which lay out of the way of Employment and Office; he took care to present them largely, and settle such Pensions upon them, as might make them amends for the Privacy of their Station ; and for their voluntary baulking themselves in their Interest, and Honour; But at the same time he always avoided the granting of Pensions to such as were perfectly Insignificant to the Commonwealth : Not forgetting the wise Maxim of his Father Antoninus Pius, who used to say, [89] That 'twas a shameful Piece of Injustice to let those People feed upon the Publick, who were too lazy to serve it. As for the Poor, they never applied to him in vain; And the relieving of them was so great a Pleasure to him; that he look'd upon it as one of the greatest Happinesses of his Life, never to have been unfurnish'd for this Purpose; [90] And returns Thanks to the Gods for this constant opportunity of doing Good.
[91] In the punishing Part his Method was to mitigate the Sentence, and go lower than the rigour of the Law. He was so exact in the Business of Justice, especially in Criminal Causes, that he reprimanded one of his Judges severely, for slubbering over a Tryal of some Persons of Fashion, and condemning them in a hurry: He made the Judge grant the Prisoners a new Tryal, and told him withal, [92] That the least thing which a Magistrate commission'd for Justice, could do, was to have patience to hear what People of Condition could say for themselves. Another Judge having misbehav'd himself in a Cause of great Concern; the Emperour instead of turning him out, made him lye by a little, and assign'd his Jurisdiction to a Brother of the same Bench. In short, he left no Expedient untryed to discourage People from doing amiss, and to engage them to their Duty. He rewarded their Merits, screen'd their Failings, and corrected their greater Faults, by such a Temper of Discipline, as carried more Advantage than Rigour along with it. As none of the Actions of Princes are without Force and Example, but do either a great deal of Good, or Mischief to their Subjects, so Antoninus's making Philosophy his Inclination, had likely to have been very prejudicial to the Romans: For now the Empire was almost over-run with pretending Sages, who to spunge upon their Prince; took the Habit, and Title of Philosphers, but left the good Qualities behind them; insomuch that they were not only burdensome to Private Families, but even to the State it self. The Emperour being sensible of this Disorder, put a stop to it. For now the Sham-Philosophers were thrown out of all Privilege and Favour granted to that Faculty, and none but Men of approv'd Virtue, Character, and Merit, taken into the College.
He us'd to say that an Emperour ought never to precipitate any Business, nor dispatch it, as it were En passant, and that Negligence in little Matters, is sometimes an occasion of great Mistakes. When a Cause was before him [93] he always used to give the Lawyers what time they desired in their Argument : For he look'd upon it as a very rash and unadvis'd Method, to limit a Hearing to so many Minutes, without knowing the Extent, or the Importance of the Matter to be alledg'd ; Especially since Patience is one part of Justice; And that 'tis much better to suffer the Long Robe to plead twenty things Foreign and wide of the Case, than hinder them from saying one that's Material, and to the Purpose. [94] He used the same Care and Exactness in smaller Causes, as in those of the greatest Concern, it being his Maxim that Justice ought to be uniform, and hold out to the whole length of her Administration, and that nothing relating to Right and Wrong was little. [95] And thus he would sometimes spend ten or twelve Days upon a Tryal, and keep the Council at the Board till Night ; neither would he ever leave the Senate, till the Consul had dismiss'd the House in this Customary Form, [96] My Lords, we have no more trouble to give you : And which made all this Patience and Application the more Remarkable, his Constitution was but weak, he could not bear the least Cold, nor venture himself with any more than a slender Meal, which he always eat at Night, and took nothing in the Daytime but a little Treacle to secure his Stomach. But none of these Disadvantages could make him indulge, or neglect any of those Publick Functions, which as he us'd to speak, the Character of a Prince, and Legislator, oblig'd him to.
[97] He could not endure Trifling, but counted it a great Crime to throw away the least Minute to no Purpose. That time, which in Compliance to Custom, he spent at the Publick Shews, was not altogether lost; for even then, 'twas always his Method either to Write, or Read. In his Voyages and Expeditions, and when he he was most embarrass'd with Business, he made the usual Intermissions for Sleep, and Recreation, turn to some very significant Account. These Intervals he generally employ'd in conversing with himself, in examining his Conduct, the State of his Mind, and the Quality and Condition of his Enterprises; 'Tis to this Vigilance, and Care of himself, that we are indebted for his Excellent Meditations. By the Date of his two first Books, we are inform'd that the one was written at Carnuntum, and the other in his Camp amongst the Quadi, when the Emperour was ingag'd in the most formidable War of his whole Reign. This great Frugality of Time produced several other Pieces which have fallen short in the Conveyance. The loss of his Commentaries, or the History of his Life, which he left for his Son's Instruction ; is that which is most to be lamented.
'Twas always his Opinion that the Credit and Security of the Government depended chiefly upon Good Measures ; For this Reason he would never undertake any thing in War, or Peace, without the Advice of his Privy Council ; and which is more, not without consulting those who had the best Reputation for Sense, whether Courtiers, Burghers, or Senators : And here he was so far from the Vanity of dragging the rest into his own Opinion, that he was always glad of a reason to follow the Board ; and used to say; [98] 'Tis much more accountable for me to resign to the Advice of such great Men who are all my Friends, than that so many Wise Heads should be over-ruled by my single Opinion. And to cure that common, but dangerous Mistake, which makes it uncreditable to yield up an Opinion, he has left us this significant Truth in one of his Meditations, That a Man that goes in to the Sentiment of another, is no less at his Liberty than if he had stuck close to his first Thought ; For 'tis purely his own Sense and Judgment that prevails with him to alter his Mind.
He counted it a great Crime to warp the least from Veracity and Good Faith; and to prevent being surpriz'd by the false Reasoning of those Politicians who pretend, that a Wise Prince is not to be tyed to his Engagements, when they diserve his Interest; that promises are only Things of Course, nothing but handsome Baits to catch the unwary ; to keep these Knavish Principles from getting within him ; He lays down this admirable Maxim, which all Princes are concerned to take notice of; Take especial care (says he) never to count any thing an Advantage that will force you, at one time or other, to break your Word. [99] As reasons of State directed ; He frequently chang'd the Governours of Provinces, taking those into his own Hands which had been managed by Proconsuls in behalf of the Senate and Commons, and giving them others govern'd by Deputies and Viceroys Commissionated by himself: And here according to Augustus's Rule, he gave the People such Provinces as he could most confide in, and receiv'd those of which he was less assur'd.
[100] He loved to be throughly informed of what People said of him, not to punish those who took too much Liberty, but to learn what was liked, or dislik'd in his Management; The use that he made of Publick Censure, or Commendation, being only to recover a false step, or go on in a Defensible Method, with better Assurance. And when his Administration, or private Conduct were blam'd without Reason, his Custom was to reply to the Charge either by Letter or Word of Mouth, not so much to justify himself, [101] as to undeceive those that spread the Report, and acquaint them with Matter of Fact.
He would never admit of those overgrown Ambitious Titles, which us'd to be given to other Princes, nor suffer any Temples or Altars to be built for him ; Being fully convinc'd, that the Flattery of the Subject signifies nothing in true Greatness, that 'tis the peculiar Privilege of Virtue, to raise up a Monarch to the Gods; and that a Prince remarkable for Justice ; has the whole World for his Temple, and all honed Men will be his Priests to worship him.
The Marcomanni, whose Submissions were only to deceive the Emperour, and make their Advantage by his drawing off, levyed Forces again, and Menaced higher than ever. This Enemy had now enlarg'd their Confederacy, and made themselves more formidable than before, by being reinforced with all the Nations from Illyricum to Gaul. [102] On the other side, the Roman Troops were very much lessen'd both by Plague, and Service, and the Exchequer quite exhausted by a long War, insomuch that the Emperour found himself in greater Difficulties than ever. The first part of this Misfortune was remedied by lifting the Gladiators, the Banditti of Dalmatia and Dardania, and the Slaves too, which was never done since the Second Punick War. And here 'tis very Remarkable to observe, that the Romans were very loath to lose their Diversions, to save their Skins : They were mighty warm to have their Fencers discharg'd: The Streets were crowded with Tumults, and they were perpetually bawling out such Sentences as this; [103] What? must we be condemn'd to Sense in spight of our Teeth? Are we all to he made Philosophers ; and must never see any Prizes, and fine Sights any more? The Emperour was not in the least shock'd with this Disturbance ; he was no stranger to the Temper of the People, he knew very well, that tho' they made a Man a Brute one Day, they'd make a God of him the next, provided he maintain'd his Ground, and stood firm to a reasonable Resolution. [104]
The main Difficulty of raising Mony was still behind; which by a Prince of Antoninus's Goodness was not so easily master'd: For he could not endure the Thought of laying any new Taxes upon the People. [105] The best and quickest Expedient for a Fund, which he could pitch on, was to follow the Precedent of Nerva and Trajan, and sell the Furniture of his Palaces. Now the Subject being not allow'd to have their Houses so richly Furnish'd, or be serv'd in Gold, or Silver Plate like the Emperour ; to promote the Sale therefore, Antoninus was forced to permit Persons of Quality to make their Figure and Equipage, as magnificent as they pleas'd. Upon this Liberty the Auction began; [106] and all the best of the Crown Jewels, Paintings, Cristals, Plate and Hangings, together with the Empress's Wardrobe, were set to Sale, and so were a vast number of rich Pearls in Adrian's Cabinet. Now the Romans who were too poor to carry on the War, to secure their Country, and assist a brave Prince, found Mony enough to buy his Furniture: This Auction lasted two Months, and rais'd such a vast Sum, that the Emperour was plentifully supply'd for the Charge of the Campaign. At his coming home he publish'd a Proclamation to let them know, it would be kindly taken if they would return the things at the Price paid for them, but forc'd no body to part with them against their Will.
[107] Before he took the Field he lost his youngest Son Verus Cæsar ; This Prince was but seven Years old, and died of an Impostumation in his Ear, the Physicians lancing the Tumour before 'twas Ripe. He bore this Loss like a Man of Fortitude, would not suffer Jupiter's Holy Days, which happen'd at that time, should be disturb'd by a Publick Mourning, spoke kindly to the Physicians, and paid them well for their Attendance ; and was satisfied in getting a Golden Statue voted for his Son, which he ordered to be carried about in a Pompous manner at the Circensian Diversions; and that the Salii [108] should make a Panegyrical Poem in honour of the Deceas'd: These Ceremonies being over, he reassum'd his Business, and took care of the Government, and having beg'd the Assistance of the Gods by Sacrificing, and Devotion, set forward against the Enemy.
