An Account of Corsica/Chapter 2

by James Boswell

 

CHAPTER II.

A concise View of the Revolutions which Corsica has undergone from the earliest times.

ALTHOUGH many distinguished authours have, in conformity with the taste of the age, rejected every inquiry into the origin of nations, and presented their readers with nothing but what can be clearly attested; I confess, I am not for humouring an inordinate avidity for positive evidence. By being accustomed to demonstration, or what approaches near to it, and at no time giving any credit to what we do not fully comprehend, we are apt to form a pride and insolence of understanding; the mind acquires a hardness and obstinacy, inconsistent with the true intention of our faculties in this imperfect state, and is rendered unfit for the reception of many important truths.

But not to deviate into metaphysical speculation, I have always thought, that even the dark and fabulous periods are worthy of some attention. The founded heads among the ancients thought so, and their works are therefore more agreeable, than if they had confined themselves to strict authenticity. The origin of every nation is, as Livy says, 'Poeticis decora fabulis ^[1], Adorned with 'poetical fables.' These are always amusing to the imagination, when neither tedious, nor too extravagant. We love to be led on in a gradual progress, and to behold truth emerging from obscurity, like the sun breaking through the clouds. Such a progress makes a part of our own nature, which advances from the dawnings of being in our infancy, to greater and greater intelligence.

They, whose genius is directed to the study of antiquities, besides the immediate delight which such traditions afford them, are often able, from hints seemingly detached and unimportant, to trace the fundamental truth, and extend the bounds of reality. Few indeed have that peculiar turn for inquiry, to deserve the name of antiquarians. But there is an universal principle of curiosity, with respect to times past, which makes even conjectures be received with a kind of pleasing veneration; and although the great end of history is instruction, I think it is also valuable, when it serves to gratify this curiosity.

I shall therefore, in treating of the revolutions of Corsica, go as far back as books will serve me; though at the same time, I intend to give no more than a concise recital, and am rather to shew my readers what is to be seen, than to detain them till I exhibit a full view of it.

The earliest accounts that we have of Corsica, are to be found in Herodotus. He tells us, that its first inhabitants were Phenicians; for, that Cadmus, the son of Agenor, when wandering in quest of Europa, fell upon this island, which was named Callista, and left there some of his countrymen, with his own cousin Membleareus ^[2]. He tells us, that eight generations after this, Theras brought a colony to the island, from Lacedaemon. This Theras ^[3] was originally of the race of Cadmus, but, being uncle by the motherside to Eurysthenes and Procles, the two sons of Aristodemus, and, on that account, having governed the kingdom as their tutor; when they grew up, and became kings of Sparta, Theras scorning to live a private life, and to be under the government of his pupils, determined not to remain at Lacedaemon, but to go and join his kindred in the island of Corsica, then called Callista. Accordingly, ^[4] he went thither with some chosen companions, not with any intention to drive out the former inhabitants, but, on the contrary, with most friendly dispositions towards them.

Sometime after this, the Minyae, a wandering tribe, who had taken refuge among the Lacedaemonians, having become obnoxious, on account of their aspiring views, were thrown into prison, and condemned to die; but Theras persuaded the Spartans to spare them, promising, that he would carry them out of the country; and accordingly, he carried them to the island of Callista, to join the new colony which he had settled there; and from him, the island was called Thera.

These Minyae, though but a wandering tribe among the Lacedaemonians, were, in reality, of illustrious descent, being the posterity of the heroick Argonauts^[5].

This account of the first peopling of Corsica, is a very curious piece of ancient history. It is indeed very probable, that the Phenicians, or the Phoceans, where its original inhabitants; seeing they were the first great navigatours in the western part of the world, and sent out colonies to many distant countries.

It afterwards got the name of Κύρνος, Cyrnus, from the number of its promontories; and Isidorus^[6] relates the manner in which it got the name of Corsica. According to him, Corsa, a Ligurian woman, having often observed a bull swim over to the island, and return much fatter, she had the curiosity to follow him in a little vessel; and so discovered the island, with all its beauty and fertility. Upon which the Ligurians sent thither a colony; and from Corsa, who had made the discovery, they called the island Corsica. This is ludicrous enough; but we may trace what has given rife to so extraordinary a fiction, when we consider, that very probably, a people from the opposite coast of Italy, either the Ligurians, or the Etruscans, have taken possession of Corsica.

Whatever may be in this conjecture, it is certain, that its next masters were the Carthaginians, who extended their conquests over all the islands of the Mediterranean. Aristotle relates a most extraordinary piece of Punick policy, with respect to Corsica. Finding that is was difficult to keep the inhabitants in subjection, they ordered the whole of the vines and olives in the island to be pulled up, and forbid the Corsicans, under the pain of death, to sow their fields with any kind of grain, so that they might be kept in the most absolute dependance; and, though possessed of a very fertile territory, be obliged to resort to Africa, to seek the bare necessaries of life. So early was the cowardly and barbarous policy of a trading republick exercised against this people.

Corsica next passed under the dominion of Rome. In the first Punick war, and about the year 493 from the building of the city, Lucius Cornelius Scipio conquered the island^[7], being opposed by an army of Sardinians and Corſicans, headed by Hanno, a Carthaginian general.

It appears however, that the Corſicans could not bear ſubjection with patience, for they were continually attempting to get free. Of this, we have an inſtance in the epitome of the twentieth book of Livy. We next find them engaged againſt M. Pinarius the praetor, who ſlew 2000 of them, obliged them to give hoſtages, and took them bound to pay a tribute of 100,000 lib. of wax, every year^[8]. Afterwards C. Cicereius the praetor, was obliged to give them battle, when 1700 of them were killed, and upwards of 1070 taken priſoners, and upon this occaſion, their annual tribute was increaſed to 200,000 lib. weight of wax^[9]. From theſe inſtances, we may ſee that Corſica was formerly much more populous than it is now, and that it hath been able to furniſh amazing quantities of honey. We are told by Pliny, that Papyrius Naſo firſt triumphed over the Corſicans, on the Alban mount^[10].

It has already been ſaid, that the Romans founded two colonies in Corſica. The iſland was, like their other provinces, governed by a praetor. It was alſo made to ſerve for a place of exile; and was very proper for what they called 'Relegatio in inſulam, baniſhment to an iſland.' But the Romans never had a firm hold of this country, where that ſpirit of liberty, which tyrants call rebellion, was ever breaking forth.

On the irruption of the barbarous nations, Corſica ſhared the ſame fate with the other dominions of the ruined empire. It fell a prey to the Goths, who eſtabliſhed there the feudal ſyſtem, as they did in every other country to which their arms penetrated. Some authours ſay, that Corſica was conquered by Alarick, the firſt king of the Goths; but according to Procopius, it was conquered by a detachment ſent out by Totilas^[11].

From this period, the hiſtory of Corſica is for many ages a continued ſeries of wars, ravage and deſtruction, by a variety of contending powers. We are here very much in the dark, without any ſufficient clew to guide us. We find in many authours detached remarks concerning the iſland; but it is difficult to arrange them in tolerable order, ſince the dates are almoſt always uncertain.

I ſhall however give a ſhort view of what ſeems to have been the progreſs of events.

When the power of the Saracens roſe to that height, of which we read with amazement, they drove the Goths from Corſica, and maintained the dominion there for a conſiderable time.

It is believed, that they firſt gave the title of kingdom to Corſica; and, to this day, the coat armonial of the iſland bears a Moor's head on its ſhield.

There are Mooriſh coins frequently dug up in Corſica; and near to Ajaccio, are Saracen tombs, which appear to have had ſome magnificence. They are ſubterraneous vaults, ſupported by ſtone pillars; and in them are found ſepulchral urns of an earthen compoſition, ſimilar to brick.

It would appear, that the Pope has always had a view towards the annexation of Corſica to his territories; and, that he at different times inſtigated the kings of Arragon, as well as the ſovereigns of France, to make againſt it, what in the ſlile of thoſe times was called a holy war; which kind of wars were always calculated to serve the political views of the holy father.

At last, Corsica was actually conquered by one of the kings of France; some say, by Pepin, and others, by Charles Martel. The Corsicans shew to this day, a fountain, called by the name of Charles, in the pieve of Alesani, and, as they say, on the spot where this gallant prince vanquished the Moors.

By the kings of France, Corsica was resigned, in a perpetual gift, to the holy see. The Saracens however, from time to time returned; so that the pope had but a very feeble and uncertain sway.

The Genoese availing themselves of the distracted state of the island, had very early contrived to settle a colony at Bonifaccio; and emboldened by degrees, they landed troops on other parts of the country, and began to bear a formidable appearance.

This could not fail to incense the court of Rome, and to draw down upon them the thunders of the Vatican, from whence the holy father used, in those ages, to fulminate with serious effect against the greatest powers in Europe. Accordingly, the Genoese were excommunicated by pope Gregory the seventh, which made them at that time desist from their project.

In this fluctuating situation Corsica continued, till one of the popes, but which of them historians are not agreed, sent thither Hugo Colonna, a nobleman of Rome, accompanied by several others of the Roman nobility, with a good force under his command, in order to expel the infidels from the island. When Colonna landed, he was joined by many of the inhabitants, who, during the struggle which had been subsisting so long, and with such violence, had again and again endeavoured to maintain themselves in a state of freedom, and had elected a certain number of chiefs, to whom they gave the title of caporali.

