The Siege of London (Posteritas)/Chapter 3
SIR STAFFORD NORTHCOTE BECOMES PRIME MINISTER.—RESOLUTE POLICY OF THE NEW GOVERNMENT.—DESPATCH OF A LARGE FORCE TO SOUTH AFRICA, UNDER LORD WOLSELEY.—GREAT DEFEAT OF THE ENGLISH.—MORE TROOPS SENT OUT, AND ULTIMATE DEFEAT OF THE BOERS.—TACTICS OF THE "SEPARATISTS" AND THE RADICALS.—DISGRACEFUL SCENES IN THE HOUSE OF COMMONS.—WEAKNESS OF THE BRITISH NAVY.—THE EGYPTIAN TROUBLE LOOMS LARGE AGAIN.—IRRITATION OF FRANCE.—FALL OF THE CONSERVATIVE GOVERNMENT.
WHEN the new Government came into power, with Sir Stafford Northcote as Prime Minister, they found that they had to take up a tangle of ravelled skeins which their predecessors had dropped, and which were calculated to try and test the most able and astute of Governments. England's relations with some of the foreign powers were much strained, especially so with France and Germany. India was in a state of unrest; Egypt was in chaos; and affairs in South Africa had reached such a pitch, that immediate action was necessary, since English interests in, if not the actual possession of, the Cape of Good Hope were seriously imperilled.
At home there was no brighter outlook. Trade was everywhere languishing. In many parts of the country the most frightful distress prevailed. In the great shipping centres ships were rotting for the want of freight, and the shipbuilding yards on the Thames, the Clyde, and the Mersey were empty. Seldom, in fact, had a Government come into office with such a legion of troubles staring it in the face.
Not the least of the many grave questions that were well calculated to cause uneasiness was that of Ireland. Both parties saw with alarm that the new Reform Bill had given Ireland a dangerous power; for Mr. Parnell, the Irish agitator,—the "Uncrowned King," as he was ironically called,—had returned to St. Stephen's with a following of Home Rulers seventy strong. With such a voting force, it was perfectly obvious that the "Irish Party" were destined to be a terrible disturbing element.
The strong and drastic measures pursued by the preceding Government had never found favour with the Conservatives, and one of their first steps was a decision not to renew the "Crimes Act" which had been passed by Mr. Gladstone's Government. In fact, even if the Government had been willing to renew it, it could hardly have been done in the face of the Home Rule element in the House of Commons. This concession, which met with considerable opposition from the Liberals, was received in Ireland with great satisfaction, but it at once caused an increased agitation against the union, and a louder clamour for Home Rule.
The next step of the new Government was to despatch a force of 5,000 men, under Lord Wolseley,—"England's only General," as he had been sarcastically termed,—to South Africa. His lordship had only just returned from Egypt, where he had been engaged on a thankless and useless task. His appointment to the South African campaign was a guarantee that the Government was in earnest. Those who knew him knew that his mission would be prosecuted with vigour, and the disgrace of Majuba Hill would probably be avenged at last. It is true that there was some uneasiness felt at the news that the Boers were assembling an army of thirty thousand men, well armed, and provided with breach-loading cannon. But still it was considered that five thousand British troops, assisted with local forces and native contingents, would suffice to teach the saucy Dutchmen a lesson. The nation was, therefore, thunder-stricken when one morning it read in the papers:—
GREAT BATTLE IN THE TRANSVAAL.
TREMENDOUS SLAUGHTER.
THE BRITISH ARMY ALMOST ANNIHILATED.
THE BOERS MARCHING ON THE CAPE.
An electric shock ran through the country at this news which had been flashed by telegraph during the night. There was not a right-thinking man or woman but felt that the hour for playing with the Boers had passed, and that a terrible revenge must follow. It is true that some of the extreme Radical papers affected to sneer, and accused the Government of having begun their reign by blood-shedding. But these papers chose to forget that the preceding Government had shed more blood uselessly than any Government during the century, and that the Transvaal shame and difficulty was a legacy they themselves had left to their successors.
A Cabinet Council was instantly summoned, and it was at once decided to despatch with all possible speed an additional force of 15,000 men, which was to include 3,000 cavalry. This force was got ready with marvellous celerity; and so urgent was the matter considered to be, that two of Her Majesty's Indian troop-ships, namely the Serapis and the Crocodile, were pressed into the service.
In the meantime, some modification of the first report arrived, and it was found that the disaster was not so bad as originally represented, though bad enough in all conscience, since the British arms had suffered a very crushing defeat. It may be imagined that the country waited in breathless suspense for the news of the arrival of the reinforcements, and what a relief it was when the intelligence was wired that a battle had been fought,—that the Boers had been worsted, and were in full retreat. There was great rejoicing at this news, and people began to hope that the Transvaal difficulty would at last be settled.