This Expedition was much longer and more Troublesome than all the rest. The Emperour being come up to Carnuntum, which he made his Head Quarters, pass'd the Danube upon a Bridge of Boats, at the Head of his Troops, marched on to the Enemy, beat them in several Disputes, and burnt their Villages ; Upon which several great Lords of the Confederacy being amaz'd at the Progress of his Victories, came in, and submitted. One Day as he was searching in Person for the Ford of a River which stop'd his March, and was a sort of Fortification to the Barbarians ; the Enemy's Slingers on the other side the Water, discharg'd such a Volee of Stones upon him, that he had certainly been loft, if his Men had not immediately come up and cover'd him with their Shields. This surprize serv'd only to make the Army advance with greater Resolution ; so that passing the River in a Heat, they power'd in upon the Barbarians, and made a great Slaughter of them. After the Rout, the Emperour went to view the Field of Battel, not to boast of his Victory, nor entertain himself with a bloody Spectacle ; but to weep over the Wounds and Misfortune of the Dead ; and to preserve those who were not past help; and before he marched any farther he offer'd Sacrifices upon the Place.
[109]The Quadi concluding, and that reasonably enough, they should be pursued, lest some Companies of Archers, supported by a Body of Horse, to skirmish with the Enemy, and pretend to dispute the Ground : And here the Romans press'd on with more Courage than Caution, a fault not uncommon in those who have the better of the Day. They attack'd the Archers with great Vigour, who according to Orders gave way ; and counterfeiting a hasty Retreat, drew the Romans to a sort of Defile , and enclos'd them between a Ledge of steep and sandy Mountains. The Emperour's Men, not perceiving the Danger they were in; and thinking nothing too hard for their Bravery, fought very briskly at first, notwithstanding the Disadvantage of the Ground : The Enemy were not so eager to push the Point, but stood barely upon the Defensive, being unwilling to run a hazard for an Advantage, which a little Patience would put into their Hands. The Romans were at a loss to explain this Conduct, till the excessive Heat pent in between the Mountains, till their Wounds, their Weariness, and their Thirst, made them sensible of their Error. Then, when 'twas too late, they understood, that they could neither Retreat, nor Fight, that they must either be scorch'd, and parch'd to Death, or have their Throats cut by the Enemy. And now things were brought to that Extremity, that neither Anger, nor Despair could raise their Spirits: The Emperour who was much more concern'd for their Misfortune than his own, rid about the Army, and endeavour'd both by Perswasion and Sacrifice to reassure them, and retrieve their Courage : But they had no Faith in their Devotions, and neither Rhetorick, nor Religion, signified any thing. And now being harrass'd, and just spent by the Heat of the Weather, the Enemy prepar'd to attack them : So that expecting no manner of Relief either from their Courage, their Fortune, or their Gods, they look'd upon themselves as just ready to be Sacrificed : And now when there was nothing but Groans and Howling to be heard, and Things appeared in the most lamentable Condition imaginable, all on the suddain the Sky was over-cast, the Sun shrowded, and a prodigious Showr powr'd down upon their Camp. Thefe poor Wretches, who look'd more like Ghosts than Men, and had scarcely strength to stand on their Feet, were somewhat reviv'd at the sight of this unexpected Rain ; and imagining they should find more of it by marching farther, press'd forward, and at the same time held up their Mouths, their Head-pieces, and their Shields to catch the Water.
[110] The Romans were too busy in quenching their Thirst, to mind Discipline, and keep their Ranks ; And thus their Forces being in some Disorder, the Barbarians not willing to lose the Opportunity, charg'd them on all sides. The Romans fought and drank at the same time; And many of them swallow'd down their own Blood, which running from their Wounds, mix'd it self with the Water they had provided.
Notwithstanding this seasonable Relief their Case was very desperate, for still there was no hopes of holding out against the Force and Fury of the Enemy: when by another extraordinary Providence no less surprizing than the former, the same Clouds which refresh'd the Romans with Rain, discharg'd a storm of Hail, mix'd with Thunder, and Wildfire, in a terrible manner upon the Barbarians. And thus while the first quench'd their Thirst at their Leisure, the other were burnt, and almost roasted by a Fire which was past their Skill to Extinguish. Some Historians report, that when any of this Wildfire happen'd to light upon the Romans, it did them no disservice, whereas on the other hand, the Rain which fell amongst the Barbarians, was like Oyl thrown into a Furnace, and made the Flames rage the fiercer ; insomuch that they cried out for Water to cool the scalding of the Rain: Nay 'tis said many of them wounded themselves, to try if they could put out the Fire with their own Blood ; And that abundance of the rest came with their Wives and Children, and surrendred to the Romans, that they might have the Benefit of that miraculous Showr which was so favourable to them. Those who yeilded were treated with great Clemency by the Emperour ; But the Soldiers, who were more enraged at the Affront they had receiv'd than affected with the Danger they had escap'd, cut all in pieces that durst make any Resistance, routed the rest, and took a great many Prisoners.
[111] The Means and Occasion of this Deliverance are variously reported. Some said that one Arnuphis, an Egyptian Magician rais'd this Storm, at the Emperours Instance, by the Strength of his Enchantments. For who can imagine that amongst such a Number of Heathens over-grown with Folly and Superstition, there should not be a great many very forward to give away the Honour of the Miracle to their own Religion? But this Conjecture is easily confuted by Antoninus in his first Book, [112] where he tells us, that he was better Instructed than to be led away with the Impostures of Wizards, and Figure-flingers, who pretend they can Discharge Evil Spirits, and do strange Feats by Virtue of a Charm.
[113] Others who had a great Opinion of the Emperour's Virtue and Piety, which indeed were Extraordinary, imputed this wonderful Rescue to the Prevalency of his Prayers. To confirm this, 'tis said when the Day was juft upon the Point of being lost, the Emperour lifting up; his Hands, address'd himself to Heaven in this manner: O Lord the Author of Life, I humbly implore thy Assistance, and lift up those Hands to thee which were never stain'd with Human Blood.
The great Pains the Heathens took to carry off the Honour of this Miraculous Event, proves thus much at least, that we have no reason to question the Matter of Fact. However, if we wanted this Testimony, the Truth of the History may be proved by other Records of unquestionable Credit. Not fearing therefore the Censure of being over-credulous, or having a mind to support the Christian Religion by Fable and falshood: An Artifice of which our Holy Faith has no manner of need; Being satisfied I say of the Truth, I shall produce the Evidence: And here I desire to know with what fair pretence of Reason the Fact can be doubted when 'tis vouched by Authors, who lived at the same time : The Relation is this. The Captain of the Guards having acquainted the Emperour, that God never denied anything to the Christians, that he had a great Number of that Perswasion in the Melitene Legion, [114] a Town of Cappadocia, and that he thought it adviseable for his Majesty, to try if their Prayers could disengage him, since there was nothing to be expected from any other Quarter; upon this the Emperour ordered these Christians to be brought before him, and desired them to pray to their God for him : Which being done, their Prayers were immediately heard; and by the strange Distinction, and Pointing of the Storm, 'twas demonstrably apparent that they belong'd to the true God, who had the Winds and Thunder at command, and had often delivered his Servants by such an extraodinary Interposition.
Antoninus being too just to stifle the Miracle, wrote to the Senate in favour of the Christians, and order'd those should be punish'd with Death, that informed against them; A very clear Argument that he believ'd the late Deliverance was all of it owing to their Prayers. [115] Tertullian, and several other Writers, about the same time mention this Letter, and argue upon it; which they durst not have done had it not been well known, and unquestionably Authentick. For a Forgery of this kind, would only have serv'd to enflame the Persecution, and make their Cause so much the worse. But the preserving this Record would have been too great a blow to the Heathen Religion. This Spirit of Falshood and Imposture, was no doubt the occasion that this noble Testimony for Christianity was destroy'd. As to the Letter in Justin Martyrs Works under this Name, 'tis an apparent Counterfeit; nei- was there any true Copy Extant a great while before the time of Eusebius.
[116] Those Authors are likewise mistaken, who report this Legion of Melitene, was call'd the Thundring Legion, upon the score of the Miracle. For the Thundring Legion was raised by Augustus, and had that Name given it because of the Figure of a Thunderbolt upon the Soldier's Shields.
And now the Army [117] proclaimed Antoninus Emperour, the seventh time; this Honour he accepted this bout, tho' 'twas not his Custom to do so, till it had been first mov'd, and voted by the Senate : The Empress Faustina also had the Title given her, of Mother of the Militia. [118]
The very Night after this remarkable Day, the Emperour drew off from this dangerous Ground, and seizing a Post of Advantage intrench'd his Men. And here allowing the Army some Days for Refreshment, and having receiv'd certain Intelligence of the Motions, and Countenance of the Enemy, he held a Council of War, in which 'twas resolv'd to pursue them. This Design being executed, he found them encamp'd beyond a River, and their Camp Fortified and Flank'd with Villages on each side. His Troops passing the River in spight of the Resistance of the Slings and Archers, attacked the Barbarians briskly, who after having stood the first Shock, and lost their best Men, gave way and retreated. And here the Romans made a horrible Slaughter of them, the Field was all strew'd with Carcasses, and the greatest trouble the Emperour had was to check the Heat and Fury of his Soldiers, who as weary as they were, seem'd to Refresh themselves by cutting the Throats of the Enemy. There was a great Number of Prisoners taken, and Antoninus had some of their Kings brought in Chains to him, with their Wives and Children.