These caporali gave all the aid in their power to Colonna; and, by their influence over the people, they soon brought together such a body of men, that Colonna was enabled totally to rout the Saracens, and to dispossess them for ever.

The Moors being rendered desperate by this unexpected blow, were forced to quit the island; but before they went, they burnt all that they possibly could; and to this we must greatly impute the desolation which is yet to be seen in Corsica, and the destruction of their ancient monuments and publick archives. Hugo Colonna settled in Corsica, having obtained from the Pope distinguished honours and extensive grants. The family of Colonna is one of the most illustrious, and most ancient in the world. So early as the 1200, mention is made of Pietro Colonna, the eight of the name. The branch which settled in Corsica, continued long in great splendour, enjoying the noble fief of Istria; but, by the confusions and troubles which the island has been thrown into, by the bloody contests between the Genoese and the patriotick Corsicans, that family hath suffered prodigiously, and its possessions are reduced to a very narrow compass. The present head of the family, is a worthy, sensible man, and very zealous in the great cause. I was lodged in his house at Sollacaro, where I found Pascal Paoli.

It is probable, that the Corsican counts, marquisses and barons, derive their origin from this period; for I can see no time so proper for their first taking place here.

The island remained for some time in tolerable quiet. But partly from the dissensions of different parties among themselves, ever impatient of contradiction, and partly from the repeated attacks of the Genoese, whose hankering after this little kingdom still continued, there were such disorders, and such a defect of good government, that the Pope thought proper to make it over to the Pisans, who were then in great power.

This grant was upon advantageous terms for the holy father, like the many grants of fiefs which he used to give to various princes, to beheld of the see of Rome. A learned Professour of the university of Pisa, has composed a very curious dissertation concerning the ancient dominion of his countrymen over Corsica. It is to be found in the 7th volume of the Essays of the Academy of Cortona.

The Pisans, while their republick flourished, and their force was considerable, maintained their authority over Corsica to very good purpose; and, as far as we can gather from different authours, the island enjoyed more repose and tranquillity during this period, than it has ever been known to enjoy.

But this calm was of short endurance; for the Genoese, irritated to find themselves now effectually excluded from an island on which they had long set their hearts; and being, over and above, the determined rivals of Pisa, a keen and obstinate war was carried on between these states; at last, the Genoese prevailed, in the famous sea-sight at Malora, near the mouth of the Arno; after which, they got entirely the mastery of Pisa, and so were at length enabled to seize upon Corsica, about the beginning of the fourteenth century.

Thus were the Corsicans, for the first time, brought under the power of the Genoese; with whom they have since had such struggles for that freedom, which they appear to have at all times attempted to recover.

If I have erred in any part of this recital, I am sure it is without any intention. I know some Genoese writers have maintained, that a signor Ademar, of their nation, was employed in the first conquest of the island by the kings of France. I confess I do not see sufficient authority for this. But supposing it had been so, Ademar could only be an officer under the French king. We are certain, that the French king made the conquest, because he afterwards made a gift of the island to the pope.

But I would not dwell long upon such disquisitions. There are many pieces lately published, both by the Corsicans and the Genoese; in which the authours, with great labour, endeavour to refute each others hypotheses with regard to many ancient facts in the history of Corsica. Here indeed, there is full scope for all parties; since those periods are so obscure, that every writer may fill them up according to the turn of his imagination; just as people who are abroad in a dark night, may with equal keenness, and equal appearance of reason affirm, that they see objects totally different.

Let Corsica have been the property of the Phenicians, the Etruscans, the Carthaginians, the Romans, the Goths, the Saracens: let it have been a conquest of France; a gift from that kingdom to the pope; a gift again from the pope to the Pisans, and at length a conquest of Genoa; still we must have recourse to the plain and fundamental principle, that the Corsicans are men, and have a right to liberty; which, if usurped by any power whatever, they have at all times a just title to vindicate.

In reviewing these strange and rapid revolutions, which this island has undergone, we may join with Seneca^[12] in reflecting on the mutability of human affairs, and be silent on the changes which happen to individuals, when we contemplate the vicissitudes of a whole nation.

The Genoese having obtained the undoubted possession of Corsica, they were eager to enjoy their power, and thought they could not fully enjoy it, but by exercising the most severe dominion. What we have long anxiously desired, acquires in our minds an imaginary and extravagant value; and when we actually become possessed of it, a moderate and reasonable fruition, seems insipid and unsatisfactory to our heightened expectations. We are even, as it were, uncertain if we really have it. And generally, we never rest, till by abusing our powers, we destroy what we esteemed so highly.

An individual, who acquires a large fortune, and a state, which acquires an increase of domiminion, may be very properly compared. He who gets a large fortune, thinks he cannot shew his command of riches, but by such acts of profusion, as must quickly dissipate them. And a state, which has acquired an increase of dominion, thinks its sovereignty is not sufficiently manifested, but by such acts of arbitrary oppression, as must tend to force its subjects to throw off their allegiance. For however a people may, from indolence, from timidity, or from other motives, submit for a season to a certain degree of tyranny; if it is long continued, and pushed to an exorbitant length, nature will revolt, and the original rights of men will call for redress.

The Genoese were the worst nation to whom Corsica could have fallen. The Corsicans were a people, impetuous, violent and brave; who had weathered many a storm; and who could not have been governed, but by a state of which they stood somewhat in awe, and which, by humanity and proper encouragement, might have conciliated their affections. Whereas, the Genoese were a nation of republicans just in the neighbourhood of the islanders; who had long been their enemies; who had made so many cunning, and impotent attempts to seize upon the island, that although, by the unexpected course of events, they were now mailers of it, the Corsicans could not look upon them with any respect. And as it has been always remarked that the foreign subjects of a little republick, are much worse used, than those of a great kingdom; they had reason to expect nothing but avowed tyranny from Genoa.

Accordingly the Genoese, who were themselves in an unstable, and perilous condition, seeking the protection sometimes of one powerful state, and sometimes of another, did not treat the Corsicans with that gentleness and confidence, which alone could have secured their attachment and obedience, by insensibly leading them to a participation of the culture and felicity of civil life, and accustoming them to consider the Genoese as their fellow subjects, and friends.

They took a direct a contrary course; and, although they did not use so desperate a measure, as that of the Carthaginians, their oppression was heavy; their system was not to render the Corsicans happier and better, but by keeping them in ignorance, and under the most abject submission, to prevent their endeavouring to get free; while Genoa drained the island of all she could possibly get, choosing rather even to have less advantage by tyranny, than to have a much greater advantage, and risk the consequences of permitting to the inhabitants the blessings of freedom.

In this unhappy situation was Corsica. Often did the natives rise in arms; but having no head to direct them, they were immediately quelled. So apprehensive however were the Genoese, that, according to their own historian Filippini, they burnt 120 of the best villages in Corsica, while 4000 people left the island.

What shewed the Genoese policy in the worst light, and could not but be very galling to the Corsicans who remained at home, was, that many of these islanders, who had gone over to the continent, made a distinguished figure in most of the European states, both in learning, and in arms.

About the 1550, Corsica revived under the conduct of a great hero, who arose for the deliverance of his country. This was Sampiero di Bastelica. He early discovered extraordinary parts and spirit; and had the advantage of being educated in the houfe of cardinal Hypolitus de Medicis, the nephew of pope Clement the seventh. He was created colonel of the Corsicans in France, and distinguished himself in almost every one of the great actions of that nation in his time.

After the death of Francis the first, he went home to his native country; where he married Vannina, heiress of the house of Ornano, of the most ancient and rich of the Corsican nobility; and from this time, he was generally called Sampiero di Ornano.

Being moved with the miserable state of his countrymen, he resolved to procure them relief; and for this, a very favourable opportunity then prefented itself.

Here history begins again to open upon us. The clouds of antiquity, and barbarism are dispersed, and we proceed clearly, under the guidance of the illustrious Thuanus^[13].

France had of a long time claimed a right over Genoa; but after the battle of Pavia, when the French were forced entirely to abandon Italy, that claim had become of no effect. Henry the second however, having commenced a new war in Italy, against the emperour Charles the fifth, resolved to assert his power in Corsica; Sampiero di Ornano encouraged this disposition, that he might avail himself of it, to free the island from a yoke which galled it so much.

He represented to Henry, that as the Genoese had taken part with the emperour, his majesty was debarred from all entrance to Italy by sea; whereas, by putting himself in possession of Corsica, he might have a free passage through the Mediterranean, and might, at the fame time, employ that island as a commodious garrison, where troops and warlike stores might be lodged, to be from thence thrown in upon Naples or Tuscany, as the situation of affairs should require.

An expedition was therefore ordered to Corsica, in the year 1553, under the command of general Paul de Thermes, accompanied by Sampiero di Ornano, Jourdain des Ursins, and several other able commanders. Henry had also the Turks joined with him in this expedition, having prevailed with their fourth Emperour, Solyman, styled the magnificent, to fend out a large fleet to the Tuscan sea^[14].

This expedition was powerfully opposed by the Genoese; who had given Corsica in charge to their celebrated bank of St. George. The great Andrew Doria, though then in his eighty seventh year, bid defiance to age and infirmities, and, since Corsica was an object of importance to his country, the gallant veteran embarked with all the spirit of his glorious youth, having a formidable armament under his command.

The war was carried on with vigour on both sides. At first however, several of the best towns were taken by the French and Turks, particularly Ajaccio, where were a number of merchants, whose riches afforded good pillage to the enemy, and helped to make the enterprise go on with more spirit. The Corsicans joined in the common cause; and the greatest part of the island was once fairly delivered from the tyrant.

