The Works of the Rev. Jonathan Swift/Volume 11/From William King to Jonathan Swift - 17

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REVEREND SIR,
SWORDS, SEP. 1, 1711.


I HAVE before me your's of the 15th and 21st, for which I return you my hearty thanks. I perceive you have the votes of our commons here, and I suppose the address of the lords, that gave occasion to them. I must let you know that I was very positive against the clause that provoked them, and kept the house in debate about it at least an hour, and spoke so often, that I was ashamed of myself; yet there were but three negatives to it. I used several arguments against the lords concurring with their committee, and foretold all that has happened upon it. Upon which I was much out of favour with the house for some time; and industry has been used, as I was informed, to persuade my lord duke, that what I did was in opposition to his interest: but when I had the opportunity to discourse his grace last, he was of another opinion. And in truth, my regard to his grace's interest was the principal reason of opposing a clause, that I foresaw might embarrass his business here.

There happened another affair relating to one Langton, of whom I formerly gave you some account. The commons found him on the establishment for a small pension; and having an ill notion of him and his informations, they took this occasion to examine his merits. In order to which, they sent up a message to the lords, to desire leave of judge Coste, who had taken his examinations, and those of his witnesses, to come down, and inform the committee: and this seemed the more necessary, because the examinations taken by the council were burned: but the lords refused to let the judge go down, as desired, and passed a vote to take the examination of the matter into their hands. This, I foresaw, might prove another bone of contention, and did oppose it, but with the same success as the former. Langton pleaded privilege, as chaplain to the bishop of Ossory, and refused to appear before the commons; on which they passed the angry resolves you will find in their votes. The examination of this matter has employed much of the lords time to very little purpose. My opposing this was made an objection against me by some, that wish now my advice had been taken.

The business of the city of Dublin, of which I gave you an account formerly, embroils us very much. We have at the council rejected four mayors and eight sheriffs, all regularly elected by the city; some of them the best citizens in the town, and much in the interest of the government. We begin to be sick of it, and I am afraid, that it may beget ill blood, and come into parliament here. We have rejected the elected magistrates in four other corporations, which adds to the noise. I own there were good reasons for rejecting some of them: but I cannot say the same for Dublin. I wish this may not prove uneasy to us.

There was a motion made at the sessions for the county of Dublin at Kilmainham, for an address of thanks to her majesty for sending his grace the duke of Ormond to be our chief governor. Nine of the justices, that is, all that were then present, agreed to it, and an address was ordered to be drawn, which was brought next morning into court, and then there were above a score, that seemed to have come on purpose, and promised, that it should be rejected by a majority; for this reason only, that it would entail a necessity on them to address in favour of every new lord lieutenant, or disoblige him. For which reason it was rejected also in my lord Wharton's time. This noways concerns his grace himself; but in my opinion, ought to lessen the esteem of some persons management, that attempt things, which would be better let alone, where they cannot be carried without opposition.

The house of commons seem to have received ill impressions of some. They reckon my lord duke's advisers, as if they were secretly his enemies, and designed to betray him. They generally seem persuaded, that his grace is a sincere honest man, and most in the interest of the kingdom of any chief governor they can ever expect; and that therefore they ought to support him to the utmost of their power, and declare, that the quarrels his enemies raise, shall not hinder them from doing whatever he shall reasonably desire from them, or her majesty's service require; and as an instance of their sincerity in this, they have granted funds for two years from Christmas last: whereas at first they intended only two years from the preceding 24th of June.

I have been preaching a doctrine that seems strange to some: it is, that her majesty, and the ministry, will be inclined to employ such as may be a help and support to their interest, and not a clog. I mean, that these subalterns should, by their prudence and dexterity, be able to remove any misunderstandings, that may be between the government and the people, and help to beget in them a good notion of the ministry; and by all means, avoid such things, as may embarrass or beget jealousies; so that the burden or odium may not fall on the ministry, where any harsh things happen to be done: that it seems to me to be the duty of those in posts, to avoid unnecessary disputes, and not to expect, that the ministry will interpose to extricate them, when they, without necessity, have involved themselves. But some are of a different opinion, and seem to think, that they have no more to do when they meet with difficulties, perhaps of their own creating, than to call in the ministry, and desire them to decide the matter by power: a method, that I do not approve, nor has it succeeded well with former governors here: witness lord Sydney, and lord Wharton, in the case of the convocation.

There really needs but one thing to quiet the people of Ireland, and it is to convince them, that there is no eye to the pretender. Great industry has been, and still is, used to bugbear them with that fear. I believe it is over with you; but it will require time and prudent methods to quiet the people here, that have been possessed for twenty-two years with a continual apprehension, that he is at the door, and that a certain kind of people designed to bring him in. The circumstances of this kingdom, from what they saw and felt under king James, make the dread of him much greater than it can be with you.

As to our convocation, a letter came from her majesty to give us license to act; but it nowise pleased some people, and so it was sent back to be modelled to their mind, but returned again without alteration. It came not to us till the day the parliament adjourned. I was at that time obliged to attend the council, there being a hearing of the quakers against a bill for recovering tithes. In my absence they adjourned till the meeting of the parliament, without so much as voting thanks, or appointing a committee. The things that displeased some in the license were, first, that my lord primate was not the sole president, so as to appoint whom he pleased to act in his absence. The second was, the consideration of proper methods to convert the natives, against which some have set themselves with all their might. The third is, what concerns pluralities, and residence, which some have not patience to hear of. The lower house seem to have the matter more at heart; for they have appointed committees during the recess, and are doing something.

I cannot but admire, that you should be at a loss to find what is the matter with those, that would neither allow you, nor any one else, to get any thing for the service of the church, or the publick. It is, with submission, the silliest query I ever found made by Dr. Swift. You know there are some, that would assume to themselves to be the only churchmen and managers, and cannot endure that any thing should be done but by themselves, and in their own way; and had rather that all good things proposed should miscarry, than be thought to come from other hands than their own; whose business is to lessen every body else, and obstruct whatever is attempted, though of the greatest advantage to church and state, if it be not from their own party. And yet, so far as I have hitherto observed, I do not remember any instance of their proposing, much less prosecuting with success, any thing for the publick good. They seem to have a much better hand at obstructing others, and embarrassing affairs, than at proposing or prosecuting any good design.

These seem as uneasy that more alterations are not made here, as those you mention are with you. The reason is very plain, they would fain get into employments, which cannot be without removes; but I have often observed, that none are more eager for posts, than such as are least fit for them, I do not see how a new parliament would much mend things here; for there is little choice of men: perhaps it might be for the worse, rebus sic stantibus; though I always thought the honest part, is to allow the people to speak their sense on the change of affairs by new representatives. I do not find, that those that have embarrassed the present, designed a new one; but they thought the commons so passive, that they might carry what they pleased, whatever their design might be. If they prosecute the present measures, I believe they will make new ones necessary, when there shall be occasion to have a new session.

I pray most heartily for her majesty, and her ministers; and am inclined to believe, that it is one of the most difficult parts of their present circumstances, to find proper insruments to execute their good intentions, notwithstanding the great crowds that offer themselves; particularly, my lord treasurer's welfare is at heart with all good men: I am sure, with none more than, reverend sir, &c.