After this Victory the Emperour march'd his Army to the River Granua, [119] which parts the Quadi from the Jazygian Sarmatæ, the most warlike Nation of all the Barbarians ; Beyond this River there was another, and the Sarmatæ were encamp'd upon the Ground between them. The Thundring Legion being order'd to march first, made their way over a Bridge of Boats, and planted their Colours upon the Bank of the second River; and the Sarmatians that oppos'd them were almost all either drown'd, or kill'd : In the meantime the whole Army pass'd, and Antoninus after having first sacrificed, mark'd out his Camp between the two Rivers, and order'd the throwing up Retrenchments. The Barbarians being surpriz'd at his Success, dispatch'd Ambassadors to him, but their Proposals proving too short, Antoninus bid them sound a Charge, and drew out his Men against the Enemy. The Thunder Legion again pass'd the River first in the Emperour's Sight, and attack'd the Jazygian Cavalry with so much Bravery, that they forced them to wheel off, and Ride for't. Upon this the Romans were Masters of the Field, and Forage, and brought off a great many Prisoners, and Cattle: And all the Neighbouring Inhabitants sent their Submissions to Antoninus, and beg'd a Peace of him. He receiv'd all their Hostages, and having Intelligence that the great Men of the Country, were according to Custom met in a solitary Place for Consultation ; he order'd his Troops to march, and mov'd with so much Speed and Conduct, that he surpriz'd the Barbarians before they had any notice of his Approach. They were astonish'd at so unexpected a Sight, and being more amaz'd, than frighted, threw themselves at his Feet. The Emperour sent them off into his Camp, and advanc'd with the best of his Forces to attack their Army, which was encamp'd between a Fen cover'd with Reeds on one side, and a Forest on the other. The fight was obstinate enough, and the Romans Blood was so heated upon this Occasion; that after they had broken the Sarmatians, kill'd a great many of them, and set all the Country on Fire, they went Questing with Flambeaux to pick up the Enemy that were hid in Forests and Marshes. And here Antoninus's Behaviour was so remarkably Noble, that 'tis more for his Honour than the Victory it self: For he went in Person into the Woods, and amongst the Reeds, to preserve those poor Wretches, encouraging them to trust his Clemency, and surrender themselves.
All these Advantages were not sufficient to put an end to the War ; there was still wanting a more compleat Victory for a finishing stroke. But this was a hard matter to come at, in regard the Barbarians always fought with Reserves, and would never venture their Fortune with their whole Force. Antoninus perceiving the best part of the Season was over, spar'd no pains to bring the Expedition to a Point : And therefore without losing time in treating with Ambassadors, sent to him from all Quarters, more for Amusement, than Submission, he chose rather to make up to the Place whither they had withdrawn their best Effects, and where their main Body lay encamp'd. This Enterprize was so much the more hazardous, because the March was long, the Ways almost Impracticable, his Troops perpetually harrass'd by the Barbarians, insomuch that they were forced to move very slowly, for fear of falling into an Ambuscade, or fighting upon ill Ground for want of knowing the Country. But these Difficulties at last were all luckily got over: and Antoninus came up to the Place where the Sarmatians lay encamp'd, between the Ister which was frozen over, and a great Wood. And having concerted how to attack the Enemy in such a Post of Advantage, he drew up his Army in Battalia, the Barbarians did the same: And thus the Charge being sounded, the Romans threw their Darts, and powr'd in upon the Enemy, who receiv'd them with great Courage. The Fight was long and smart, and the Romans being almost asham'd to find so much Resistance, exerted themselves with unusual Bravery, and press'd the Sarmatian Cavalry so hard, that at last they were forced to give way, and retreat to the Ister : And here making a stand upon the Ice, the Imperial Infantry came immediately up with them. And now the Fight was renew'd with greater Fury than before; for the Enemy perceiving the Romans not used to fight upon Ice, and scarcely able to keep their Feet, concluded they would not abide the Shock: Presuming upon this Advantage they immediately rallied, and charg'd them on all sides. Antoninus's Infantry were shaken a little at the first onset, and had been absolutely lost had not the Soldiers reliev'd themselves by a new Invention in the use of their Shields: These they threw upon the Ice to stand firm with one Foot; And having thus recovered themselves, they made head against the Enemy, seiz'd their Bridles, catch'd hold of their Bucklers and Lances, and pull'd them so close to them, that at last they were drag'd off their Horses. For these Barbarians having but slight Armour were in no Condition to resist the Romans, who were well arm'd Cap à Piè. In short, of all this vast Number of Sarmatians, but a small Party escap'd, by running off into the Forest, or into some Camp they had fortified. The Emperour not losing time in the pursuit of those that fled, attacked them in their Retrenchments, and carried his Point notwithstanding a stout Resistance of the Enemy, who look'd upon these Posts as their last Refuge and Security, and defended them accordingly.
After this Victory, Antoninus put his Army into Winter-Quarters, and retired to Sirmium [120] himself ; that being the nearest, and most convenient Town for the Service of the War. During his stay here, he heard the Impeachment of Herodes, [121] prosecuted by Demostratus and Praxagoras in behalf of the Athenians; And likewise the Complaint Herodes preferred against these Commissioners. They charg'd Herod with an Insolent and Tyrannical Management in his Post, and having had an intimate Correspondence with Verus, they made broad Signs as if he had been privy to the pretended Conspiracy of that Prince to Poyson Antoninus. On the other Hand, Herodes accus'd Demostratus and Praxagoras of an Attempt to raise the Mob upon him. These Enemies of Herod were encourag'd under-hand by the Quintilians, who having the Government of Greece, had a great Interest, and were glad of any occasion, to revenge an Affront put upon them by Herod : For this Orator having formerly mention'd the great Honour, and Promotion the Emperour had bestow'd upon them, cited a Verse from the Iliads, and made a Jest upon their Country by Allusion, they being Originally of Troas, This Homer's Jupiter, says he, is not to be endur'd for loving the Trojans at this rate. This Jest did much more harm to him that spoke it, than to those 'twas broke upon. [122] For the Countenance of the Quintilians was by no means unserviceable to Demostratus, and Praxagoras ; for
[123] The Emperour and the Empress admitted them several times into the Presence, heard them upon the Subject of their Commission, and treated them with so much Distinction, that Herod took notice of it, not in the least doubting, that Antoninus favour'd the Athenians in Complaisance to Faustina, and at the Instance of one of his Daughters, who appear'd for them. Thus Herod being disturb'd with Jealousy, and extreamly troubled for the loss of two fine Slaves ( whom he call'd his Daughters, ) just kill'd with Lightning, being thus ruffled to a degree of Rage and Impatience, away he hurries in the Morning to the Emperour, and behaving himself with a great deal of Passion, insolently tells him; Thus I am rewarded for my Trouble with Verus, whom you sent for Instruction to my House ! Call you this Justice to sacrifice me to the Humour of a Woman, and a little Girl ? At this the Captain of the Guards was just stepping forward, either to take him by the Collar, or cut his Throat; but was prevented by Antoninus, who without either changing Countenance, or showing the least sign of Dissatisfaction, turn'd to the Athenians and told them, Gentlemen, you may open your Cause and go on with it, notwithstanding Herod is not at present in the Humour to hear you. Demostratus harangu'd, and argued with so much Force, that he drew Tears from the Emperour, who finding the Manumis'd Slaves of Herod most in fault, let all his Displeasure fall there, tho' according to his usual Clemency, he did not go to the Rigour of the Case with them neither: The Father of the two young Women, that were kill'd with Lightning had his Punishment wholly remitted ; for he was sufficiently punish'd already, the Emperour said, by the loss of his two Daughters.
Those who report that Herod was banish'd to Epirus, seem'd to mistake his residing a great while at Oricum in that Country, for a Banishment ; occasion'd by a long Sickness he was seiz'd with, at his return from Pannonia. [124] For in earnest which way can we reconcile this Exile with Herod's Letter some little time after to the Emperour, in which he takes the Freedom to Expostulate, why his Majesty did not do him the Honour of his usual Correspondence by writing ? And tells him, that he had formerly received three Couriers from him in a Day, and desires to know whether that time was never to come again? This Opinion is farther confuted by Antoninus's Answer, in which he calls Herod his Friend, and after having just mention'd his Winter Quarters, express'd his Grief for the Death of his Empress, and given some Account of his own ill Health, he adds, I wish with all my Heart that this may find you well, that you would not question the Continuance of my Kindness, nor fancy I have done you any wrong by punishing some Malefactors, who were used more favourably than they deserv'd : Pray dont let this Matter trouble you ; and if I have disoblig'd you any other way, or given you the least Uneasiness ; I would have you demand Satisfaction of me in Minerva's Temple at Athens, at the Initiating Mysteries ; For notwithstanding the Heat of the War, I am very desirous of being Initiated there, and would gladly have the Ceremony perform'd by yourself. A Prince does not use to write in this manner to a banish'd Subject.
As soon as the Spring came on, Antoninus not being willing to give the Barbarians time to raise new Forces, took the the Field to prevent them. And having pass'd the Danube he fought the Enemy several times and routed them ; insomuch that at last despairing to make Head against a General so remarkable for rage, Conduct, and Indefatigable Industry. They sent to beg a Peace, and offer him Hostages. So that now all his time was taken up in giving Audience to Ambassadors, and in receiving a great many Kings who came in Person to do their Homage. The King of the Sarmatians, whom we may imagine was no small Prince, restor'd him a hunder'd thousand Roman Prisoners, which he had taken, and gave him eight thousand of his Troops, the greatest part of which were sent away against the Britains. And here the Emperour adjusted the Articles to the Temper of the People he had to deal with; and either rais'd or relax'd the Rigour of the Terms, according as he found the People more or less inclin'd to a Revolt: And now they were all dispos'd to comply with what was put upon them, insomuch that the Country of the Marcomanni, Quadi, and Sarmatians, had all been made Provinces of the Empire, if the News of Cassius's Rebellion had not happened, who was so hardy as to assume the Imperial Stile, and set up for himself in Syria at the same time. This News was a surprize upon the Emperour, and rais'd the Spirits of the Barbarians; who valuing their Liberties much above their Honour, took Advantage of the Juncture, and obliged [125] Antoninus to soften the Articles in a great Measure, and to make a New Treaty, much more in their Favour than that they had sworn. And this in all likelyhood is the Reason, why Antoninus, contrary to his Custom, omitted the recital of the Conditions of this Peace, in a Letter which he wrote to the Senate to acquaint them with his Proceedings.
The Design of seizing the Empire could never have been projected by a Person more likely to succeed than Cassius. For, to give him his due, he was qualified in all Points proper for his Purpose. The Victories won by him in Armenia, Arabia, and Egypt, had gain'd him the Esteem and Love of the Soldiers. To give some part of his Character ; he was very stout in his Person, and firm to his Resolution, admirable at Fatiguing, and no less a Libertine in his Pleasures when he thought them seasonable ; prodigal of his own Fortune, and wild to make himself Master of another Bodies : [126] His Qualities were govern'd by his Interest, and he was either Good-natur'd, or Severe, Profane, or Religious, as occasion'd serv'd. He had improved the Natural Craftiness of his Temper by Practise, and Pains; He had an extraordinary Talent to guild his Character, and cover his Deformities, to conceal Vice, and Counterfeit Virtue: He was the Man that restor'd the old Discipline in the Army, in the exacting of which he was so severe, that he call'd himself Marius the second, and would never be perswaded to pardon the least Fault.