But the Genoese were so well commanded by the intrepid Doria, and had besides such assistance from Charles the fifth, who lent strong reinforcements both of Spanish and German troops, that the expedition was not entirely effectual.

In the course of this war, so many valourous actions were performed, that, fired with the contemptation of them, I am almost tempted to forget the limited bounds of my plan, and of my abilities, and to assume the province of an historian; I hope a Livy, or a Clarendon, shall one day arise, and display to succeeding ages, the Corsican bravery, with the lusture which it deserves.

The Corsicans were now so violent against the Genoese, that they resolved with one accord, that rather than return under the dominion of the republick, they would throw themselves into the arms of the great Turk. At length however, a treaty was concluded between the Corsicans and Genoese, advantageous and honourable for the former, having for guarantee, his most Christian Majesty.

But, as there was an inveterate, and implacable hatred between those two nations, this treaty did not long subsist; and upon Henry's death, the fame oppression as formerly, became flagrant in Corsica.

Sampiero di Ornano, who had been again for sometime in France, having loft his royal master, went himself to the Ottoman Porte, and earnestly solicited fresh assistance to his unhappy nation. But the face of affairs was changed. The same political views no longer existed; and it must be a miracle indeed, when states are moved by virtuous principles of generosity. This brave man, being unsuccessful at Constantinople, returned to Corsica, where his presence inspired the islanders with fortitude, and occasioned a very general revolt.

He carried on his glorious enterprise with considerable effect; and the more so, that, as he had now no foreign assistance, he was not looked upon as very formidable, and the republick made little preparation against him. But he was stopped in his career by the treachery of the Genoese, who had him basely assassinated, by a wretch of the name of Vitolli^[15], in the year 1567.

Thus fell Sampiero di Bastelica di Ornano, a Corsican worthy of being ranked with the most distinguished heroes. He displayed great bravery and fidelity in foreign service; and with unremitting constancy endeavoured to restore the liberties of his country. Thuanus calls him 'Vir bello impiger et animo invictus^[16], A man active in war, and of a spirit invincible.' The shades which were in his private conduct, are to be forgotten in the admiration of his publick virtues. His son Alphonso, and his grandson John Baptist, both arrived at the dignity of mareschal of France, after which his posterity failed.

Alphonso di Ornano, who had been brought up in the court of Henry the second, kept alive the patriotick struggle for a short while; but unable to make head against the republick, he retired from the island and settled in France.

The Genoese were thus again put in possession of Corsica. Enraged at what they had suffered from a daring rebellion, as they termed it; and still dreading a new insurrection, they thought only of avenging themselves on the Corsicans; and plunging that people still lower than ever, in ignorance and slavery.

Their oppression became now, if possible, worse than before. They were inflamed with hotter resentment, and their tyranny formed itself into something of a regular system. Forgetful of every equitable convention that France had established, they exercised, without controul, the utmost rigours of arbitrary power. They permitted nothing to be exported from the island, but to Genoa, where, of necessity, the Corsicans were obliged to sell their merchandise at a very low rate; and in years of scarcity, the island was drained of provisions by a fort of legal plunder. For the inhabitants were forced to bring them to Genoa, so that actual famine was often occasioned in Corsica.

The Genoese did every thing in their power to foment internal dissensions in Corsica, to which the people were naturally too much inclined. These dissensions occasioned the most horrid bloodshed. They reckon that no less than 1 700 Corsicans were assassinated in the space of two years. Assassinations were, in the first place, a certain cause of hatred among the Corsicans, and often between the best families, so that they would not unite in any scheme for the general liberty. And in the second place, they could be turned to very good account, either by confiscating the estates of the assassins, or by making the criminals pay heavy compensations to the judge. The judge could wave the pursuit of justice by saying, 'Non procedatur. Let there be no process;' which could easily be cloaked under the pretence of some defect in point of form; or could even acquit the deepest offenders from his own will alone, by what was called 'Ex informata conscientia, The information of his own conscience;' of which he was not obliged to give any account.

It was not till the year 1738, that Genoa made an edict against this most dreadful abuse.

M. De Montesquieu thus writes concerning it, with that calm dignity which becomes so great a matter: 'Une république d'Italie tenoit des insulaires sous son obéissance; mais son droit politique et civil a leur égard étoit vicieux. On se souvient de cet acte d'amnistie, qui porte qu'on ne les condamneroit plus a des peines afflictives sur la conscience informeé du gouverneur. On a vu souvent des peuples demander des privileges; ici le souverain accorde le droit de toutes les nations^[17].'

'A republick in Italy held a nation of islanders under her obedience. But her political, and civil constitution among them, was bad. We remember that act of amnesty, which bears, that they should no more be condemned to afflictive pains, upon the informed conscience of the governour. We have often seen people asking privileges. Here, the sovereign is pleased to grant the common right of all nations.'

During this oppression, it was common to condemn multitudes to the galleys, for frivolous offences, that they might purchase their liberty at a high price; and it is hardly possible to conceive greater barbarity, than what these islanders now endured.

The Genoese sent to Corsica a commissary general, or governour over the whole island; whose office continued for two years. He was generally a nobleman of desperate fortune, who by shameful extortions, returned home in opulence; and by his interest in the senate, prevented any inquiry being made into his conduct. For although the unhappy Corsicans offered many complaints to the republick, they were instantly stifled; which was not difficult to do, as the Corsicans were considered to be so turbulent and mutinous, that no administration could please them; and as every senatour who was to give his vote, did not know, but by extravagance, he himself might one day be obliged to have recourse to the fame expedient.

The commissary general had his residence at Bastia. There were alio other commissaries at Calvi, Ajaccio and Bonifaccio; and Lieutenants, and inferiour officers, dispersed over the island; who all in their several stations, contributed to rob, and to ruin the country; while they triumphed in a mean security, that as Corsica was overlooked, and, as it were, hid in a corner of Europe, their injurious proceedings were not known to the world.

During this period of secret, and cruel oppression, there happened a very curious event, the establishment of a colony of Greeks in Corsica; of which I shall now give an account.

After Mahomet and his successours had subdued almost the whole of ancient Greece, and Scanderbeg, who so gloriously defended his country, was dead; there still remained a few brave souls who inhabited a part of Peloponnesus of old, now the kingdom of Morea. This part was, what is called a branch of the Maina, the very spot where Lacedemon flood.

Here, covered by impassable mountains, with only a small entrance, they resisted the Ottoman empire, as Leonidas formerly resisted the millions of Xerxes, But when the Turks got possession of the isle of Candia, in 1669, they came by sea, and made a descent upon Maina, penetrated into the heart of the territory, and soon became mailers of it; and then, the unfortunate posterity of the Spartans, were reduced to a state, little better than slavery. Exorbitant taxes were imposed upon them; their finest women were forced away to the seraglios; and towers were built in different parts of the country, where troops were garrisoned, to keep them in awe; so that they had no hope of deliverance. Their spirits gradually sunk, and many of them embraced the faith of the Koran.

Still, however, a spark of the ancient fire was preserved amongst those, who dwelt at Porto Vitilo; who, despairing to see any change in their dejected country, came to the resolution of abandoning it altogether, and of seeking an establishment somewhere else.

With this view, they sent to Italy, deputies who had some acquaintance with the different states, and who were intruded by the community to look out for a convenient settlement, and to conclude the terms of a convention.

The Genoese sent them over to Corsica, where they were shewn a trad of ground, belonging to the chamber of the state, on the western side of the island, about three miles from the sea. The deputies were very well pleased with it, and, on their return to Genoa, they entered into an agreement with the republick.

They then went home to Greece, and having made a report to their countrymen, the plan was approved of; and, in the month of October, 1676, these 'Tristes reliquiae Danaûm, Sad remains of the Greeks,' embarked, in all about 1000 souls. The family of Stefanopoli was the most distinguished among them, and conducted the whole enterprise.

They arrived at Genoa, in the month of January, 1677, where they remained, till the month of March. The republick paid all the expence of their freight, and afforded them lodging and subsistence, till they were safely landed in Corsica.

The conventions entered into, were, that the Genoese granted to the Greeks, the territories of Paomia, Ruvida and Salogna, in perpetual fief. They furnished them with houses, with grain, and with cattle; and engaged to maintain a body of Genoese soldiers to defend them against all insults, for the first years of their residence, They also appointed a Genoese gentleman, with the title of Directour, as judge over them, whose office was to be biennial, so that it should go by rotation, among the Genoese nobility; and they agreed to support, at the expence of the republick, a vicar, skilled in the Greek language, who should instruct their children in different studies; and, at the same time, celebrate mass, and preach in the chapel of the directour.

On the other hand, the Greeks obliged themselves to cultivate the lands, and with all expedition, to discharge the debts they should incur to the republick, for supplying them with every necessary, in the infancy of their colony. They also obliged themselves, to pay to the republick, a tax of five livres, for every family, besides a tenth of all their productions, and to be ready to serve the republick, either by sea, or land, whenever their service should be required.

Thus, was this colony settled. They enjoyed the free exercise of their own rites of religion, according to the Greek church, having brought with them the bishop of Porto Vitilo.

They had also brought with them, some religious, of the order of St. Basil, the only order in their church; who established a convent in a wild and romantick valley. But the Genoese did not approve of these fathers; and, in a short time, their convent was shut up.

