The Siege of London (Posteritas)/Chapter 2
INTRODUCTION OF A NEW REFORM BILL.—CONFLICT WITH THE HOUSE OF LORDS.—CONCESSIONS BY MR. GLADSTONE.—A REVOLUTIONARY SPIRIT DISPLAYS ITSELF IN IRELAND.—INSOLENCE OF FRANCE.—FALL OF THE GLADSTONE GOVERNMENT.—RETURN OF THE CONSERVATIVES TO POWER.—THE CONVERSION OF BIRMINGHAM.
IT was at this time that Mr. Gladstone,—in order, as it has since been said, to turn the eyes of his country from broader political issues,—brought in a new Reform Bill, whereby it was sought to add two million voters to the electorate. This Bill was passed in the House of Commons by a large majority, but was thrown out by the Upper Chamber, which refused to read it unless it was coupled with a Redistribution Bill. The result was, Parliament adjourned, and an autumn session was announced, in order that the Franchise Bill might again be sent up to the House of Lords. In the meantime, leaders of both parties commenced to stump the country, and the Premier once more went to Midlothian on a "Pilgrimage of Passion." He was quickly followed by the Opposition leaders in both Houses, and it soon became evident that the country was pretty equally divided in its opinion. This campaign was marked by two things: the absence of disorder with one or two notable exceptions, and the extraordinary violence and disreputable character of the language used by the Radicals to assail the House of Lords. The most notable offenders in this respect, because the most conspicuous, were John Bright and a Mr. Joseph Chamberlain, who was President of the Board of Trade, and the Republican baronet, Sir Charles Dilke. The father of Sir Charles had been a retainer of the Prince Consort, and was distinguished for his loyalty. The son, however, after a Cambridge career and extensive travelling all over the world, developed such strong anti-monarchal tendencies as to render himself notorious. The Royal Family, to whom his father was deeply indebted, was an object of special antipathy to him, and at one time he preached a crusade against them, but with no other result than that of bringing himself into the contempt of moderate men, and of the production of riots, during which several unfortunate people lost their lives. The plums of office, however, were too strong a temptation to be resisted, and his ambition to become a Cabinet Minister was so powerful that he gradually merged the Republican stumper into the Radical statesman. Mr. Chamberlain was a man of the day, and could boast of no aristocratic ancestry, as could his colleague. His family had been engaged in trade, and he had distinguished himself in his native town of Birmingham as a shrewd business man whose creed was "Small interests must give way to capital." He loudly deprecated "unearned increments" (a doubtful term), but he himself acquired great wealth by speculative investments. John Bright had always been violent and abusive, therefore it was no new feature with him. A large proportion of the smaller fry who followed the lead of these men, caught up the spirit they displayed, and, improving on it, indulged in a style of rhetoric that had up to then seemed to have been the peculiar property of French orators. Seldom before had the tone of English politics been so lowered, or the amenities of respectable society so outraged. Enormous meetings were held by both parties all over the country, and Radicals took as their battle-cry—"The Reform of the House of Lords." The House of Lords, however, stood firm and dignified, and came out of the ordeal rather benefited than otherwise. The Government subsequently were compelled to make concessions to the Conservatives, and they succeeded thereby in passing their Reform Bill, though it was clearly seen that the Redistribution gave to Ireland a dangerous preponderating influence that was calculated to cause much trouble in the future.
Elated and jubilant with their victory, the Government was less inclined than ever to adopt anything like a vigorous policy in relation to foreign affairs, which were certainly going from bad to worse. The Egyptian question was still uppermost in men's minds, and the problems presented by it became more and more difficult to solve. France, irritated by the breaking of the Dual Control, and exasperated by the suspension of the Sinking Fund, which was one of the notable results of Lord Northbrook's mission to the unhappy country of the Pharoahs, was displaying an insolence towards England and an indifference to her interests that were well calculated to cause alarm to all but the most blind partisans. The bubbling of the revolutionary spirit in Ireland was becoming louder, while the Boers in the Transvaal had brought matters to such a crisis that it became evident some vigorous action must be taken. Lord Derby, however, seemed to think otherwise. These men of "strong masculine fibre and Christian simplicity," as they had been described by his chief, the Prime Minister, were objects of tender solicitude to the Colonial Secretary. The murder and outrage, the rapine and slaughter, the injustice and insolence of the psalm-singing Dutch freebooters and robbers could not turn a hair of his lordship's head, though in this respect he would sees to have been singular. An expedition was sent to Bechuanaland, but it returned without any fighting, as the Boers withdrew over the frontiers, and gave guarantees for their good behaviour. Very soon, however, they ignored those guarantees, and commenced their old course of plunder and rapine. Matters now became worse than ever in South Africa, and aroused the indignation of the Opposition to such an extent that they seized upon the African policy as a powerful weapon to turn against the effete Government, which was only kept in office by a mechanical majority and the Caucus. But, as was proved, things had become too bad for even the Caucus to prevail, and a Vote of Censure was proposed by the Leader of the Opposition, and, after an exciting debate, extending over three evenings, the vote was carried by a majority of thirty-five, notwithstanding that the Irish Party threw their weight in the scale for the Government. But many prominent Liberals went into the lobbies with the Opposition, and some of the Liberal party abstained from voting at all.