To give some Instances of his Rigour: [127] He always executed his Soldiers immediately, who took any thing by force from the Town where they kept Garrison. When he had the Command of the Army in Germany, some of his Auxiliaries happen'd to surprize a Detatchment of three thousand Sarmatians, by the Danube, very much in Disorder. Upon this Advantage they fell on, and cut them in Pieces: But Cassius instead of Rewarding the Captains of these Companies, had every Man of them Crucified; letting them know that they had no Liberty to fight without Orders. For how could they tell but that they might have fallen into an Ambush, and expos'd the Arms of the Empire to an Affront: Besides the Authority and Force of Discipline must be lost this way. [128] This Severity was look'd upon as a most Tyrannical piece of Cruelty, and occasion'd a terrible Mutiny in the Camp. Cassius hearing a Tumultuous Noise, steps out of his Tent unarm'd, and coming up to some of the most daring Mutineers, with a menacing Look, speaks sternly to them, Soldiers, says he, you'd best murther your General, and add Villany to your Ungovernableness. This bold stroak frighten'd the Soldiers, who are most afraid where they are least fear'd, and dishearten'd the Enemies, who concluding that an Army under such exact Discipline, where even a Victory out of Rule was punish'd, must needs be invincible, made it their Business to negotiate a Peace.
[129] Farther, Cassius was the first who order'd the Hands of Deserters to be chop'd off, or their Hams cut, and forbid the Soldiers carrying any other Provision but Bacon, Biscuit, and Vinegar. He muster'd his Men every Week, examined their Arms, and their Cloaths, and oblig'd them to be Exercised. For 'twas a shame, he said, since Wrastlers, and Fencers were always practising in their Faculty, that Soldiers should not be used to Training, who when they are kept in constant Exercise find it much more easy than otherwise: He would not endure any thing of Luxury, or unnecessary Accommodation in the Camp: And when any Soldier was catch'd in a Fault of this kind, he would not suffer him to go into Quarters all the Winter: This Rigour in Discipline made Antoninus give him the Command of the Legions which Verus's Expedition had Debauch'd in Syria ; upon this occasion the Emperour wrote the following Letter to one of the Governours of his Provinces.
[130]I have given Cassius the Legions which the Luxuries of Syria and Daphne have made good for nothing, and which Cesonius Vectilianus found perfectly emasculated, and almost drown'd in the hot Baths. I perswade my self you will like my Fancy, especially since you know Cassius to be a Commander of great Strictness, and that he comes up to the Discipline of the old Cassii. You remember the famous Verse in Ennius, who was no ill Poet.
Go back for Discipline to former times,
Old Customs are the Nations main support.
All that I have to desire of you is, that the Army may not want Provisions, and if I understand Cassius, I dare engage he'l give a good Account of it.
The Answer wrote by this Governour to the Emperour, will give us a farther light into the Character and Reputation of Cassius; 'Tis this.
Your Majesty has made an Excellent Choice in disposing the Legions of Syria to Cassius; For 'tis highly necessary that an Army debauch'd by the Luxuries of Greece, should be put under a good severe General . In nest he'l quickly pull them out of their hot Baths, and perswade them to fight without Nosegays, and Essences : The Provisions for the Troops are ready : Indeed there's no fear of scarcity under a good Commander ; For in such a Case both the Demands, and the Expence, are usually very moderate.
[131] This Cassius notwithstanding the Strictness of his Government was born in Syria, a Country not at all remarkable for Sobriety of Manners. He was the Son of that Famous Rhetorician, Heliodorus, who by the Strength of his Elocution was made Secretary of State to Adrian, and afterwards Viceroy of Egypt.
Now tho' Fortune can't change the Circumstances of Birth, yet it often puts Men upon Projects in Genealogy. Cassius was no sooner mounted in his Station, but he began to bethink himself of drawing a Descent from that old Cassius, who was concerned in a Plot against Julius Cæsar : For in Heraldry the same Name oftentimes makes two Thirds of a Proof. Having founded his Pedigree upon this Pretence, he endeavour'd to fortify his Claim by a Conformity of Manners. Like old Cassius, he always had an Aversion to the very Name of an Emperour; and ventur'd to say, [132] That there was nothing more intolerable to the State than this Title, which had this Particular unfortunate Circumstance in it, that he who went about to suppress it in another, was forc'd to take it upon himself. Like his pretended Ancestor he valued himself upon his Inclination to restore the old Liberty : And used to hint, [133] That if the Gods would but Countenance a good Cause, the Cassii would set up the Commonwealth as high as ever. This Aversion heighten'd by a vast Ambition ; and brought to an Expectation by some Knavish Fortunetellers, who are seldom wanting in such Cases, had like to broke out in the Reign of Antoninus Pius. Cassius, tho' then very young, had form'd a Conspiracy against him : But Heliodorus, a Person of great Prudence and Authority, stifled this Plot in the Birth, hoping time would qualify his Son's Heat, and make him Wiser. Cassius during his Father's Life, kept within Compafs, and seem'd reform'd by his Advice, but this restraint, serv'd only to provoke Desire; which at last grew too strong to be manag'd. The Emperour Verus when he went into Syria, was the first that discover'd his Design ; and being glad of an Opportunity to destroy a Man, whose Exploits and Bravery, had made him somewhat Jealous, he wrote to Antoninus as follows:
[134] Cassius, as I am well inform'd, is making his way to the Throne, and going upon the Old Design discover'd in my Grandfather your Father's Reign. I beg of you his Motions may he observ'd ; nothing that we do can please him, and he is filling his Coffers at a mighty rate : He makes a jest of our Inclination for Letters, calls you, old Philosophy in Petticoats, and me a little Libertine. You see therefore what you have to do, for my part, I have no Spleen against the Man : But I entreat your Majesty to take care for fear you and your Children should one day be sensible of the danger in continuing a General of his Temper, so much belov'd, and so very absolute in the Army.
Antoninus imputing Verus's Suspicion, either to his Jealousy, or Disaffection to Cassius, return'd him this Answer.
I read your Letter, and find it too full of Diffidence and Apprehension for an Emperour, and not at all suitable to the Character of our Reign. If the Gods have decreed the Empire to Cassius, 'tis not in our Power to prevent it ; you remember the saying of your Grandfather Adrian, that no Man could kill his Successor ; [135] But if his grasping at the Scepter is discountenanced by Heaven, he'l destroy himself without our Cruelty ; besides, 'twill look very oddly to try a Man without Evidence, and who, as you observe is so very much belov'd by the Soldiers. I may add, that in Cases of High Treason the Prisoner is generally thought to he hardly used, when fairly convicted. I suppose you han't forgot what Adrian used to say upon this Occasion. That Princes were the most Unfortunate of all People, for no body will believe there's any Truth in a Conspiracy till they see it Executed. 'Tis true, this fine Sentence belongs to Domitian, but I rather chuse to cite Adrian ; because the Sententious Sayings of Tyrants have not the same Weight and Authority, as those which are deliver'd by a Good Prince. Let Cassius then take his Humour, for to give him his due, he is a great General, brave in his Person, and one that we can by no means spare as Affairs stand. As to what you insinuate, that his Death is the only Security for my Children; I say, if Cassius's Merits out-shine theirs, let them smart for't ; for if 'tis more the Interest of the Empire that Cassius should live, than the Issue of Antoninus, I shall never be concern'd about their Death.
It appear'd by the Event, that Verus had made a right Judgment of the Case, and penetrated the Designs of Cassius better than his Brother Emperour: But 'tis common for Honesty and good Meaning, to make too favourable Constructons upon other Men.
[136] Antoninus was so beloved by the People, that Cassius found the working of his Project a difficult Business ; And notwithstanding his Interest in Egypt and Syria he could never have made any Progress in the Matter, had it not been for a Sham-Report of Antoninus's Death. [137] Some were of Opinion that this News was rais'd by himself, and that Faustina perceiving the Emperour broken by Age, Fatiguing, and ill Health, that his Son Commodus was too young to succeed him, and being afraid her Quality of Empress would not last, held a Correspondence with this Rebel ; and by a strange piece of Politicks, had awaken'd his Ambition, and made him the offer of her Person, and the Empire, which latter she hoped to secure for her Children by this Contrivance. But there's no likelyhood Faustina should take such wrong Measures, and indeed the Temper of Cassius is enough in all Conscience to justify her. But let this be as it will, 'tis certain he publish'd the News of the Emperour's being dead, and that with all the Appearance of Grief and Mortification imaginable ; adding withall, that the Army in Pannonia, not believing Commodus old enough to govern, had proclaimed him Emperour in his stead. This Pretence was sufficient for Cassius to set up with ; who having given the chief Commands in the Army to his Friends, endeavour'd to secure himself againft Opposition, and in a little time made himself Master of all the Country from Syria to Mount Taurus ; and at the same time he wrote a Letter somewhat in the form of a Manifesto, to his Son [138] the Governour of Alexandria ; It runs thus.
Nothing can he more unhappy than a Government which Cherishes such an insatiable sort of People as we are now pester'd with. Antoninus is really a very good Man, only he strains too much for the Character of Clemency, and suffers those Wretches to go on, whose Misbehaviour he is fully convincd of; where's the brave Cassius, whose Name we have the Honour to carry, tho' without much Significancy at present ? Where's Cato the Censor ? What's become of the Discipline of our Ancestors ? Alas ! It expired with those great Men, and now we have scarcely the Manhood left so much as to think on't. Antoninus is perfectly subdued by Philosophy : He spends his time in reading upon the Elements, dissecting the Soul, and making fine Discourses upon Decency and Justice, but as for the Government, that's the least of his Business. In short, you see there's nothing but Steel, and extream Remedies can relieve us, and set the Commonwealth upon the old Foot. What ! do you think I'le endure such Governours of Provinces as these are ? If I may call such Fellows Governours and Proconsuls, who fancy Antoninus, and the Senate give them the Command of a whole Country, only to fill their Pockets, and supply their Debauchery. I suppose you have heard that our Virtuoso's Captain of the Guards was but a mere Beggar just before his Preferment ; and now all of a suddain his Fortune is swell'd to a vast bulk: And which way can his Coffers grow thus fast, unless by preying either upon the Publick Revenues, or Private Property? Well! I'm not sorry for their Thriving ; let these Spunges suck as plentifilly as they please, I hope to squeese them into the Exchequer shortly. Let but the Gods vouchsafe to Countenance a good Cause, and the Cassii will not fail to set up the Commonwealth as high as ever.