The Greeks found themselves very easy and happy, for a good many years. By their industry and activity, they beautified and enriched their possessions, and built very good houses, doing every thing with a taste, altogether new in Corsica.

But their neighbours, the natives of the island, did not live in great harmony with them. Perhaps, in this, envy may have had some share; for their vines and their olives, their herds and their flocks, were, by care and skill, much superiour to those of the Corsicans. But besides, the islandders looked upon the Greeks as auxiliaries of the Genoese, to whom they, from time to time, swore fidelity; and were ever ready to give their assistance. They also knew, that the Greeks were well supplied with arms; and therefore, there were frequent skirmishes between them and the peasants of the province of Vico, of which their territories had formerly made a part; and in the year 1729, when the nation rose against the Genoese, the Greeks were seriously attacked; and many a desperate battle they fought with great bravery. The Genoese formed three regular companies of them, to whom they gave pay; and they were always employed in the most difficult enterprises. In particular, they were detached to attempt taking the castle of Corte from the patriots; on which occasion, they were sorely defeated, and a great number of them were killed.

After various struggles, which the plan of this work does not allow me to relate, the Greeks were forced to leave their possessions, and retire to Ajaccio, where they now support themselves tolerably by their labour: and being convinced of the tyranny of the Genoese, wait with impatience for their total expulsion from the island; and hope from the generosity of Paoli and the Corsicans, that protection and encouragement which they deserve.

This colony has been sober, virtuous and industrious; and if they have acted in a hostile manner against the nation, it was from a good principle; from the fidelity which they owed to the republick that had granted them an asylum; which fidelity they would ever have preserved, had not the republick included them in the general oppression. I must observe of this colony, that it hath had the honour of producing an excellent physician, Signor Giovanni Stefanopoli, the first who hath had the wisdom and the spirit to bring inoculation into practice in Corsica, by which he preserves multitudes of lives; and may therefore be justly reckoned a distinguished benefactor to the state.

Long despised, plundered and oppressed, the Corsicans again revived in 1729, when the war commenced, which, with some intervals, has continued till now; and after so many changes, misfortunes and struggles, will probably fix on a solid basis the Corsican liberty.

It is wonderful to see how great events are produced by little causes. A late authour^[18] hath given us an entertaining selection of such instances, from the histories of different nations. The rife of the Corsicans in 1729, was occasioned by a single paolo, a piece worth about five pence English. A Genoese collector, went to the house of a poor old woman, and demanded this trifling sum, as the money for which she was assessed. Being in extreme penury, she had not wherewithal to satisfy the demand. Upon which, the collector began to abuse her, and to seize some of her furniture. She begged him to have patience, and said, she hoped in a few days to be able to pay him. He persisted in his severity, and the poor woman made a great lamentation. Two or three people hearing the noise, entered the house, took the part of the woman, and exclaimed against the barbarity of the collector. He threatened them with punishment, for having hindered him in the execution of his office. This provoked the villagers, and they drove him away with stones. The Genoese sent troops to support their collector, and the Corsicans assembled in large bodies to defend themselves. The tumult encreased. A spark was sufficient to kindle the generous flame, in a people, who had so often glowed with the enthusiasm of liberty; and in a very short time, the whole island was in motion.

The Corsicans immediately rushed upon the capital, which they took almost without resistance; and they would have been masters of the castle of Corte, had they been a little better regulated.

They saw it was necessary to put themselves under the direction of certain chiefs. They therefore chose Signor Andrea Geccaldi, one of the highest nobility in the kingdom, and Signor Luiggi Giafferi, not indeed of the first rank, but who had a number of relations, a spirit, warm to a degree of fanaticism, against the republick, and the most steady and undaunted resolution. To these was joined, Signor Domenico Raffalii, a worthy and, learned ecclesiastick, as a sort of president of justice, whole wisdom might preserve order in their administration, and whole religion might temper the violence of their measures, by principles of conscience.

The Genoese at first endeavoured to overcome the Corsicans by the sole force of the republick; but finding themselves altogether unable for it, while the Corsicans were every day growing stronger, cutting to pieces the poor reinforcements of Genoese troops, and thereby supplying themselves with more arms; the republick was under the necessity of seeking foreign assistance.

They applied to the emperour, Charles the sixth, who sent to Corsica, a body of auxiliaries, under the command of general Wachtendonck. These harrassed the island, without being powerful enough to overawe it. They had continual rencounters with the Corsicans, who, in one action, killed 1200 of them. The emperour then sent a strong army of Germans, with the prince of Wirtemberg at their head. The Corsicans were not in condition to resist such a force. They laid down their arms, upon condition that a treaty should be made between them and the Genoese, having for guarantee the emperour.

To this the republick having acceded, the Corsicans consented that their three chiefs, together with Signor Aiteili, a pievano of great influence, should go to Genoa as hostages. These were accordingly conducted thither, dreading no violation of the promise of safety which had been made to them. The Ligurians however, inclined to put them to death; and their minister at Vienna, had almost obtained the emperour's consent; but the prince of Wirtemberg, who was afterwards killed at the battle of Guastalla, a prince of a brave and gallant spirit, sent an express to the emperour, with a very strong letter, representing how much the honour of Caesar would suffer, should he consent to the death of those who had surrendered themselves upon the faith of his sacred protection. This was seconded by the generous interposition of the great prince Eugene of Savoy; and instructions were sent to Genoa, that the hostages should be released.

Giafferi and Aitelli went home to Corsica. Ceccaldi went to Spain, where he died with the rank of colonel; and Raffalli went to Rome, where he remained till he became very old. He then returned to end his days in his native country, where he stili lives, regarded with veneration.

The treaty which had been formally concluded between the Corsicans and the Genoese, having been broken by the latter, there was a very short suspension of hostilities; and in 17349 the Corsicans rose anew.

Giafferi was again elected a general, and got for his collegue Signor Giacinto Paoli, father of the present General.

Giacinto Paoli, was a Corsican gentleman of a good family. But his merit distinguished him more than his rank. He was a man of learning, religion and bravery; well qualified to serve his country, either in politicks, or in war. These chiefs were assisted by a variety of presidents of justice, elected one after another.

The Genoese had paid very dear for their victory, in their struggles. It was computed, that it had cost them above thirty millions of livres, besides costly presents to the prince of Wirtemberg, and to the other general officers.

The Marquis d'Argens very pleasantly applies to the Genoese, the French fable of a gardener, who complained to a gentleman in the neighbourhood, that a hare came every day into his garden, and eat his cabbages; and begged the gentleman would be so good, as drive her out for him. The Gentleman comes with a pack of hounds, and half-a-dozen huntsmen, and does more mischief in five minutes, than the hare could have done in seven years. After a prodigious chace, the hare made her escape through a hole in the wall. Upon which the gentleman congratulated the gardener on getting rid of his enemy, and advised him to stop up the hole^[19]. So the Genoese, after having expended a great deal more upon foreign auxiliaries, than any advantage they can ever derive from Corsica; upon the departure of these auxiliaries, have the mortification to find themselves just as they were.

Genoa again tried her force against Corsica; but she only shewed her weakness, and bad politicks. So much fallen was she from that adventurous state, which had formerly extended her influence so far. Genoa indeed, was unhappily administered. They relate, that the city of Savona having rebelled several times, it was deliberated in the senate, whether they ought not to destroy it altogether. When a witty senator of the Doria family, rose, and said, 'If that be your intention, gentlemen, you need only send them such another governour, as the two last were; you cannot fall on a better expedient.'

The Corsicans on this occasion, displayed their resolution afresh, in the cause of liberty. They were well conducted, and had many successful engagements with the Genoese.

Their noble enthusiasm always continued, and, notwithstanding many unlucky divisions among themselves, there were still, in different parts, of the island, intrepid bands, animated by the ex- ample of distinguished leaders,

I must here take notice of count Domenico Rivarola. His family was a branch of the house of Rossi, at Parma, one of the most ancient and conspicuous of the Italian nobility. His ancestor had left his fief of Rivarola, in the territory of Mantua, on account of the wars between the emperour, and the countess Matilda, and had settled in the Genoese state, where he quitted the name of Rossi, and took that of Rivarola. This family of Rivalora, greatly increased. In the fifteenth century, Francis Rivarola was, on account of long services, raised to the dignity of a count Palatine, by the emperour Maximilian; from which period, the title has since been in the family. Several descendants of Rivarola were established in Spain, Sicily, and the dominions of Sardinia, and three were established in Corsica, one in Calvi, one in Ajaccio, and one in Bastia; of which last, count Domenico Rivarola was the representative.

This gentleman had the lands of Chiaveri, on the river of Genoa; was considered as a friend of the republick, and was intrusted by her, with the office of commissary in Balagna; a singular honour for a Corsican.

He endeavoured, at this time, to make a reasonable accommodation between the Corsicans and Genoese, which having proved ineffectual, he was convinced, that the republick was determined to persevere in tyranny; he therefore embraced the patriotick party, and was ever after, moll firm and zealous, in the great cause of liberty. He quitted the island, and went over to Leghorn, that he might be at full liberty to negotiate upon the continent, in behalf of his country.

The Genoese immediately confiscated his lands of Chiaveri. He had still the lands of Oletta, in Corsica; to which, he made his family remove from Bastia. But, he had soon a very severe trial of his constancy. For, the fame year, his son Antonio, who was studying at the academy of Siena, went home, to bring with him his brother Nicholas; and, as they were crossing over to Leghorn, in a little Tuscan vessel, with a British passport, they were taken by the republick, and carried to Genoa, where they were thrown into prison.