With the vigour and expedition so characteristic of him, Lord Wolseley followed up his success, and, by a strange coincidence, a coincidence that was the very irony of fate, the Boers made a stand at Majuba Hill. Perhaps some superstitious feeling led them to that blood-stained spot, where they had gained their memorable victory over the ill-starred Sir George Colley. Probably they thought that their former good-fortune would return to them if they once more fought under the shadow of the hill where they had defied and defeated the British power on a former occasion. But, if they did so think, they ought also to have remembered that Majuba was indissolubly associated with a British disgrace,—that British blood had been poured out there, and cried aloud for vengeance.
The English army soon came up with the Dutchmen, who had intrenched themselves, but they were shelled from their positions, and an engagement was fought in which the Boers were decimated, and the survivors fled for their lives, a mere routed rabble. The shame of Majuba Hill was avenged at last.
The power of the British arms was now thoroughly restored, and it was decided by the English Government to once more annex the Transvaal. This proposition met with very determined opposition from the Liberals, the Right Hon. W. E. Gladstone being particularly loud in his denunciation of what he was pleased to term a policy of "Annexation and Bloodshed." It was clear, however, that the feeling of the country was with the Government, and so the Transvaal once more became part of the British dominions. It would have been well indeed if this had been the only serious difficulty that faced the Government. But it was simply one thread cut of the intricately-tangled skein. There were wrathful mutterings in Ireland, and the Irish Party in the House were no longer at the slightest pains to disguise their true intent, and they soon became known as the "Separatists." Severance from the Union that bound them to England was what they clamoured for, and severance they insisted upon. That fatal optimism that had induced Mr. Gladstone to place so much political power in Mr. Parnell's hands was, as it was now seen, leading to disastrous issues; and so patent was this fact to every one, except those who allowed their partisan zeal to blind them to the dangers that menaced their country, that many prominent Liberals publicly avowed their defection from their party.
The tactics pursued in the House of Commons were disgraceful and unparalleled. The extreme Radicals allied themselves to the Separatists in a policy of obstruction, and that grand dignity and high-souled honour, which erstwhile had distinguished the British Parliament, was sacrificed to blatant, demagogic insolence and hatred. One would have to go very far back in history indeed to find an English Government that was so degraded and harassed by an organised band of unpatriotic men as was Sir Stafford Northcote's Government during this eventful period in England's story. But, in spite of it all, the Government struggled to uphold the honour of the country, and to counteract the enormous mischief wrought by their predecessors. But the task before them was truly Herculean, and had they shrunk they might well have been pardoned. But they did not shrink, and the impartial historian would be wanting in justice and common honesty if he failed to accord them the highest mead of praise.
In such a terrible state was Ireland at this time, and so alarming were the outrages that were committed, that the Government determined to renew the Crimes Act, which, in a conciliatory spirit, they had declined to renew when they came into office. The determination gave rise to one of the stormiest and most remarkable debates ever known in the House of Commons. The ultra-Radicals, led by Mr. Chamberlain, joined issues with the Separatists, and every endeavour was made to thwart the Government. But it is to the credit of the House of Commons of that day that the Act once more became law, with certain clauses of a more stringent character added.
But now Egypt was becoming a source of terrible anxiety. The Liberal Government's misrule in that unhappy country had produced the direst effects. Anarchy reigned in the Soudan, and hordes of fanatical Arabs hung upon the fringe of Egypt, and threatened to overrun the country, so that it was necessary to keep a strong British garrison both at Cairo and Alexandria. But the threatening Arabs were not the only danger. It was evident that England was drifting into war with France. There was a strong party in France who insisted upon a joint control in Egypt and the restoration of the Sinking Fund. But Egypt was in a state of absolute bankruptcy, and £5,ooo,ooo of English gold had already gone in an attempt to raise the financial position of the county. Notwithstanding this, the English Government was not only disposed to make another advance, but to comply with the French demands as to the control. The errors of the previous Liberal Administration had so ruined the country, that some such step as that proposed seemed absolutely necessary. But it was clear that the Opposition were against the proposal, which was not likely to be carried into effect unless the co-operation of the Irish party could be secured. For the moment, however, the eyes of the Government were turned from Egypt to India. For some time reports had continued to reach England that Russia was making rapid advances towards Afghanistan, and whenever the matter was mentioned in the House of Commons, the leader of the Opposition, Mr. Gladstone, inveighed in the most emphatic manner against any credence being given to the reports. The right hon. gentleman had always shown himself a warm partisan of Russia, and now, with all the powers of his marvellous eloquence, he protested against any doubts being thrown upon the distinct pledges given by Russia; and this not-withstanding that the history of Russia proved that she never respected pledges a moment longer than it suited her to do so. But Mr. Gladstone had strong Russian sympathies, and, now that he languished in the cold shade of Opposition, he declaimed in vehement and fiery language against those who chose to hold diametrically opposite opinions.