[139] Martius Verus, Lieutenant General, who as I observ'd, had a great share under Cassius in the Action, and Successes in Armenia, having now the Government of Cappadocia, dispatch'd away Couriers to Antoninus, to inform him of the Revolt. The Emperour being afraid lest Cassius should by some Means or other, seize upon Commodus, get him Murther'd, wrote privately to Rome for the young Prince to be convey'd to him, and endeavour'd to conceal the News from his Army : But as soon as he understood it was divulg'd, that the Camp had taken the Alarm, and the Soldiers had Meetings about it : He order'd them to be drawn up before his Tent, and made a Speech to them as follows.
" Fellow Soldiers, My Business with you is neither to show my Dissatisfaction, nor make any Complaint: For why should we be displeas'd at the uncontroulable Power of Providence : 'Tis true, to complain when one's ill used as I am, is natural enough. In earnest, is it not a hard Fate to be perpetually embarrass'd, and embroil'd, to stand always with ones Sword drawn, and be toss'd from one Tempest to another ? Is it not a deplorable Business to be thus drag'd into a Civil War ? But is it not still a more lamentable Consideration, that there's no such thing as Fidelity in Nature, and that one of those Men whom I believ'd most firm to my Interest, should take the Field against me without the least Injury, or Provocation imaginable? At this rate what have we trust to? Where can Innocence and Honesty be secure? If I am thus serv'd, where is true Friendship, and Sincerity to be met with ? Has not Good Faith taken its leave, and what can we expect from Mankind after this? If the danger pointed at none but my Person, I would give my self little trouble about it, (for I don't pretend to be immortal;) but now since the Revolt is general, the storm bears down upon us all. I heartily wish Cassius would come hither, and refer his Pretentions, and make you, or the Senate Judge of them : For if after such a Debate 'twas thought Serviceable to the Publick, I should willingly resign to him without striking a stroak. 'Tis only for the sake of the State that I have thus long harrass'd and ventured my Person: 'Tis only upon this Account that I have as it were banish'd my self my Native Country, and denied an old and infirm Body the Conveniencies of Italy, and that I can very seldom enjoy one easy Minute, either to Eat or Sleep in. But Cassius will never consent to this Proposal. For how can he trust himself with me, after his barbarous Usage, and Breach of Faith ? As for you Gentlemen, you have great reason to keep up your Spirits, for the Cilicians, Syrians, Egyptians, and Jews, were never yet your Equals in Bravery, nor ever will be, tho' they exceeded your Numbers as much as now they fall short of them. Nay even Cassius himself, as good a General as he is, and after all the great Exploits he has done, is a meer Cypher as things stand. For what can an Eagle signify that has nothing but a Flock of Pigeons to Muster, or a Lion that heads no other Forces but Fallow-Dear ? Besides, 'tis you, not Cassius, that beat the Parthians, and Arabians ; and granting he has gain'd a great deal of Honour in this War, have you not Martius Verus on your side, not at all his Inferiour ; and who has contributed as much as the other to all our Successes in the Field ? But it may be Cassius hearing me alive, has now repented his Attempt ; for 'twas only the Report of my Death which has made him thus Enterprizing. And supposing he should be obstinate at present, when he has once notice of our March against him ; hee'l scarce ever ever have the Resolution to Face us. Hee'l be confounded between your Force, and my Presence, and Shame and Fear together will make him drop his Sword. Fellow Soldiers; the only thing I'm afraid of is, that Cassius not having the Confidence to look me in the Face should make himself away, or that some other Body, understanding I'm going to fight him; should do me this ill Office, and so deprive me of the most glorious Advantage of my Victory. And what Advantage is this? 'Tis to Pardon an Enemy ; 'tis to be True to a false Man, and to continue his Friend that has broken all the Laws of Friendship. This 'tis likely looks very Impracticable to you, but for all that I would not have you disbelieve it. For Goodness and Generosity have not so utterly forsaken the Earth, as not to leave us some Remains of the Antient Virtue. But if this must be counted Incredible, I have still the greater defire to it ; To convince you by Matter of Fact, of what you all thought impossible. And by this means I should gain the Satisfaction at least of showing the World that the greatest Provocations may be overlook'd, and that 'tis possible to turn even a Civil War it self to some handsom Account."
[140] This Speech was sent in a Letter to the Senate, where Cassius was attainted of High Treason, and his Estate forfeited to the City Chamber, for the Emperour would not have it brought into his Exchequer. In the mean time Commodus came to the Army, and had the Tribunitian Authority granted him by Antoninus : And now having provided every thing ready for the marching his Troops, the Emperour went into Italy to take the Empress, and his other Children along with him. And being come as far as Mount Alba he wrote this Letter to the Empress.
[141] Verus was in the right in the Advice he sent me of Cassius's Design to usurp the Empire. I suppose you may have heard what fine things the Fortune-tellers have promis'd him, Pray come forthwith to Mount Alba, and fear nothing ; For here I wait for you, and hope by the God's Assistance, to discourse with you farther about our Affairs.
Faustina wrote him this Answer.
I intend, according to your Orders to be at Mount Alba to Morrow ; in the mean time I beg of you, if you have any Love for your Children, to make an Example of all these Traitors : For these Rebellions are an ill President to the Officers, and Soldiers, who will infallibly do your Business, unless you prevent them.
Faustina being hindred by some Accident from going to Mount Alba, the Emperour wrote to her to come to Formianum, and embark with him there, but being detaind at Rome by their Eldest Daughters falling Sick, she sent him this Letter.
When Celsus's Rebellion was on Foot, my Empress-Mother Faustina, desired our Father Antoninus, to be kind in the first place to his own Blood, and Family, and then if he had any Mercy to spare, to let Strangers be the better for't : For indeed an Emperour can't be said to Be good Natur'd, unless he takes care of his Wife and Children, I need not tell you of the Disadvantage of your Son Commodus his Minority, nor that your Son in law Pompeianus, is both in Years, and a Foreigner. [142] Take care then how you manage your self with Cassius and his Adherents. Ne'er spare those Rebels, who you see don't spare you ; neither would they have any greater Tenderness for me and my Children, if they should carry their Point. I intend to follow you immediately ; Fadillas falling ill has hindred me in my Journey to Formianum, but if I can't reach you there, I hope to do it at Capua; [143] the Air of that Town I expect will set me and my Children up again. I desire you would send me your Physician Soteridas to Formianum ; for really I have no Faith in Sofitheus ; In my Opinion, he is but a sorry Doctor to prescribe to a Child. [144] Calphurnius has deliver'd me all your Letters with the Seales whole ; if my Journey is delay'd I'l write you an Answer, and send it by our Trusty Servant Cæcilius, who shall inform you by Word of Mouth what Cassius's Wife and Children, and Son in Law talk of you, and which I don't think convenient to commit to Paper.
Cassius, who was a Man of too much Sense not to know there was no sleeping over Treason, push'd his Point, and endeavoured to gain Greece to open his Passage the better into Italy. And here foreseeing the Interest and Elocution of Herod would be serviceable to his Purpose, he left no Stone unturn'd to prevail with him, and to refresh his old Disgust against Antoninus. But Herod without listening in the least to his Proposals, or so much as reading his Letters all over, returned him this short Answer, and indeed the only right one for a Rebel.
Cassius, thou art out of thy Wits. [145]
Cassius was no luckier in other Places ; he could not so much as shake the Allegiance of any Considerable Town, nor decoy any Body to his Party, excepting some beggerly Libertines, who were over Head and Ears in Debt, and Debauchery. [146] This ill Success began to make him lose his Credit amongst the Soldiers ; and thus after three Months, and six Days from his first Revolt, this Visionary Reign concluded, and the Usurper was kill'd by two of his Officers. His Head was brought to the Emperour at Formianum, as appears by his Answer to Faustina's Letter which she wrote after she had receiv'd the News of Cassius's Death.
[147] 'Tis impossible my dear Faustina, for any one to show more Tenderness and Affection than you have done upon the Occasion, for me and the Children. I have read your Letter at Formianum over and over, in which you advise me to punish the Cassian Rebels. But for my part I am resolv'd to pardon Cassius's Wife and Children, and Son in Law ; And am now going to write to the Senate to perswade them to moderate their Rigour, and not make too many Traytors, for there s nothing that recommends a Roman Emperour so much as his Clemency. 'Twas this Quality which made Julius Cæsar greater than his Victories, and gave him and Augustus their Apotheosis ; [148] and procur'd our Father, [149] the Honourable surname of P I U S : [150] could this War have been ended as I would have had it, even Cassius should not have lost his Life. Ne'er disturb your self, For, the Gods who love my Clemency will be sure to protect me. [151] I have nominated our Son in Law Pompeianus, Consul for the ensuing Year.
This Clemency was admired by some, and censured by others : One of this latter sort took the Liberty to ask Antoninus what he thought Cassius would have done if he had gotten the Victory. The Emperour replied, We have not serv'd the Gods so negligently, nor lived so ill, as to have had any manner of fear of being conquer'd by Cassius. Then he went on and instanc'd in those Princes who were either defeated by the Rebels in the Field, or privately murther'd by their Subjects, shewing that they miscarried either by their Cruelty, or their ill Conduct. Nero and Caligula, says he, may thank themselves for their Misfortune, Otho and Vitellius, wanted Courage to govern, and Galba perfectly lost himself by his Avarice : He added, that there was hardly one Good Prince upon Record, who was thus serv'd; That Augustus, Trajan, Adrian, and Antoninus Pius, had always the upper hand of Rebels and Traitors, the greatest part of which were executed either contrary to their Orders, or before they knew on't. 'Twere very well, if this Maxim would hold, but alass ! Since this good Emperour's time it has fail'd in a great many Cases: I shall now give the Reader his Letter to the Senate upon this Occasion.
My Lords,
[152] You have voted my Son in Law Pompeianus Consul, as a Testimony of your Satisfaction for my Success : Indeed his Years deserv'd this Honour long since, had not Persons of extraordinary Merit appear'd against him ; And where the State was so much indebted, 'twas but reasonable to discharge the Obligation. As to Cassius's Revolt, I treat and conjure you to wave the usual Severity in such Cases, and not to let me, or rather your selves, suffer in the Character of Clemency, by condemning any Person to Death. Let none of the Senate he punish'd, Let no Noble Blood be drawn : Recal the Banish'd, and let those under Forfeiture enjoy their Estates : And I heartily wish 'twas also in my Power to bring the dead to Life again, and fetch them out of their Graves ! For I don't love an Emperour should take Revenge for himself : This Method tho' never so defensible is generally interpreted as over Rigorous. For these Reasons I conclude you will be willing that Caffius's Wife, Children and Son in Law shall have their Pardon. Their Pardon ! Why should I say that, since they have done nothing to need it ! Let them live then undisturb'd, and be sensible they live under the Reign of Marcus Antoninus. Let their Estate, their Mony, and their Furniture be restor'd ; Let them be rich, and easy, and go where they please, and wherever they Move let them carry the Marks of your Clemency, and mine about them.