The republick thought this would certainly prevent count Domenico, the father, from continuing with the patriots. They offered to restore him his possessions, to release his sons, and to make him general of the Corsican troops in their service, if he would return to their side. But he answered with resolution and magnanimity: 'I miei figliuoli me li daranno a lor dispetto; e tutte le altre offerte le ftimo un nulla a paragone del giusto impegno che ho preso e che seguiterò fin che ho vita. My sons they shall be obliged to give me, whether they will or no; and all their other offers I consider as nothing, in comparison of the just enterprise in which I am engaged, and in which I will persevere while I have life.' Such instances of patriotick spirit deserve to be recorded. The annals of Corsica will furnish many of them.

When the Austrian troops entered Genoa, the young counts Rivarola were set at liberty. Count Antonio, the eldest, my very good friend, is a major, in the service of the king of Sardinia, and consul general for that sovereign in Tuscany. Count Nicholas, the other, lives at Oletta in Corsica, but is of so delicate a constitution, that he cannot serve his country as he would wish to do. Both the brothers have the spirit of their father.

Count Domenico Rivarola obtained a regiment in the Sardinian service, and by his influence at Turin, procured such assistance, that he would have been able to free his country, had it not been for the house of Matra in Corsica, which flood by the republick, and had interest enough to make a strong party in the island.

In the mean time, the Corsican war went on with spirit. Sometimes it was expected, that the king of Spain would strike in on one side or other. But that prince did not choose to interfere. Probably he foresaw, that it would involve him in a quarrel with France.

While the Genoese and the Corsicans were thus keenly engaged, and the politicians of Europe were forming various conjectures, a most extraordinary circumstance occurred, to the amazement of every body. This was the appearance of Theodore, whose singular story has made so much noise.

As many inconsistent reports have been circulated, with regard to this man, I have been at great pains to obtain authentick accounts concerning him, which, I am persuaded, will be very acceptable to my readers.

Theodore Baron Newhoff, in the county of La Marc in Westphalia, was the personage who aspired to the sovereignty of Corsica. He had his education in the French service. He afterwards went to Spain, where he received some marks of regard from the duke of Riperda and cardinal Alberoni. But beins; of a strange unsettled projecting disposition, he quitted Spain, and went and travelled into Italy, England and Holland; ever in search of some new adventure. He at last fixed his attention on Corsica, and formed a scheme of making himself a king.

He was a man of abilities and address; and, after having fully informed himself of every thing relating to the island, he went to Tunis, where he fell upon means to procure some money and arms; and then came to Leghorn, from whence he wrote a letter to the Corsican chiefs, Giafferi and Paoli, offering considerable assistance to the nation, if they would elect him as their sovereign.

This letter was consigned to count Domenico Rivarola, who acted as Corsican plenipotentiary, in Tuscany; and he gave for answer, that if Theodore brought the assistance he promised to the Corsicans, they would very willingly make him king.

Upon this he, without loss of time, set fail and landed at Tavagna in spring, 1736. He was a man of a very {lately appearance; and the Turkish dress which he wore, added to the dignity of his mien. He had a few attendants with him. His manners were so engaging, and his offers so plausible, that he was proclaimed king of Corsica, before count Rivarola's dispatches arrived to inform the chiefs of the terms upon which he had agreed. He brought with him about a thousand zechins of Tunis, besides some arms and ammunition, and made magnificent promises of foreign assistance; so that the Corsicans, who were glad of any support, willingly gave into his schemes; and it must be considered, that there could be no great harm in allowing a man the name of king, since they had always the power of restraining his authority.

Theodore assumed every mark of royal dignity. He had his guards, and his officers of state. He conferred titles of honour, and he struck money, both of silver and copper. The silver pieces were few in number, and can now hardly be met with. I have one of his copper coins, on one side of it is 'T. R. (Theodorus Rex) King Theodore Theodore, with a double branch crossed, and round it this inscription, 'Pro bono publico Re. Co. (Regni Corsicae) For the public good of the kingdom of Corsica.' On the other side, is the value of the piece, 'cinque soldi, five sous.' There was such a curiosity over all Europe to have king Theodore's coins, that his silver pieces were fold at four zechins each; and when the genuine ones were exhausted, imitations of them were made at Naples, and, like the imitations of antiques, were bought up at a high price, and carefully preserved in the cabinets of the virtuosi.

Theodore immediately blocked up the Genoese fortified towns; and he used to be sometimes at one siege, sometimes at another, Handing with a telescope in his hand, as if he spied the assistance which he said he expected. He used also the artifice of making large packets be continually brought to him from the continent, which he gave out to be from the different sovereigns of Europe, acknowledging his authority, and promising to befriend him.

The Genoese were not a little confounded with this unexpected adventurer. They published a violent manifesto against Theodore, treating him with great contempt, but at the fame time shewing, that they were alarmed at his appearance. Theodore replied, in a manifesto, with all the calmness and dignity of a monarch, expressed his indifference as to the injurious treatment of the republick, and appeared firm in the hopes of victory.

The Genoese minister at London, made strong interest against the Corsicans; and on the 24th of July, 1736, her majesty, the queen regent of Great Britain, issued out her royal proclamation, prohibiting any of his majesty's subject from furnishing provisions or assistance to the malecontents of Corsica.

After having been about eight months in Corsica, Theodore perceived, that the people began to cool in their affections towards him, and did not act with the same resolution as before. He therefore wifely determined, to leave them for a little, and try his fortune again upon the continent. So, after having laid down a plan of administration, to be observed in his absence, he quitted the island, in the month of November.

He went to Holland, and there he was successful enough to get credit to a great extent, from several rich merchants, particularly Jews, who trusted him with cannon, and other warlike stores, to a great value, under the charge of a supercargo. With these, he returned to Corsica, in 1739; and, on his arrival, he put to death his supercargo, that he might not have any trouble from demands being made upon him.

By this time, as shall be afterwards shewn, the French had become so powerful in the island, that, although Theodore threw in his supply of warlke stores, he did not incline to venture his person, the Genoese having set a high price upon his head.

He therefore chose to relinquish his throne, and give up his views of ambition for safety, having furnished a remarkable example, how far a daring and desperate spirit may go. Had Theodore had a little more prudence, and some better fortune, he, and his posterity, might have worn the crown of Corsica, upon the generous title of having delivered the island from oppression.

It has often been said, that Theodore was secretly supported by some of the European powers. But, from all that I can learn, there is no foundation whatever, for this conjecture. It is, indeed, a rare thing, to find a private gentleman embarking on his own bottom, in an enterprise of such a nature. But the truth is, Theodore was a most singular man, and had been so beaten about, by change of fortune, that he had loft the common sentiments of mankind, and viewed things as one who is mad, or drunk, or in a fever. He had nothing to lose, and a great deal to win. His scheme was, to amuse the Corsicans with hopes of foreign aid; and, by the force of hope, to carry them foreward. This might have succeeded, in which cafe, he could very easily have said, that the foreign aid would have come, had there been occasion for it; but they had behaved with such spirit, as to require no help. And, had he been fortunate, it is probable, some of the powers of Europe might have, in reality, stood by him.

The Corsicans now, talk differently of king Theodore. Some of them, who had most faith in his fine speeches, still extoll him to the skies, to support their own judgment; others, who looked upon him as an impostour, and never joined heartily in his measures, represent him as a kind of Wat Tyler, a king of a rabble; but the most knowing and judicious, and the General himself, consider him in the moderate light in which he has now been represented, and own, that he was of great service in reviving the spirit of the nation, which, after a good many years of constant war, was beginning to droop, but which, Theodore restored, while he rekindled the sacred fire of liberty.

They, indeed, are sensible, that his wretched fate has thrown a fort of ridicule on the nation, since their king was confined in a jail at London, which was actually the cafe of poor Theodore; who, after experiencing the most extraordinary vicissitudes of fortune, chose to end his days in our island of liberty; but was reduced to the wretched state of a prisoner, for debt.

Mr. Horace Walpole generously exerted himself for Theodore. He wrote a paper in the World, with great elegance and humour, soliciting a contribution for the monarch in distress, to be paid to Mr. Robert Dodsley, bookseller, as lord high treasurer. This brought him a very handsome sum. He was allowed to get out of prison. Mr. Walpole has the original deed, by which Theodore made over the kingdom of Corsica, in security to his creditors. He has also the great seal of the kingdom.

Mr. Walpole has told me, that he had the curiosity to see king Theodore, and was accordingly in company with him, at a lady's of his acquaintance. But whether from dulness, or from pride, he did not open his mouth.

I suppose he has been so much dejected, and so much hurt by his misfortunes, that he was become sullen and indifferent. He died very soon after he got out of prison, and was buried in St. Anne's church-yard, Westminster; where a simple, unadorned monument is erected to him, with the following inscription:

Near this place, is interred
Theodore, king of Corsica;
Who died in this parish, Dec. 11,
1756,
Immediately after leaving
The king's bench prison,
By the benefit of the act of insolvency:
In consequence of which.
He registered his kingdom of Corsica
For the use of his creditors.

The grave, great teacher, to a level brings.
Heroes, and beggars, galley-slaves, and kings;
But Theodore, this moral learn'd, e'er dead;
Fate pour'd its lesson on his living head,
Bestow'd a kingdom, and deny'd him bread.