The result of this was, the Prime Minister determined to appeal to the country. The party exhibited no chagrin at their defeat. Their natural term of office would have soon expired, and they were confident and jubilant now that the new electorate would return them to power with a greater majority than ever. And so the cry went forth to the constituencies that a new Parliamentary campaign was about to commence. Mr. Gladstone, with his family, hurried off once more to Midlothian, and his colleagues, Mr. Chamberlain, Sir Charles Dilke, Sir Vernon Harcourt, the Marquess of Hartington, Lord Derby, and other members of the defunct Government, turned their attention to other parts of the country, and the battle began in earnest.
It was remarked that the tone of the Conservative party was rather a despondent one. Their organs of the Press certainly did not seem very hopeful; and the leaders could hardly help expressing doubts as to the result of the election. On the other hand, the liberals were everywhere blatant and exultant. They seemed never to tire of reminding the country that they had freed two millions of people from "political thraldom." It was a phrase that sounded well, and it was thrashed to pieces. "Two millions" made such a mouthful. It could be rolled forth with such volubility, and so it was used by every one, from the late Prime Minister to the pot-house demagogues. As the struggle proceeded, however, it soon became evident that the country as a body was not pleased with England's position, nor with the stewardship of the late Government. Trade was in a state of stagnation; amongst the working classes there was an immense amount of distress, and there was no disguising the fact that England was, politically speaking, isolated in Europe, while the friction between her and France was so great, that the most careful diplomacy would be required to prevent the friction giving place to flame. In fact, there was a very strong party indeed in France who clamoured for war with England, and it was obvious that such a war would have been very popular on the French side of the Channel. France turned envious eyes towards Egypt, and she was never tired of inveighing against Perfide Albion, for having excluded her from the banks of the Nile. It was pointed out by those writers in the French Press who wished to bring about a rupture between the two countries, that at that moment England was weak in her navy, and that her army was very far below its normal strength. In fact, the naval question had aroused a good deal of interest and anxiety amongst Englishmen, and, notwithstanding that one or two optimists declined to take any alarmist views, and some obscure Radical Working Men's Clubs had sent a resolution to Mr. Gladstone strongly deprecating any increase in the naval estimates, there was a concensus of opinion that some very decided action must be taken in order to place the navy in a thoroughly efficient position.
Party rancour was not allowed to blind the more intelligent part of the community to these things; and it was felt that the greatness of England ought to be maintained whatever party was in power. It was remarkable during this contest what a thoughtful feeling pervaded the country. Men who seldom troubled themselves about politics were, it was noted, more inclined to listen to arguments; and to question, in a rational manner, those who sought to lead them than they had been on any previous occasion. The violent language of the advanced Radicals did not find much favour; while the more logical reasoning of the Conservatives arrested men's attention.
Although the Conservatives began to take a more hopeful view from these signs, the Liberals did not cease to predict a tremendous victory for their party. It seemed to them a foregone conclusion. Defeat, they said, was impossible. The country to a man was with Mr. Gladstone, and his policy was thoroughly appreciated. This jubilant tone was maintained for some time, until the elections commenced, and were found to be going against them. But still the party by no means despaired, and did not even dream of defeat. It may, therefore, be imagined with what blank amazement they learned at last that the country had expressed itself indignant, and had returned the Conservatives to power again with the splendid majority of eighty.
This result was a surprise for both parties, but for the Liberals it was something more: it was crushing and humiliating. They were thunderstruck and dumbfounded. They had shouted "Victory," and now had to acknowledge overwhelming disaster. Their own weapons had been turned against them. Their own Reform Bill, which had brought in two million new voters, had actually helped to defeat them. It was a tremendous shock, because it was a tremendous surprise, and had never been anticipated even by the prophets of evil in their own ranks. They had gone to the poll with a boastful confidence. They came away with bowed heads and wounded feelings; and though, in desperation, they tried to explain away the causes that had led to their defeat, the Conservative majority of eighty was an answer to all their arguments.
It is worth while mentioning, as a very significant sign, that Birmingham, which had ever distinguished itself for Radicalism of an out-and-out type, and which was the home of the Caucus, and the native city of Mr. Joseph Chamberlain, absolutely returned two Conservative members in the persons of a gallant and distinguished army officer, Frederick Gustavus Burnaby, and "a young sprig of the nobility," Lord Randolph Churchill. His lordship had formerly sat for Woodstock, and had succeeded in bringing himself prominently into notice by his very marked abilities, and his strong, vigorous, incisive, and fearless style of oratory. He had, in fact, been a sort of free lance, but had certainly done yeoman service for his party. His standing for Radical Birmingham in the Conservative interest was looked upon as folly even by some of his warmest admirers; but the result proved that he was possessed of extraordinary political acumen, and men predicted for him a great career.