My Lords, 'Tis no great Instance of Goodness to pardon the Wives and Children of those Attainted, I desire you would do something more for my sake than this comes to ; protect I beseech you those Senators and Gentlemen concern'd in the Plot, from Executions and Forfeiture, from Fear and Infamy, and from all sorts of Injury, and Disadvantage whatsoever ; and let it be the peculiar Happiness of my Administration, that no Rebel who lowt his Life in Skirmish, or Tumult, may he thought ill dealt with.
[153] The reading of this Letter was received with great Acclamations, and all the signs of Acknowledgment and Respect imaginable. In the mean time the Emperour order'd Cassius's Head to be buried, and generously shew'd himself troubled for his Death ; and then continued his March to put an end to the Rebellion ; and bring the Eastern Army to their Duty. He began with Egypt, and pardon'd all those Towns which revolted to Cassius ; And when he came to Alexandria, a very disaffected Place, he left one of his Daughters there, as a Security, that he was Friends with them.
[154] Being arriv'd at Pelusium he saw the Solemnities of Serapis perform'd there ; which being frequented by vast Numbers from all Parts of Egypt, occasion'd a great deal of Debauchery and Extravagance : Therefore, without minding how the People would take it, who are generally Disconcerted at any Change in Religion ; he put down these Holy Days, and order'd that the Sacrifices to this Idol should be offer'd by the Priests in Private, without any Concourse of the Multitude. And all the way of his Progress he visited the Temples, Schools, and such frequented Places, instructing the People in a familiar condescensive manner : [155] And explaining some of the grand Difficulties in Philosophy, insomuch that wherever he came, he was extreamly admir'd for his Sense and Capacity.
The first thing he did in Syria was to burn all the Letters found in Cassius's Cabinet, that he might not be forc'd almost to hate any Person whether he would or no. [156] Some are of Opinion that Martius Verus, whom the Emperour detatched for Syria, and for his Loyalty, gave him the Government of that Province, some say this Martius Verus, burnt the Letters before, of his own Head, declaring that the Emperour would like it: But if he should be so unhappy as to Displease his Majesty, he should suffer Death very willingly to save the Lives of so many People: Such an Instance of Goodness and Generosity is rarely to be met with in a Heathen, or it may be in a Courtier either.
Towards the end of this Year Antoninus was proclaim'd Emperour the eighth time, as appears by the Medals where the Inscription Imp. VIII. is join'd with the XIX Year of his Tribunitian Authority.
[157] Faustina died in this Progress at the Foot of Mount Taurus, Antoninus was very sensibly Afflicted at her Death; And the Senate imagining the Empress might have sowr'd his Temper against those concern'd in the Revolt, and that the best way to condole with him was to sacrifice some of his Enemies, thus they fell into a new Fit of Punishing, out of Flattery, and over Complaisance ; Vices which oftentimes creep into those Great Bodies no less than into the Breasts of Private People. [158] But the Emperour being inform'd how the Senate stood affected, sent them a Second Letter, to let them know that their Severity would only make his Trouble for the Loss of the Empress the greater, desir'd that no Body might be put to Death, and concluded with these Words, If I can't prevail with you to spare the Lives of the Revolters, you'l force me to wish I were dead my self.
[159] But to prevent such Rebellions as this from coming over again, he made a Law that for the future the Government of a Province should be given to no Man that was born in it.
[160]As concerning Cassius's Children none of them lost their Lives but the Eldest ' Mecianus, who being Governour of Alexandria, was kill'd there by some of his own Party, the same Day that his Father was difpatch'd in Syria. Heliodorus another of his Sons was Transported [161] and forfeited his Quality and Estate : The rest were only banish'd at large, and had their Fortune allow'd them. His Daughter Alexandra, and her Husband Druncianus, had the Liberty, either to live at Rome, or go whither they pleas'd. Antoninus took care to secure them in the Privileges of their Condition, and had such a Regard for them upon all occasions ; that once when they had a Cause of great Concern tried before the Senate, he forbad the other side to reproach them with the Misfortunes of their Family, and fined several who had given themselves too much Liberty in this Point.
In the mean time the Senate, who perceiv'd they could not make their Court to their Prince by their Rigour, endeavour'd to do it by inventing some new Honours to the Memory of Faustina. [162] It seems the building her a Temple was not enough for them. They erected her a Golden Statue, and pass'd an Order that every time the Emperour went to the Play-House, this Figure should be placed in the Empresses Box, and that the Ladies of the first Quality should be seated round it. But they refin'd still farther upon the Old Model of Flattery, and voted Antoninus and Faustina two Silver Statues, placed them in Venus's Temple, and set up an Altar for them, upon which all the young Women, and their Bridegrooms were order'd to sacrifice on their Wedding Day.
[163] Antoninus gave the Senate thanks for their Respect to him and the Empress, and being resolv'd to do something for her himself, he found a Society of single Women, whom he call'd Faustinians, and maintained them at his own Charge, and built a Temple for his Empress at the Village where she died: This Temple was afterwards provided with a suitable Deity, it being consecrated to Heliegabalus one of the greatest Monsters in Lewdness that was ever heard of.
After Antoninus had thus settled the East, he made his way towards Rome. In his return he staid some time at Smyrna, and as every Body almost were crowding to pay their Duty, or get a sight of him, He remembred one Evening he had not seen Aristides, and was afraid that Orator might take it for a Neglect; For 'twas one of the Emperour's Chief Maxims to pay a distinguishing Regard to Men of Probity and Character, and to treat every Body according to their Merit. He acquainted his Courtiers with his being uneasy about this Matter, particularly the Quintilians, who had the Government of Greece: They assur'd him, [164] Aristides had not been there; for if he had, they would have disengaged him from the Crowd, and presented him to his Majesty: And the next Day they were as good as their Word, and brought him. As soon as Antoninus saw him, he ask'd him, How comes it to pass Aristides that you make your Visit so late ? Sir, says Aristides, I was busy about a Point, and you know as well as any Person living, that when a Man is warm in his Study, he can't endure to be interrupted. The Emperour being extreamly pleas'd to see Nature thus open and undisguis'd, asks him, and when may we hear a Discourse from you then? Aristides with the same Assurance, replies, If you please to give me a Subject to day, you shall hear to Morrow what I can say on't; for I am none of those Extemporary People that venture to let fly what comes first at their Tongues end, no, I love to work up my Things strong; but then Sir, says he, I beg leave that all my Friends may make part of the Audience; with all my Heart says the Emperour: But Sir, replies Aristides, I have another Condition to throw in, 'tis that my Friends may be allow'd to Clap and make as much a Noise in my Commendation as if your Majesty was not there. That, says the Emperour with a smile, shall be perfectly at your Management. [165] The next Day Aristides made a Panegyrical Harangue upon Smyrna, and came off with great Reputation ; the Oration is Extant among his Works.
From Smyrna the Emperour travel'd to Athens, where he had his Wish of being Initiated in the grand Mysteries of Ceres, the most sacred and solemn part of the Heathen Religion : [166] Nothing could pass Muster here but great Innocence of Life, and a Reputation without the least Blemish in't. Those who were admitted were first examin'd in their Moral Qualifications; by a Priest appointed for that Purpose.
[167] He was very kind to the Athenians, and did their Town abundance of Honour; he left them Professors in all Sciences with great Salaries to support them ; made them Noble Presents, and gave them a great deal of Privilege and Franchise. In his Voyage home he met with a terrible Storm, which had like to cast him away. [168] Upon his arrival at Brindisi, he put off his Soldiers Habit, and made his Troops do the same, who during his whole Reign were never suffer'd to wear Buff in Italy.
He was received at Rome with all the Demonstrations of Joy imaginable. [169] And here at his first coming having been eight Years absent he gave all the People eight pieces of Gold [170] a Man, forgave them all the Mony they ow'd either to the City Chamber, or his own Exchequer, from sixty Years upward, burnt all the Bonds and Evidences of the Debt in the great Square or Forum, gave his Son Commodus his Mans Habit, dub'd him Prince of the Youth, [171] made him his Partner in the Empire, triumph'd with him and named him Consul for the next Year, and to honour his Consulship the more, follow'd his Triumphal Chariot in the Circus on Foot. After this, he retired to his Philosophy for some time at Lavinium ; This Study he used to call his Mother, and the Court his Step-mother. And this saying of Plato was frequently mention'd by him, that the way to have a Nation happy, was either to make their Philosophers Kings, or their Kings Philosophers. Notwithstanding being well satisfied that a Conquering People in the time of Peace are apt to be fond of Publick Shews, and that in Prudence it may not be amiss to gratify them with such Amusements, both to refresh their Spirits, and keep them from racking their Brains with Seditious Projects, for these Reasons he entertain'd them with very Magnificent Spectacles, tho' he had no manner of Relish for the Diversion himself.
While Rome enjoy'd the Advantage of Peace, and the Satisfaction of having the Emperour at home, Smyrna was miserably handled by Fire and Earthquake, the greatest part of the Inhabitants being buried under the Ruins. Aristides wrote so moving a Letter upon the Subject of this Misfortune to the Emperour, that he could not forbear weeping as he read it ; In short, it made such an Impression upon him that he issued out Commissions immediately for the raising a sufficient Fund for Rebuilding the City, ordering a Nobleman to take care of the Business ; Insomuch that the Accident was in a manner retrieved, and the Town had no Reason to regret the Loss of her former Magnificence. The Townsmen being full of Acknowledgement for Aristides, erected him a Statue of Brass in the middle of the Market place : An extraordinary thing this, and of it self enough to shew the Happiness of the Times, when the Honour chiefly due to the Prince's Liberality, was all of it given away to the Orator's Rhetorick. Antoninus took this Opportunity to reward the Citizens of Smyrna for their Loyalty, and the Service they had done him. For at the breaking out of the Parthian War, when Atidius Cornelianus, who commanded in Syria was wounded and forced to retreat, the Army being quite routed, and the Baggage lost; Smyrna receiv'd the Soldiers with all the Humanity imaginable, buried Cornelianus who died of his Wounds; and all the People striving as it were who should treat the Soldiers best, gave them Cloaths, Arms, and Mony, as Venusium had done to those who escap'd from the Battle of Cannæ. The same Assistance which the Emperour gave upon this Occasion to Smyrna, he had already bestow'd in Italy, and upon other Towns elsewhere, which fell under the same Fate, as Carthage, Ephesus, and Nicomedia.