To return to the affairs of the island. The Genoese, eager to repress the rise in 1734, hired some Swiss and Grisons, who from being accustomed to such a country at home, might scour the mountains of Corsica. But these soldiers found it no easy matter to scour mountains, where the natives were continually firing upon them, and had numberless ways of escaping. They soon saw that they had made a bad bargain, and that they gave the Genoese too much blood for their money.

Genoa had also recourse to the desperate expedient of Marius and Sylla. She published an indemnity to all her assassins, and outlaws of every fort, on condition that they should fight for the republick, in Corsica. The robbers and assassins of Genoa, are no inconsiderable proportion of her people. These wretches flocked together, from all quarters, and were formed into twelve companies, who were joined with the Swiss and Grisons.

It may well be believed, that venal stipendiaries, and abandoned criminals, could not oppose an army of brave men, who were fighting in the great cause of liberty, and had every thing that was dear to them, at stake.

But France, who has ever had an eye to this island, now began to be apprehensive that the Corsicans might entirely throw off the yoke of Genoa, in which case, they would either become a free state, which the powers of Europe would, from a mutual jealousy, protest, or perhaps, would put themselves under the sovereignty of some great nation. She resolved then to force them back under the dominion of Genoa; for, by constant negotiations with that republick, France has such an ascendancy, that she may command, when she pleases, whatever belongs to it.

A treaty was therefore made at Versailles, by which, his most Christian Majesty engaged to reduce the Corsicans to obedience; and it was contrived with such address, as to appear done at the earnest desire of Genoa; though in reality, the republick had too recently experienced the danger of calling in the aid of a great state, to wish for a repetition of the fame expedient.

In the month of March, 1738, the count de Boisseux was sent with a detachment of French troops to Corsica. This general was a good officer, but of no great enterprise. He was attended on this expedition, by M. de Contades, since, mareschal of France, who commanded the French army, at the battle of Minden. After several conferences with the chiefs of the Corsicans, Giafferi and Paoli, with whom we may also mention Luca di Ornano, a collateral branch of the great family, which Sampiero di Bastelica formerly represented, M. de Boisseux finding that the Corsicans would not submit to their old oppressours, began his hostilities.

The people of Corsica remonstrated to his most Christian Majesty in a very affecting memorial, in which they enumerated at great length their grievances, and as France had formerly afforded them protection, they hoped she would not now compel them to yield to the worst of tyranny. To the memorial were subjoined articles of accomodation, which they submitted to the French king.

These articles were thought too bold for a people in the situation of the Corsicans; and articles formed by the Genoese were approved by France: so that no accommodation could be brought about. Giafferi and Paoli published a spirited manifesto to their countrymen, concluding it with the noble sentiment of Judas Maccabeus: 'Melius est mori in bello quam videre mala gentis nostrae^[20]. It is better for us to die in battle, than to behold the calamities of our people.'

M. de Boisseux did considerable hurt to the Corsicans; for, although his operations were slow, they were well conduced. He had even recourse to art; for he had a part of his troops drest exactly like the people of the country, and, by that device, they destroyed multitudes, and occasioned a strange confusion and dismay among the Corsicans, in so much, that till they came very near parties, who appeared upon the mountains and in the woods, they could not be certain whether they were friends or enemies. Meanwhile, more troops being sent from France, the transports were overtaken with a terrible storm, and some of them wrecked on the Corsican coasts, where the patriots took the soldiers prisoners, and seized their arms. M. de Boisseux did not live to see the success of his operations. He was taken ill, and died at Bastia, in February 1739.

The Genoese, much elated with the success that the monarchy of France had against the Corsicans, published a long memorial. The beginning of it, is truly pleasant: 'All the world knows so well, the mildness and love, with which the republick of Genoa governs her people; and above all, with what goodness and affection she hath ever regarded those of Corsica, &c. ^[21].' They really intended this should pass in Europe, as a serious truth.

Still supported by the goodness of their cause, the Corsicans remained inflexible, nor would they ever have given way, but to such a superiourity of force, as it was impossible for them to withstand.

In March, 1739, the French sent to Corsica, the marquis de Maillebois, a commander every way fitted for such an expedition, being an officer of great penetration, and uncommon fire. He saw, that the Corsicans had long been trifled with by Genoa, and that even the French had not acted against them with sufficient vigour. He saw, that it was necessary to strike a bold stroke, if he wanted to make any impression on the valiant islanders, so long accustomed to scenes of blood; and since his sovereign had committed to him the charge of conquering this people, he resolved to do it effectually.

Every thing therefore, was provided for the enterprise. He had 16 battalions of the best troops of France, besides some arquebusiers, and Bearnois, expert in climbing the mountains.

Having formed two great corps, and several small parties, all compleatly furnished with ammunition, and whatever else was necessary, or convenient; he pierced into the innermost parts of the country, while his grenadiers carried heavy cannon across the rudest passes. He cut down the standing corn, the vines, the olives, set fire to the villages, and spread terrour and desolation in every quarter. He hanged numbers of monks, and others, who were keenest in the revolt, and at the fame time, published, wherever he went, his terms of capitulation, which had the best chance to be accepted, amidst so general a destruction. Notwithstanding the ungenerous cause, in which they were displayed, one cannot but admire the martial abilities of M. de Maillebois.

We have seen, that Theodore durst not land; The succours which he left, were not of much avail. Such unprecedented, and terrible slaughter, as now took place, with the dread of still greater vengeance, from so formidable a nation as France, obliged the Corsicans to lay down their arms, at the end of the campaign, 1739, which was indeed a hot one. Of these arms, a thousand were found to have the Genoese mark. The republick demanded to have them restored, a circumstance little to their honour.

The generals, Giafferi and Paoli, left the island, and went to Naples; where they were both made colonels, which character, they enjoyed till their death.

There were still some few enthusiastick patriots, who skulked in the wildest parts of the island; but these were all reduced before the end of the year 1740, as was also the young baron Newhoff, the nephew of Theodore, who with a small party of desperadoes, had long escaped the utmost diligence of the French commander. He surrendered, on condition, that he and his attendants, should be landed in safety on the continent, which was faithfully performed.

In this manner was Corsica totally vanquished by France, of which the Genoese were as proud, as if it had been their own atchievement. They gave in proposals to M. de Maillebois, for keeping the island in perpetual quiet. These proposals are preserved by M. Jaussin ^[22]; and they are such, as any state should be ashamed of. Amongst many other barbarous schemes, one was, to transport a considerable number of the inhabitants, and make them over to the king of France, to people his distant colonies. Could there be a more harsh, or a more absurd measure, than this? Jaussin is much on the side of Genoa, and through the whole of his two volumes, does not seem to have felt one spark of true liberty, or at all to have entered into the spirit of what the Corsicans were fighting for; yet when he recites this proposal, he cannot help saying: 'Il sembloit par là qu'ils auroient été contens d' etre soverains des seuls rochers de Corfe fans fujets^[23]. It would thence appear, that the Genoese would have been satisfied to be sovereigns of the bare rocks of Corsica, without subjects.'

France being engaged with more important objects than Corsica, or any thing concerning the Genoese, was no longer at leisure to employ her attention on that island. All Europe being now in agitation, she thought proper to recall her troops from Corsica. They accordingly quitted the island, in the end of the year 1741, leaving it in perfect submission and quietness; as was said of the Romans by Galgacus, the ancient Scottish chief, in his famous speech, upon the Grampian mountains: 'Ubi solitudinem faciunt, pacem appellant^[24]. Where they make a desart, they call it peace'

The French, indeed, knew the Corsicans too well, to believe, that they would submit to Genoa, when left to themselves. The event happened accordingly; for the French were hardly gone, before the Corsicans were again as much in motion as ever. Several of their countrymen, who were settled in different towns in Italy, furnished them with arms; and, as they had formerly done, they took a good many arms from the Genoese. From having been long depressed, like a strong bow recovering its elasticity, they rose with renewed vigour. Man, woman and child, may be laid to have engaged; for very young boys took the field; and even some of their women, like those of Sparta, shewed their valour in battle. Many of the religious also carried arms; and, as if actuated by a kind of universal inspiration, every foul was ardent against the tyrant.

Gaffori and Matra, now obtained the government of Corfica, under the title of Protectours of the kingdom. Gaffori was a man of distinguished talents. His eloquence was most remarkable; and the Corsicans still talk with admiration of his harangues to them. He heard once, that a band of assassins were coming against him. He went our, and met them with a serene dignity, which astonished them. He begged they would only hear him a little; and he gave them so pathetick a picture of the distresses of Corsica, and roused their spirits to such a degree against those, who caused the oppression, that the assassins threw themselves at his feet, intreated his forgiveness, and instantly joined his banners.

The Genoese being in possession of the castle of Corte, it was besieged with great vigour by the Corsicans, commanded by Gaffori. By a strange want of thought, the nurse, who took care of Gaffori's eldest son, then an infant, wandered away, at a little distance from the camp. The Genoese perceived it, and making a sudden sally, they got hold of the nurse and the child, and carried them into the castle. The General shewed a decent concern at this unhappy accident, which struck a damp into the whole army. The Genoese thought they could have Gaffori upon their own terms, since they were possessed of so dear a pledge. When he advanced to make some cannon play, they held up his son, directly over that part of the wall, against which his artillery was levelled. The Corficans stopt, and began to draw back; but Gaffori, with the resolution of a Roman, stood at their head, and ordered them to continue the fire. Luckily, his firmness was not broken by losing his child, who escaped unhurt. I had the pleasure of knowing the young gentleman, who inherits his father's estate. He related to me himself, from the best authority, this story, which does so much honour to his father. I had it also vouched, by such as had no particular interest in it.