The Government, however, felt that it had a duty to perform, and that it was of paramount importance that measures should be taken to insure the safety of India. When the Conservatives had been in office before, under Lord Beaconsfield, they had seized certain strategical positions which were admitted by military experts all over the world to be perfect safeguards against invasion. But, when Mr. Gladstone came into power, he yielded to the dictates of the dressing-gown, carpet-slipper, fire-side politicians amongst his followers, and proceeded to evacuate those very positions for which English blood had been shed and English gold had been spent. Very speedily, however, their importance became apparent, and there is little doubt that, had the Gladstone Administration remained in power, they would have endeavoured to rectify their blunder. But now that they were no longer in power they opposed any re-occupation of the abandoned points. In spite of this, the Conservatives determined to take immediate steps to guard against any mischief Russia might contemplate. With this end in view, they asked for a vote of credit for £3,000,000, to be added to £1,000,000 promised by the Indian Government; and which was to be spent on adequately fortifying and garrisoning the Indian frontier. Against this vote the Liberals, with some notable exceptions, rose in arms; and meetings were absolutely called in different parts of the country to protest against what was somewhat stupidly termed "the Jingo policy" of the Government.
The word "Jingo" had for some time been applied in a contemptuous way to the Conservatives, though the logic-of its application was not very apparent, sees that it was derived from the Basque name for the Supreme Being, namely, Jainko, However, the Liberals had never distinguished themselves for their logic, and they were upholders of the idea that "any stick was good enough to beat a dog with." It was remarkable, as showing the lengths to which party rancour will push men, that the majority of the Opposition became furious at the Government proposition; and both in the House and out of it indulged in language that was altogether new to English politics, notwithstanding that the vocabulary of abusive invective had for many years seemed to have been the peculiar property of the Great Liberal Party.
It is difficult, indeed, to understand how men who had been returned to the Parliament of a great country, with glorious traditions, and a network of ramifications that extended all over the globe, should have allowed their judgment to be so warped by party feeling. That there should have been difference of opinion was perfectly natural, but that this difference should have been subversive of every sentiment of patriotism seems almost incomprehensible. The dangers which threatened the United Kingdom at this time were very real indeed. But unfortunately the false teachings and erroneous doctrines of such men as Bright and Chamberlain had found disciples all over the country, and they hated with a fanatical hatred all those who were opposed to their views. They wanted their party in power, and in order to gain that end they were willing to squabble while the enemy was battering at the gates.
The vote of credit asked for by the Government was seized upon as a great party cry by the Opposition, and their leader in the Commons, Mr. Gladstone, made a mighty effort to overthrow the Government. It was the last flash, so to speak, of his so-called genius; and, though he was bowed and bent with age, and worn and weary with fifty years of political strife, his old strength and fire seemed to come back, and, speaking as if he held a brief for his friends the Russians, he denounced the demand of the Government in thunderous invective, and the House rang with his measured heroics.
It was perhaps fitting that he who had so indelibly written his name in the history of his country should end his great career in the thunder of his own eloquence. Such a man could not pass from the stage he had so long occupied as a central figure without the loud clashing of music, the burning of red fire, and the tumultuous roar of enthusiasm rising from the throats of his multitudinous audience. It was a fitting close to the final act, upon which the curtain was so soon to fall, leaving only the memory of a great name and the dust and smoke of party strife. That Ireland was seething with sedition; that the mighty Empire of India was threatened by an unscrupulous and ambitious enemy; that the Soudan was in a blaze, and Egypt crushed, torn, and bleeding; that dangerous friction existed between England and France; that everywhere were signs and sounds as of the moan of the wind before the bursting of the storm; that stagnation in trade was apparent throughout the land; that thousands and thousands of unhappy people were dying for the want of food; that gaunt, famine-stricken men were in their desperation ready to rise in fury at any one's call and scatter death and ruin around;—all these things were nothing as compared with party feeling. And though the misery, and the ruin, and the danger were the outcome of years of Liberal mismanagement, Mr. Gladstone and his fanatical followers hurled their thunderbolts of accusation at the Conservatives and blamed them for it all.
If the spirit of decay had not already set in, it is certain that Englishmen, at this exciting period of their history, would not have allowed the clamour of politics to have deafened them to the warnings of danger; nor would they have allowed the dying flash of an expiring genius to have dazzled them so that they failed to see the portentous signs that were making themselves manifest in the firmament of their Empire. But so it was; and as a result the Government fell. By holding out bribes should they be returned to office the Opposition secured the Irish votes, and the Government were defeated by a large majority, which left Sir Stafford Northcote no alternative but an appeal to the country. The tremendous machinery of the Caucus was immediately set in motion. The Radicals, as was ever their wont, appealed to the passions of men, and with their usual want of veracity they accused the Conservatives of having produced all the misery and distress that then prevailed. And yet, notwithstanding this, they argued, the late Government wished to spend three millions of money in affronting a friendly nation. Such an argument as this naturally told with their ignorant and thoughtless followers, and in the end the Liberals were once more returned to power, and the Marquess of Hartington became Prime Minister, Mr. Gladstone's career having come to a close.