[172] The Emperours Expence in furnishing out Shews, the Largesses he bestow'd upon the People, the vast Sums he was out in Rebuilding Towns ruined by Fire, and Earthquakes, and the Customs and Impositions which he forgave the Subject when his Necessities were most pressing, are Arguments sufficient to confute any Objection against his Liberality. 'Tis granted, he was a good Husband, and like his Father Antoninus Pius, manag'd his Revenues with Frugality enough; But when the Ease of the People, or the Honour of the Empire required it, he open'd his Hand even to Prodigality; Being convinc'd that these are the only proper Occasions for a Prince to be free of his Exchequer; and that Avarice in such Cases is a very dangerous Quality. Nay, he used to say that when the People saw the Prince Liberal to the Publick, and thrifty in his Private Expence, [173] they paid their Taxes more willingly, looking upon his Wealth in a manner as their own; and as a sort of Fund, for the general Happiness. The little Justice done to Antoninus upon this Head, is not at all surprizing: The Bounties of Princes which have least Discretion are commonly most taking with the People; whereas Prudence and Reason goes for Covetousness with them: For they never distinguish between giving and squandring, and make their own craving Temper the Standard of Liberality: But after all, 'tis certain Rome never had a Prince more beneficent than Antoninus, who was also the first that built a Temple, to the Goddess presiding over Good Turns, [174] and which it may be was at that time of Day, the only Virtue unworship'd by the Romans. Indeed Antoninus was the fittest Person living to introduce this new Devotion, considering he understood the Book-part of Obliging so well, and was so remarkable in the Practise of it. Towards the end of this Year we understand by the Medals, that he was proclaim'd Emperour the ninth time; it being likewise the one and thirtieth Year of his Tribunician Authority.
Fabia above-mention'd, who had been Verus's Wench, tho' she was his Sister, and whose Ambition was little less than her Impudence; this Lady being willing to make the most of her tarnishing Beauty, left no Trick untried to perswade Antoninus to marry her. The Emperour understanding her better than he had done Faustina, and besides having no Inclination to marry, always put her off. 'Tis said he took a Miss or Concubine, to prevent the Inconvenience of a Mother in Law to his Children. Now tho' the Consequence from Writing, to Life, won't hold without Exception, because Mens Discourse and Practise are not always of a Piece, yet since Antoninus's Life was so exactly suitable to his Philosophy, we may very well question the Truth of this Passage; And indeed the Falshood of it appears plainly by his giving the Gods thanks in his first Book [175] for being but a lttle while, in his Childhood, under the Management of his Grandfathers Wench. Now 'tis highly improbable he should bring his own Children within the danger of such an Example, from which he reckons it a Blessing to have been quickly deliver'd himself.
[176] The Peace the Romans were so happy in, lasted scarcely two Years. The Schythians, and Northen People took the Field again, and attacked the Emperour's Vice-Roys, who were in no Condition to make any great Resistance. This oblig'd Antoninus to prepare for an other Expedition: Going therefore to the Senate he mention'd a Supply, which was the first time he had demanded any new Tax.
This Mony, had he been willing to use his Authority, might have been raised by the Strength of Prerogative; But this was none of his Method: He was so Condescensive as to say the Emperours had no Property of their own; and that the very Palace they lived in, belong'd to the Lords and Commons.
About this time he married his Son to Crispina, Daughter to Brutius Valens, who had been Consul; the Wedding was kept like that of a private Person, without any thing of Royal Grandeur, or Expence in't.
After this, he went to Bellona's [177] Temple, and perform'd the Ceremony of the Dart: This Custom was very Antient, and only praftis'd upon a War beyond Sea; and against some very remote Country. The Emperour coming into the Temple took up the Bloody Lance which was kept there, and threw it over an opposite Column, in the Circus Flaminius, which pointed toward the Enemy's Quarters.
[178] The Romans perceiving their Emperour broken with Age and Fatiguing, ready to set forward, and expose his Person to all the Hazards of a new War, and being afraid they might lose this brave Prince, and the benefit of that admirable Prudence too, which was not likely to out-live him; having these Apprehensions they came in a Body to the Palace, to desire him not to leave them till he had given them some Rules for their Conduct; that in case the Gods should take him to themselves, they might have some Directions to steer by; and be enabled to hold on that Course of Virtue into which his Example had led them. Antoninus was so much affected with the Probity, and good Disposition of this Address, that he spent three whole Days in Moral Discourses, explaining the greatest Difficulties upon that Argument, and giving the People some short Maxims, to assist their Memory, and govern their Practise.
In the beginning of August he left the Town, taking Commodus along with him, and gave the Command of the Troops to Paternus. The Schythians lost the best part of their Forces in the first Battle, which was fought with such Resolution, that it lasted a whole Day. And now Antoninus was proclaim'd Emperour by the Army, the Tenth time.
'Twere to be wish'd we could give a particular Account of these last glorious Campagnes, but since there's no Historian extant to transmit the Detail, we must be contented to understand in General, that this War was no less Troublesome than any of the former; That the King of Schythia beheaded several of his Officers upon a Suspicion of their holding Correspondence with the Romans ; That Antoninus fought a great many Battels very obstinate and bloody, in which the Victory was always gain'd by the force of his Conduct, and the extraordinary Bravery of his Person ; that he was always at the Head of his Troops in the hottest Service; That he Built and Garrison'd several Forts to keep the Country in Awe ; And that in the beginning of March, when he was going to open his third Campagne, he was seiz'd with a Distemper at Vienna, [179] which carried him off in a few Days.
'Tis said his Physicians used him ill, and hasten'd his Death, to make their Court to Commodus : Dion Cassius is positive in this Opinion, which if it be true, Antoninus had more Grounds for that Common Saying than he was aware of: How many Reasons, says he, will People muster up to be rid of us? Those who have had the greatest share in my Affection count my Life hut a Grievance, and would be glad to see an End on't. [180] Neither did he fail in the least to practise his own Advice upon this Occasion: 'Tis this; [181] However this Thought must not go so deep as to sower your Humour: You must keep your Temper, wish the World well, and part friendly with every Body. This Rule, I say, was exactly observ'd by the Emperour, for the same Dion Cassius Reports, that he took a great deal of care to conceal the Cause of his Death, that he recommended his Son to the Army; And when a Tribune [182] came to him for the Word, he bid him go to the Rising Sun.
But Commodus being very young, and having as yet given no Suspicion of any such unnatural Barbarity, makes this Relation look Improbable: Especially when we consider Herodian's Testimony, [183] by which it appears plainly that Commodus did not fly out into Vice and Disorder till after his Father's Death. The Odium this young Prince; when he came to govern, drew upon himself by his Cruelty, was the occasion no doubt that Fame reported him a Parricide; (that so no sort of Wickedness might escape him;) People being generally willing to believe all the Ill of Princes which their latter Actions shew them capable of doing.
[184] To return. The Emperour's Sickness had such ill Symptoms, that his Recovery was quickly despair'd of. In this Extremity which generally shocks the Fortitude of most Men, this Prince held up in his Spirit and Temper, and gave a noble Proof of the force of his Notions and Philosophy. But notwithstanding his Submission to Providence reconciled him to Death, yet the generous Regard he had for his People, gave him many a Melancholy Thought. This Anxiety encreas'd with his Disease, insomuch that the Day before he died, his Mind seem'd restless and uneasy. The Miscarriages of those Princes, who coming young to the Throne were too weak to govern their Fortune, and make Head against their Vices and Flatterers, were perpetually in his Thoughts. The Scandalous Reigns of Nero and Domitian, made him more Solicitous: He was afraid his Son might make a false step, and not keep his Feet where the Ground was so Slippery; that his Education might be lost upon him, the Notions contriv'd into him miscarry, and all the care of his Instructers prove insignificant; In short, he was afraid he should grow Lewd, and Licentious, and prove a Tyrant to his People, instead of a Protection. On the other Hand, he saw his Northern Conquests but slenderly secur'd, that those People were enclin'd to a Revolt, that the Enemy had their Swords in their Hand, and upon such a Juncture were the more to be fear'd, for their having been often defeated : He had therefore reason to be Apprehensive lest his Death might bring all these Nations to a Confederacy against the Empire, and that taking Advantage of his Sons Youth, and want of Experience, they might make an Attempt to retrieve their Fortune, and wipe out their former Disgrace. Being somewhat perplex'd with these Thoughts, and floating between Hope and Fear, He order'd his Friends, and Principal Officers to be brought in: When he saw them about the Bed, he bad Commodus stand before them, and then raising himself with some Difficulty to sit up, he spoke to them in this manner.
[185] I'm not surpriz'd at your being troubled to see me in this Condition: Compassion from one Man to another, is very Natural; And those Objects which strike the Sight are always most Affecting : But I perswade my self your Concern upon this Occasion is somewhat more than ordinary: For the Regard I have always had for you, makes me reasonably expect a suitable Return. And now Opportunity presents fair for us both; For Me, that I may have the Satisfaction to be sensible my Esteem and Affection have not been misplaced; For you, to make your Acknowledgements, and show you are not unmindful of what you have Receiv'd.
You see my Son here, who has been Educated under you, Just Launching into his Youth; This part of Life for a Prince especially, is like putting to Sea in a Storm; where without Ballast and good Pilots, he'l be in Danger of being over-set by his Passions, and split upon some Rock or other: And therefore since he is going to lose his Father, I hope that Relation will be supplied, and multiplied in you: Pray take care of him in this dangerous Station, and let him never want good Counsel: Put him in Mind, that all the Wealth in the World, is not sufficient to satisfy the Caprice and Luxury of a Tyrant. And that a Prince's Guards, tho' never so Numerous, are but a slender Protection without the Love of the Subject: That those generally sit longest, and most secure upon the Throne, who Reign over the Affections of the People, and govern more by Goodness, than Terror. For 'tis Inclination and not Farce, which keeps Loyalty firm, and makes Subjection go down easily. In such Cases People are Friends, not Flatterers, and never start from their Duty, unless provok'd by Injury, and Ill-usage. 'Tis true, 'tis a hard matter to Reign and be Regular; and to set Bounds to your Will, when your Power is almost Absolute. If you suggest such Things as these, and remind him of what he hears now, you'l both secure an Excellent Emperour for your selves, and also oblige my Memory in the highest manner imaginable, this being your only way to make it Immortal.