Matra, the other general or protectour, was always suspected, as secretly favouring the views of Genoa, and was rather a promoter of division, than a patron of liberty. Indeed, the great misfortune of the Corsicans, was their want of union; which made particular animosities take up their attention, and divert their zeal from the great cause.

In 1745, Count Domenico Rivarola, arrived at Bastia, along with some English shiips of war. Great Britain had forbidden her subjects to give any assistance to the Corsicans; but, by the changeful schemes of political connexions, she consented to send some ships against the Genoese; not, as if from herself, but, as complying with the request of her ally, the king of Sardinia, who had taken the cause of Corsica much to heart. These ships bombarded Bastia, and San Fiorenzo, both of which they delivered into the hands of the Corsicans. The force of the British men of war, and the great service done by us to their cause, are never forgotten, by the brave islanders.

Count Rivarola, was proclaimed Generalissimo of the kingdom. Gaffori and Matra, were not present at this election, and did every thing in their power to oppose it; so that there was nothing but heart-burnings, and miserable dissensions; and the British went away with an idea of this people, as if they had been a parcel of half-barbarians.

As our information, with regard to Corsica, has been very imperfect, these unhappy impressions have continued ever since, and have had too much influence in Great Britain.

Rivarola, Gaffori and Matra, having at length come to a tolerable agreement, matters went on a little better, though the Genoese soon recovered Bastia and San Fiorenzo.

In 1746, the Corsicans sent two envoys, with proposals to the Earl of Bristol, then his Britannick Majesty's ambassadour, at the court of Turin. The intention of these proposals was, that Corsica should put herself entirely under the protection of Great Britain. The envoys waited at Turin, till My Lord Bristol had a return from the ministry at London, signifying their satisfaction at what had been communicated, hoping the Corsicans would preserve the same obliging sentiments; but that it was not then the time to enter into any treaty with them.

Count Domenico Rivarola, finding that he could be of most service to his country, when at a distance, returned to Turin, where he constantly improved the benevolent intentions of his Sardinian Majesty towards Corsica. He died with the rank of colonel, in April 1748, and left behind him the character of an honest man, and a gallant patriot.

In the same month and year, the British ship, the Nassau, commanded by captain Holcomb, together with some transports, carried over to Corsica, two battalions, one of the king of Sardinia's troops, and one of Austrians, in order to aid the Corsicans; but the general peace being concluded, at Aix la Chapelle, no foreign states could any longer interfere, and the Corsicans and Genoese, were again left to themselves.

My Lord Hailes has, among his valuable collection of historical manuscripts, two pieces relating to Corsica. The one entitled, 'Information de l'etat dans leqel se trouve presentement la Corse, & de ce qu'il faudroit pour la delivrer de l'esclavage du gouvernement Genois, traduit de l'Italien,' is written by Count Domenico Rivarola. The other, is an account of the state of Corsica, in the original Italian; drawn up by one, who appears to have been well acquainted with the subject. Both of these papers set forth, the advantages to be derived to a maritime power, from an alliance with Corsica. They were communicated by M. Carret de Gorregne, the Sardinian minister, to general Wentworth, the British ambassadour, at the court of Turin; and, I believe, they had considerable influence, in procuring the interposition of Sardinia and Great Britain, in favour of the Corsicans.

Matra, in the end of the year 1748, went to the service of Piedmont, and left Gaffori sole general of the island. A repetition of the same desperate actions continued, till on the 3d of October, 1753, Gaffori was assassinated by a band of murderers, set on by the republick. At least, it is a fact that some of these wretches have still a miserable pension to support them, in the territory of Genoa. There is a pillar of infamy erected at Corte, on the place, where stood the house of the principal actour in this bloody villany. The house was burnt, and razed from the foundation.

The Corsicans, from their family connexions, and violent parties, differ in their accounts of Gaffori. Some of them would have it believed, that he was too much engrossed by selfish views, and in order to promote his own interest, endeavoured to bring about unworthy schemes of reconciliation with Genoa. But, besides the reluctance which every generous mind must feel, to give credit to injurious reports of a hero, whose greatness of soul shone forth, in the manner I have related, what I heard of Gaffori from those, in whose judgment and impartiality I could confide, joined with the regard with which he is had in remembrance by the majority of his countrymen, determine me to a persuasion of the reality of his virtues.

The administratours of the island had been so well instituted by general Gaffori, that Corsica was able to continue for two years without any chief; while the war was still carried on with various success.

The patriots did not however, swear a solemn oath, that, rather than submit to the republick, they would throw themselves into the fire, like the Saguntines of old. This oath, which is conceived in terms of strength and violence, not unlike the Corsican stile, but somewhat exaggerated, was circulated over Europe, and generally believed to be genuine. Doctour Smollet, who displays a generous warmth in favour of the Corsicans, was very naturally led to give this oath a place in his history^[25]; but Paoli assures me, that it was a fiction.

I come now, to a remarkable event in the annals of Corsica, an event, from which the happiness and glory of that issand will principally be dated. I mean, the election of Pascal Paoli, to be General of the kingdom.

Pascal Paoli^[26], was fecond son to the old chief Giacinto Paoli. He had been educated with great care by his father, who formed his taste for letters, and inspired him with every worthy and noble sentiment. He was born in Corsica, where he remained long enough, to contract a love and attachment to his country, and to feel the oppression under which it groaned.

When the patriots were totally crushed by the marquis de Maillebois, his father took young Paoli to Naples, where he had the advantage of attending the academy, got a commission as an officer in that service, and was much about court.

Here he lived twelve or thirteen years, cultivating the great powers with which nature had endowed him, and laying the foundation of those grand designs, which he had early formed, for the deliverance of his country.

His reputation became so great among the Corsicans, that he received the strongest invitations to come over and take the command. He embarked in the glorious enterprise, stimulated by generous ambition, and undismayed by a consideration of the dangers, the cares, and the uncertainty which he was about to encounter.

There was something particularly affecting, in his parting from his father; the old man, hoary and gray with years, fell on his neck, and kissed him, gave him his blessing, and with a broken feeble voice, encouraged him in the undertaking, on which he was entering: 'My son,' said he, 'I may, possibly, never see you more; but in my mind, I shall ever be present with you. Your design is a great, and a noble one; and I doubt not, but God will bless you in it. The little which remains to me of life, I will allot to your cause, in offering up my prayers and supplications to heaven, for your protection and prosperity.' Having again embraced him, they parted.

Pascal Paoli no sooner appeared in the in and, than he attracted the attention of every body. His carriage and deportment prejudiced them in his favour, and his superiour judgment, and patriotick spirit, displayed with all the force of eloquence, charmed their understandings. All this, heightened with condescension, affability and modesty, entirely won him their hearts. A way was open for him to the supreme command, and he was called to it by the unanimous voice of his countrymen; upon which occasion, was issued the following manifesto.

The Supreme, and General Council of the Kingdom of Corsica, to the Beloved people of that Nation.

Beloved people and countrymen,

'THE discords and divisions, that have begun to infect the publick, as well as private tranquillity of our country, by the revival of ancient, and personal enmities amongst those, who have very little fear of God, and are little interested and zealous, for the good of the publick, have obliged our principal chiefs to call us together, to this general Consulta, in order to deliberate on such necessary measures, as may effectually contribute to the establishment of a common union, and to cause the most rigid laws to be put in execution, against such as shall dare to disturb it by their private piques, or unruly dispositions.

The most proper and effectual means, to succeed in this our desireable end, are by us seriously thought to be, the electing of one oeconomical, political and general chief, of enlightened faculties, to command over this kingdom with full power, except when there shall be occasion to consult upon matters concerning the state, which he cannot treat of, without the concurrence of the people, or their respective representatives.

By the general voice is elected for that trust, Pascal Paoli; a man, whose virtues and abilities, render him every way worthy thereof.

After so general an election, by the chiefs of the council of war, the deputies of the provinces, and the respective representatives of the parishes assembled, this gentleman was invited, by a letter, to come; and a large committee of the principal members of the assembly, was sent to his house, to desire him to accept of the charge, and to repair hither to be acknowledged as our chief; and to take the solemn oath, to exercise the office, with which he is invested, with the utmost zeal, affection and disinterestedness; and to receive the oath of fidelity and obedience from the commons.

Besides having given many reasons against this, he has shewn much reluctance to take upon him so great a charge; but having been informed of our resolutions and determinations, in case of any obstacle or refusal, he was obliged to acquiesce, being necessitated so to do. He was conducted hither last night, and hath plighted and received the oaths above-mentioned.

He is to take the government upon himself, assisted by two counsellors of state, and one of the most reputable persons from each province, who shall be changed every month.

The third day of August shall be fixed on, for a general circuit, in order to punish the authours of many crimes, particularly murders, committed lately in different parts. This circuit, to be directed by the aforesaid General, with the deputies. The number of armed men, as he shall think fitting.

We hope, that these our resolutions and deliberations, will be to the general satisfaction, as it concerns the common good: and we charge all the chiefs and commissaries over Page:An Account of Corsica (1769).djvu/169 Page:An Account of Corsica (1769).djvu/170 Page:An Account of Corsica (1769).djvu/171 Page:An Account of Corsica (1769).djvu/172 He gradually prepared the Corſicans for the reception of laws, by cultivating their minds, and leading them, of their own accord, to deſire the enactment of regulations, of which he ſhewed them the benefit. He eſtabliſhed an univerſity at Corte; and he was at great pains to have proper ſchools, for the inſtruction of children, in every village of the kingdom.

