The Writings of Carl Schurz/To Rutherford B. Hayes, February 2d, 1877
TO RUTHERFORD B. HAYES
I have received your letter of January 29th, and am sincerely glad to know that my suggestions concerning the inaugural have had your approval. Now as to the points you mention. I have thought of the same things and considered them carefully. The reasons why I did not introduce them in my suggestions are the following:
1. That the Southern people need good systems of public instruction is certainly true. One of the reasons why they do not have them, is, unfortunately, that the pervailing sentiment there is not vigorously in favor of them. There is the trouble. Their politicians may here and there talk well on the subject, but they do not feel it. If they did, they could have done much more for it. Were it possible, in some way by legislation to force them to introduce and maintain an efficient system of common schools in their States, we should thereby benefit them much more than by any material aid we have to offer for that purpose. But I fail to see how the object can be reached either way. The matter of public instruction is subject to the control of the States, and under the Constitution as it is, the National Government cannot interfere. The only material aid we can offer them for educational purposes would be, as far as I can see, in the shape of land donations. And if we offer them something in that way—I doubt whether it could be much—the question is what they would do with it. However, I am heartily in favor of all that can be done in this respect with a reasonable prospect of good effect. It would, in my opinion, certainly be a good thing to mention in your inaugural the necessity of efficient systems of public instruction in the Southern States; to call the attention of the Southern people to it and to give them some wholesome advice. But I doubt whether it would be good policy to make promises, of which we do not know to what extent they can be performed, and how far their performance would really promote the object in view. I would hesitate to advise it.
2. As to internal improvements, it is probable—nay I consider it certain—that all sorts of schemes will be hatched in the South and urged upon Congress, some more or less useful, others gotten up merely for the purpose of having the National Government spend as much money as possible in the Southern States, and not a few with bad jobs in them. This will be a natural tendency, while the taxes and duties which flow into the National Treasury come in overwhelming proportions out of Northern pockets. Against this tendency the economy of the National finances will be continually on the defensive; and while I feel very much as you do and should be glad to see the revival of Southern prosperity promoted by all proper and just means, we have also under existing circumstances every possible reason to take care that our public expenditures be kept within bounds. I should therefore consider it rather dangerous policy to encourage by general promises the above mentioned tendency, which will anyhow be stronger than may prove wholesome for the balance sheets of the Treasury. Besides, an internal improvement policy carried on in a broad sense, especially by giving Government aid to corporations, has always been an exceedingly dangerous thing for the morals of Congress. We have had exhibitions of that effect certainly startling enough to make us very careful. Remember the Credit-Mobilier, the Blaine letters, etc. It looks almost as if a railroad could not come within a hundred miles of a legislative body without corrupting it. It will be difficult for you, I should think, to say anything in your inaugural in the sense you indicate, that will not be liable to be construed as an endorsement of that policy, which in the past has proved so injurious to our public morals, and so dangerous to the Treasury, that the Republican party has seen itself forced to abandon it in deference to public opinion. Neither would it be well in my opinion if you appeared as trying to gain the favor of the Southern people by a bid of such a nature. It would seem to me best, not to mention the matter at all. It is in no way essential to your inaugural. If nothing is said about it nothing will be missed. Whatever you may say on that matter, will be apt to subject you to a kind of criticism which, as it impresses me, should be avoided especially at the beginning. Your good-will toward the Southern people can be set forth strongly in many other ways.
3. An amendment to the Constitution such as you speak of, has certainly much in its favor. The reason why I did not make a suggestion concerning it was, that after the experiences the country has gone through, that part of the Constitution which refers to the term and the election of the President will probably be changed in several respects, and that the amendment you mention will then appear in connection with other cognate propositions. The introduction of the whole subject would, as I thought, open a field of discussion perhaps too wide for the limits to which you might desire to confine your inaugural. I, therefore, submit to your judgment whether you would not prefer, instead of singling out this one particular amendment for presentation at this time, to leave it over for your first annual message and then to set it forth in all its bearings and proper connections.
On the whole, my impression is that your inaugural will best satisfy your own taste as well as that of the public, and also best serve its object, if it is a short, terse and pointed document, setting forth in simple language your political motives and aims in a general way, and that the crowding in of too many subjects and unnecessary details would encumber and thereby rather weaken than strengthen it. If it does not go much beyond two ordinary newspaper columns, it will be read by everybody as it ought to be.