At this Sentence the Emperour grew Speechless, fainted, and fell back into the Bed; and dying the next Day, was much lamented by those of his own Time, and no less admired by Posterity. As soon as his Death was publish'd, the Army, and all Italy were mightily Afflicted at the News. So general a Mourning in earnest was never seen. And never was Rome in a greater Consternation. All the Happiness and Glory of the Empire seem'd to expire with Antoninus: Their Grief express'd it self in all the Varieties of Affection and Regard: Some call'd him their Father, and others their Brother, some their brave General, some their Good-natured Emperour, their Prudent, Exemplary, and every way well qualified, and accomplish'd Prince; And which is very extraordinary, among such a Multitude of Commendors, there was not one Soul of them that over-shot his Character, or said more of him than he deferv'd. The Senate and Commons, made him a God, even before the Solemnity of his Funeral. [186] And as if it had been a small Matter to erect him a Statue of Gold in the Julian Chappel, [187] They branded all those for a parcel of lewd ungodly Wretches, who according to their Circumstances, had not either a Picture, or a Statue of Antoninus in their own Houses.
Thus in the fifty ninth Year almost compleat, died the best and greatest of all the Roman Emperours: [188] He reign'd nine Years with his Brother Verus, and ten by himself. 'Twas a great Happiness for him he lived no longer: For by this means he was unacquainted with the wretched Qualities of his Son Commodus, who, for all manner of Wickedness, was one of the greatest Monsters in History.
Footnotes[edit]
- ↑ Jul. Capit. Eutrop. Dio.
- ↑ A Prætor was somewhat of the Nature of a Lord Chief Justice, but much greater, both in Figure and Authority.
- ↑ The Territory of Otranto in Italy. Capitol.
- ↑ An. Dom. 121. Capitol.
- ↑ Dio.
- ↑ Toga virilis.
- ↑ The highest Post in the Government.
- ↑ Capitol.
- ↑ The Romans us'd to strew the Tombs of those they had a Reard for, with all sorts of Flowers.
- ↑ Capitol. Aristid. in Marc. encom Orat. 9.
- ↑ Capitol. This Equus Publicus was a kind of Knighthood.
- ↑ Capitol.
- ↑ Togavirilis.
- ↑ Feriæ Latinæ Instituted by Tarquin the Proud, upon a Confederacy entred into with the Latins, &c. Dion. Halic. lib. 4.
- ↑ Capitol.
- ↑ Id.
- ↑ Id.
- ↑ Id.
- ↑ Dio.
- ↑ Capitol.
- ↑ Id.
- ↑ Capitol. Spartian. in Adrian.
- ↑ Capitol. Dio. An. Dom. 139.
- ↑ Spartian. in Adrian.
- ↑ An. Dom. 140.
- ↑ Capitol. in pio.
- ↑ Id. An. Dom. 147.
- ↑ Vid. Salmas. in Capitol.
- ↑ Capitol.
- ↑ Capitol.
- ↑ An. Dom. 161.
- ↑ Capitol.
- ↑ Capitol. vid. Salm. in Noos.
- ↑ See Herodian's description of Severus's Funeral.
- ↑ Capitol.
- ↑ Lamp. in Commod.
- ↑ Capitol.
- ↑ Capitol.
- ↑ Capitol. in Vero. An. Dom. 163. 164, 165.
- ↑ Dio. lib. 71.
- ↑ Capitol.
- ↑ Capitol. in Vero.
- ↑ An. Dom. 167. or 168.
- ↑ An. Dom. 168. 169.
- ↑ He was afterwards Emperour.
- ↑ Dio.
- ↑ Dio.
- ↑ Id.
- ↑ Id.
- ↑ They dwelt in the Country now call'd Bohemia.
- ↑ The Romans used to eat in that posture.
- ↑ Capitol. in Vero.
- ↑ An. Dom. 169.
- ↑ Capitol.
- ↑ Capitol. in Vero.
- ↑ Capitol.
- ↑ Galen. An. Dom. 170.
- ↑ Capitol. in Vero.
- ↑ Capitol. in Marc.
- ↑ Capitol.in Marc.
- ↑ Capitol.
- ↑ Capitol in Vero.
- ↑ Book xi. Sec. 18. & alib.
- ↑ An. Dom. 170.
- ↑ Lucian. in Pseudomane.
- ↑ Two Lions.
- ↑ Baron. ad Ann. Chr. 171.
- ↑ Hungary. An. Dom 170. 171. or as some say An. Dom. 168.
- ↑ Dio.
- ↑ Dion. in Marc. lib. lxiii Capitol. 21. Volcat. in Cass. 6.
- ↑ Capitol.
- ↑ The Emperours every tenth year of their Reign used to keep a Religious Festival.
- ↑ Capitol.
- ↑ Id. 10.
- ↑ Curatores.
- ↑ Her Name was Flavia Tertulla.
- ↑ Digest. Lib. 23. Tit 11. 57.
- ↑ Capitol. 11.
- ↑ Id. 9.
- ↑ The Ædiles set forth the Publick Shews, regulated the Weights and Measuress, survey'd the Buildings, Highways, &c.
- ↑ Capitol.
- ↑ Somewhat like our Mayors, and Aldermen.
- ↑ Dio. Capitol. 12.
- ↑ Capitol. 13.
- ↑ Vid. Salmas & Casaub. in Capitol. c. 6.
- ↑ Capitol. 4.
- ↑ At a certain Play where the Emperour was present. One of the Actors ask'd another, What was the Name of the Ladies Gallant, or Whore-Master? The other made Answer as it were with some little Difficulty of Recollection, Tullius, Tullus, Tullus. He that put the Question, being impatient to know the Name, replies, what say you? I told you, says his Friend in the Dialogue, Ter Tullus, that is I have repeated Tullus ter, or thrice, which is as much as to say the Mans Name is Tertullus. Capitol. 20.
- ↑ Dio.
- ↑ Capitol in Pio. 7.
- ↑ Book 1. Sect. 17.
- ↑ Capitol. 24.
- ↑ Id. 12.
- ↑ The Roman Emperours used to try Causes themselves.
- ↑ See Book 4. Sect. 2.
- ↑ Capitol. 10.
- ↑ Dio.
- ↑ Capitol.
- ↑ Capitol. 22.
- ↑ Book 3. Sect. 7.
- ↑ Capitol. 20.
- ↑ Capitol. 22.
- ↑ From Slovenia to the Rhine.
- ↑ Capitol. 23.
- ↑ See Book 4. Sect. 16
- ↑ Plin. in Panegyr.
- ↑ Capitol. Eutrop.
- ↑ Capitol. 22.
- ↑ Priests of Mars.
- ↑ Dio. Baron : Annal ad Ann. Christi. 176.
- ↑ Dio.
- ↑ Dio. Lamprid. in Heliogabal.
- ↑ Sect. 6.
- ↑ Capitol. 24.
- ↑ Xiphilin.
- ↑ Tertull. Apo. cap. 5. ad. Scap. c. 4.
- ↑ Vid. Baron. ad Ann. Christ. 176. Scalig. in Euseb. Chron.
- ↑ Ann. Dom. 174.
- ↑ Mater Castrorum.
- ↑ From this Place the Emperour dates his first Book, and probably it lay in some part of the lesser Tartary.
- ↑ Sirmich in Hungery.
- ↑ This Herodes was the famous Retorician, who had been Preceptor to Marcus Antoninus and Verus.
- ↑ Philostr. in vit. Herod.
- ↑ Philostr.
- ↑ Hungary.
- ↑ Dio.
- ↑ Volcat. in Cassio.
- ↑ Ibid.
- ↑ Vid. Papyr. spud L v. Lib viii. 34.
- ↑ Volcat. in Cassio.5.
- ↑ Volcat. in Cassio. 5.
- ↑ Dio
- ↑ Volcat. in Cassio 1.
- ↑ Ibid. 13.
- ↑ Volcat. in Cassio.
- ↑ Volcat. in Cassio. 2.
- ↑ Volcat. in Cassio. 7. Capitol. 24.
- ↑ Volcat. Ibid. Capitol. Dio.
- ↑ Or Son in Law, Druncianus.
- ↑ Dio. Xiphil.
- ↑ Dio. Capitol. 24. Volcat. in Cassio. 7.
- ↑ Volcat. in Cassio. 9.
- ↑ His Family was Antiochian.
- ↑ Volcat. in Cassio. 10.
- ↑ Puellæ Virgini.
- ↑ Μᾳίνη. Philostr. in vit. Herod.
- ↑ Dio. Volcat. in Cassio. 7.
- ↑ Volcat. in Cassio. 11.
- ↑ Made them Gods.
- ↑ Antoninus Pius.
- ↑ Or Merciful.
- ↑ The Emperour cites a Verse from Horace. Capito. 24. Volcat. in Cassio. 9.
- ↑ Volcat. in Cassio. 2.
- ↑ Capitol. 25. 26.
- ↑ Capitol. 23.
- ↑ Capitol. 26.
- ↑ Dio.
- ↑ Capito. 26. Dio.
- ↑ Dio.
- ↑ Dio.
- ↑ Volcat in Cassio. 7.
- ↑ Deportatus. Capitol. 26. Volcat. 9.
- ↑ Dio.
- ↑ Capitol 25.
- ↑ Philostrat. in Aristide.
- ↑ Aristic. Tom. 1. Orat. 15.
- ↑ Capitol. 27.
- ↑ Dio. Philostr. in vit. Adriani.
- ↑ Capitol. 27.
- ↑ Dio. An. Dom. 176.
- ↑ The Roman Aureus at that time was worth about ten-Shillings Sterling.
- ↑ The Princeps Juventutis commanded the Boys of Quality in the Ludus Trojae, and was generally the Emperours Son, or near Relation, and by this Title design'd to succeed him. Philostr. in Aristid. Dio. Aristid. Tom. Orat. 20, 21.
- ↑ Capitol. 23
- ↑ Capitol. 23. Dio.
- ↑ Ibid.
- ↑ Sect. 17.
- ↑ Dio.
- ↑ The Goddess of War.
- ↑ An. Dom. 178.
- ↑ Some say at Sumich in Hungary. Dio.
- ↑ Book 10. Sect. 36.
- ↑ Ibid.
- ↑ There were six of these Tribunes, or Colonels, in every Legion.
- ↑ Herod. in Commod. 7.
- ↑ Herodian. in Com. 3. 4.
- ↑ Herodian. 4, 5. from the Original.
- ↑ The Emperour's Apotheosis did not Commence. till their Funeral was over.
- ↑ Here the Senate met.
- ↑ Ann. Dom. 180. Dio.