The laſt ſtep he took was, to induce the Corſicans to apply themſelves to agriculture, commerce, and other civil occupations. War had entirely ruined induſtry in the iſland. It had given the Corſicans a contempt for the arts of peace; ſo that they thought nothing worthy of their attention, but arms and military achievements. The great and valourous actions, which many of them had performed, gave them a certain pride, which diſdained all meaner and more inglorious occupation. Heroes could not ſubmit to ſink down into plain peaſants. Their virtue was not ſo perfect, as that of the ancient Romans, who could return from the triumphs of victory, to follow their ploughs.

From theſe cauſes, the country was in danger of being entirely uncultivated, and the people of becoming a lawleſs and ungovernable rabble of banditti.

Page:An Account of Corsica (1769).djvu/174 Page:An Account of Corsica (1769).djvu/175 Page:An Account of Corsica (1769).djvu/176 Page:An Account of Corsica (1769).djvu/177 and the Count De Marboeuf was appointed commander in chief.

M. De Marboeuf was an officer of experience and temper; and, no doubt, had his instructions to conduct himself mildly towards the Corsicans. All his duty was, to take care that things should not become worse for Genoa; but, that she should still retain the garrison towns of Bastia, San Fiorenzo, Calvi, Algagliola and Ajaccio.

The Corsicans conducted themselves, upon this occasion, with the greatest propriety. A general council was held, and determinations ^[27]published; from which it appears, that they shewed no distrust of the French, who, they trusted, would not begin hostilities against them. But, for greater security, it was provided, that a council of war should be appointed by the government, to be ever vigilant against any infractions of what they supposed France had tacitly promised to them, and was bound by the law of nations to observe; that the French troops should not be allowed to have access to the territories of the nation; that the General should Page:An Account of Corsica (1769).djvu/179 Page:An Account of Corsica (1769).djvu/180 Page:An Account of Corsica (1769).djvu/181

1. Liv. Prooem.
2. Ησαν δὲ ἐν τῇ νῦν Θήρῃ καλεομένη νήσῳ, πρότερον δὲ Καλλίστῃ τῇ αὐτῇ ταύτῃ, ἀπόγονοι Μεμβλιάρου τοῦ Ποικίλεω, ἀνδρὸς Φοίνικος. Κάδμος γὰρ ὁ Ἀγήνορος, Εὐρώπην διζήμενος προσέσχε ἐς τὴν νῦν Θήρην καλεομένην: προσσχόντι δὲ εἴτε δή οἱ ἡ χώρη ἤρεσε, εἴτε καὶ ἄλλως ἠθέλησε ποιῆσαι τοῦτο, καταλείπει γὰρ ἐν τῇ νήσῳ ταύτῃ ἄλλους τε τῶν Φοινίκων, καὶ δὴ καὶ τῶν ἑωυτοῦ συγγενέων Μεμβλίαρον.
   Herodot. lib. iv. cap. 147.
3. Ην δὲ ὁ Θήρας οὗτος, γένος ἐὼν Καδμεῖος, τῆς μητρὸς ἀδελφεὸς τοῖσι Ἀριστοδήμου παισὶ Εὐρυσθένεϊ καὶ Προκλές. Εόντων δὲ ἔτι τῶν παίδων τούτων νηπίων νηπίων, ἐπιτροπαίην εἶχε ὁ Θήρας τὴν ἐν Σπάρτῃ βασιληίην. Αὐξηθέντων δὲ τῶν ἀδελφιδέων, καὶ παραλαβόντων τὴν ἀρχήν, οὕτω δὴ ὁ Θήρας δεινὸν ποιεύμενος ἄρχεσθαι ὑπ᾽ ἄλλων, ἐπεί τε ἐγεύσατο ἀρχῆς, οὐκ ἔφη μένειν ἐν τῇ Λακεδαίμονι ἀλλ᾽ ἀποπλεύσεσθαι ἐς τοὺς συγγενέας.
   Herodot. lib. iv. cap. 147.
4. Οὗτοι ἐνέμοντο τὴν Καλλίστην καλεομένην ἐπὶ γενεάς, πρὶν ἤ Θήραν ἐλθεῖν ἐκ Λακεδαίμονος, ὀκτὼ ἀνδρῶν. Επὶ τούτους δὴ ὦν ὁ Θήρας λεὼν ἔχων ἀπὸ τῶν φυλέων, ἔστελλε συνοικήσων τούτοισι καὶ οὐδαμῶς ἐξελῶν αὐτοὺς, ἀλλὰ κάρτα οἰκηιούμενος. Επεί τε δὲ καὶ οἱ Μινύαι ἐκδράντες ἐκ τῆς ἑρκτῆς ἵζοντο ἐς τὸ Τηΰγετον, τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων βουλευομένων σφέας ἀπολλύναι, παραιτέεται ὁ Θήρας, ὅκως μήτε φόνος γένηται, αὐτός τε ὑπεδέκετο σφέας ἐξάξειν ἐκ τῆς χώρης. Συγχωρησάντων δὲ τῇ γνώμῃ τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων, τρισὶ τριηκοντέροισι ἐς τοὺς Μεμβιάρου ἀπογόνους ἔπλωσε. ********** Τῇ δὲ νήσῳ ἐπὶ τοῦ οἰκιστέω Θήρα ἡ ἐπωνυμίη ἐγένετο.
   Ibid. et cap. 148.
5. τῶν ἐκ τῆς Ἀργοῦς ἐπιβατέων παίδων παῖδες. ἐξελασθέντες ὑπὸ Πελασγῶν τῶν ἐκ Βραυρῶνος ληισαμένων τὰς Ἀθηναίων γυναῖκας, ὑπὸ τούτων ἐξελασθέντες ἐκ Λήμνου, οἴχοντο πλέοντες ἐς Λακεδαίμονα, Ίζόμενοι δὲ ἐν τῷ Τηϋγέτῳ, πῦρἀν έκαιον. Λακεδαιμόνιοι δὲ ἰδόντες, ἄγγελον ἔπεμπον πευσόμενοι τίνες τε καὶ ὁκόθεν εἰσί. Οἳ δὲ τῷ ἀγγέλῳ εἰρωτῶντι ἔλεγον ὡς εἴησαν μὲν Μινύαι, παῖδες δὲ εἶεν τῶν ἐν τῇ Ἀργοῖ πλεόντων ἡρώων προσσχόντας δὲ τούτους ἐς Λῆμνον, φυτεῦσαι σφέας. Οἱ δὲ Λακεδαιμόνιοι ἀκηκοότες τὸν λόγον τῆς γενεῆς τῶν Μινυέων, πέμψαντες τὸ δεύτερον, εἰρώτων τί θέλοντες ἥκοιέν τε ἐς τὴν χώρην καὶ πῦρ αἴθοιεν. Οἳ δὲ ἔφασαν ὑπὸ Πελασγῶν ἐκβληθέντες ἥκειν ἐς τοὺς πατέρας: δικαιότατον γὰρ εἶναι οὕτω τοῦτο γίνεσθαι. δέεσθαι δὲ οἰκέειν ἅμα τούτοισι μοῖράν τε τιμέων μετέχοντες καὶ τῆς γῆς ἀπολαχόντες. Λακεδαιμονίοισι δὲ ἕαδε δέκεσθαι τοὺς Μινύας ἐπ᾽ οἷσι θέλουσι αὐτοί.
   Herodot. lib. iv. cap. 145.
6. Isidor. Origin. lib. xiii. cap. 6.
7. Liv. Epit. lib. xvii. Flor. lib. ii. cap. 2.
8. Liv. lib. xl. cap. 34.
9. Ib. lib. xlii. cap. 7.
10. Plin. lib. v. cap. 29.
11. Procop. de Bell. Goth. lib. iii. cap. 24.
12. Seneca de consolatione
13. Thuan. Hist. lib. xii. cap. 2.
14. Knowles's history of the Turks, p. 757.
15. Michael Metello, who writes a particular history of the Corsican revolt under Sampiero, gives a different account of his death. He will have him to have been killed from motives of private revenge, by his brother in law, Michael Angelo di Ornano. But, besides the improbability that Vannina, the spouse of Sampiero, had a brother, when it is certain she inherited the family domains; I own, that the assassination, as related by several other authours, appears to me so much of a piece with the oppressions of Genoa; both before and since, that I give it the preference.
16. Thuani Hist. lib. xli. cap. 31.
17. Esprit des Loix, edit. Edin. liv. x. cap. 8.
18. Monsieur Richer
19. Lettres Juiv. lett. 34.
20. 1 Maccabees, chap. iii. ver. 59.
21. Jaussin, tom. i. p. 35S.
22. Jaussin, tom. i. p. 468.
23. lb. p. 481.
24. Tacit, de vit. Agric. cap. 30.
25. Smoll. hist. vol. XVI. p. 384.
26. His name, in Italian, is Pasquale de' Paoli. I write Pascal, as more agreeable to an English ear. I also avoid giving him any title. I owe this thought to My Lord Hailes. When I asked him, Whether I should call Paoli, Signor, or General? his answer was, 'Signor is better than General, but plain Pascal is better than either. You do not say, King Alexander, but Alexander of Macedon; no title adds to the dignity of Judas Maccabeus.'
27. Appendix Nᵒ. V.