An Account of Corsica/Introduction
AN
ACCOUNT
OF
CORSICA.
INTRODUCTION.
LIBERTY is so natural, and so dear to mankind, whether as individuals, or as members of society, that it is indispensibly necessary to our happiness. Every thing great and worthy ariseth from it. Liberty gives health to the mind, and enables us to enjoy the full exercise of our faculties. He who is in chains cannot move either easily or gracefully; nothing elegant or noble can be expected from those, whose spirits are subdued by tyranny, and whose powers are cramped by restraint.
There are, indeed, who from the darkest prejudice, or most corrupt venality, would endeavour to reason mankind out of their original and genuine feelings, and persuade them to substitute artificial sentiment in place of that which is implanted by God and Nature. They would maintain, that slavery will from habit become easy, and, that mankind are truly better, when under confinement and subjection to the arbitrary will of a few.
Such doctrine at this, could never have gained any ground, had it been addressed to calm reason alone. Its partisans therefore have found it necessary to address themselves to the imagination and passions; to call in the aid of enthusiasm and superstition; in some countries to instill a strange love and attachment to their sovereigns; and in others to propogate certain mystical notions, which the mind of man is wonderfully ready to receive, of a divine right to rule; as if their sovereigns had descended from heaven. This last idea has been cherished for ages, from the 'Cara Deûm soboles. The beloved offspring of the Gods,' among the Romans, to those various elevated and endearing epithets, which modern nations have thought proper to bellow upon their sovereigns.
But whatever sophisms may be devised in favour of slavery, patience under it, can never be any thing but 'the effect of a sickly constitution, which creates a laziness and despondency, that puts men beyond hopes and fears: mortifying ambition, and other active qualities, which freedom begets; and instead of them, affording only a dull kind of pleasure, of being careless and insensible[1].'
There is no doubt, but by entering into society, mankind voluntarily give up a part of their natural rights, and bind themselves to the obedience of laws, calculated for the general good. But, we must distinguish between authority, and oppression; between laws, and capricious dictates; and keeping the original intention of government ever in view, we should take care that no more restraint be laid upon natural liberty, than what the necessities of society require.
Perhaps the limits between the power of government, and the liberty of the people, should not be too strictly marked out. Men of taste reckon that picture hard, where the outlines are so strong, as to be clearly seen. They admire a piece of painting, where the colours are delicately blended, and the tints, which point out every particular object, are softened into each other, by an insensible gradation. So in a virtuous state, there should be such a mutual confidence between the government and the people, that the rights of each should not be expressly defined.
But flagrant injustice, on one side or other, is not to be concealed; and, without question, it is the privilege of the side that is injured, to vindicate itself.
I have been led into these reflections from a consideration of the arguments by which ingenious men in the refinement of politicks have endeavoured to amuse mankind, and turn away their attention from the plain and simple notions of liberty.
Liberty is indeed the parent of felicity, of every noble virtue, and even of every art and science. Whatever vain attempts have been made to raise the generous plants under an oppressive climate, have only shewn more evidently the value of freedom.
It is therefore no wonder that the world has at all times been roused at the mention of liberty; and that we read with admiration and a virtuous enthusiasm, the gallant achievements of those who have distinguished themselves in the glorious cause, and the history of states who were animated with the principle of freedom, and made it the basis of their constitution.
Should any one transmit to posterity the annals of an enslaved nation, we should sleep over whole ages of the humbling detail. Every thing would be so poor, so tame, and so abject, that one might as well peruse the records of a prisonhouse.
But we have a manly satisfaction in reading the history of the ancient Romans; even abstracting from their connections and their broils with other states. Their internal progress alone affords ample matter of speculation to a judicious and spirited observer of human nature. We love to trace the various springs of their conduct, and of their advancement in civilization. We contemplate with pleasure the ferments between the patricians and plebeians, the strong exertions of rude genius, the vigorous exercises and hardy virtues of men uncontrouled by timid subjection.
They who entertain an extravagant veneration for antiquity, would make us believe, that the divine fire of liberty has been long ago exhausted, and that any appearances of it which are to be found in modern times, are but feeble and dim. They would make us believe that the world is grown old, that the strength of human nature is decayed, and that we are no more to expect those noble powers which dignified men in former ages.
But the truth is, that human nature is the same at all times, and appears in different lights merely from a difference of circumstances. In the language of the schoolmen, the substance is fixed, the accidents only vary. Rome has yet the seven hills on which the conquerors of the world dwelt, and these are inhabited by Romans. Athens still occupies the space from whence philosophy and genius diffused a radiance to all the nation, around, and is possessed by Athenians. But neither of these people now retain any resemblance of their illustrious ancestors; this is entirely owing to the course of political events, which has produced a total change in their manners.
That the spirit of liberty has flourished in modern times, we may appeal to the histories of the Swiss, and of the Dutch; and the boldest proofs of it are to be found in the annals of our own country.
But a most distinguished example of it actually exists in the island of Corsica. There, a brave and resolute nation, has now for upwards of six and thirty years, maintained a constant struggle against the oppression of the republick of Genoa. These valiant islanders were for a long time looked upon as an inconsiderable band of malecontents, as a disorderly troop of rebels, who would speedily be compelled to resume those chains which they had frowardly shaken off. They have however continued steady to their purpose. Providence has favoured them; and Europe now turns her eyes upon them, and with astonishment sees them on the eve of emancipating themselves for ever from a foreign yoke, and becoming a free and independent people.
Libertas quae fera tamen respexit
Respexit tamen et longo post tempore venit.
When a long age of vent'rous toil was past,
Celestial freedom blest their isle at last.
The smallness of the Corsican state does not render it less an object of admiration. On the contrary, we ought to admire it the more. The ingenious Mr. Hume[2] hath shewn us, that Rhodes, Thebes, and many of the famous ancient states were not so numerous as the people of Corsica now are. If the ten thousand Greeks have gained immortal honour, because they were opposed to the armies of the Persian monarch, Shall not the Corsicans be found deserving of glory, who have let themselves against a republick, which has been aided at different times by the power of France, and by that of the empire of Germany?
The Corsicans have been obliged to shew particular force of spirit. The Swiss and the Dutch were both assisted by powerful nations in the recovery of their liberties: but during the long and bloody war which Corsica has carried on, the Powers of Europe, who might be supposed friendly to her, have stood aloof, and she has single and unsupported, weathered the storm, and arrived at; the degree of consequence which she now holds.
To give an account of this island, is what I am now to attempt. The attempt is surely laudable; and I am persuaded that my readers will grant me every indulgence, when they consider how favourable is the subject. They will confider that I am the first Briton who has had the curiosity to visit Corsica, and to receive such information as to enable him to form a just idea of it; and they will readily make allowance for the enthusiasm of one who has been among the brave islanders, when their patriotick virtue is at its height, and who has felt as it were a communication of their spirit.
The plan which I have prescribed to myself is, to give a Geographical and Physical description of the island, that my readers may be made acquainted with the country which in these latter days has produced so heroick a race of patriots. To exhibit a concise view of the Revolutions it has undergone from the earliest times, which will prepare the mind, and throw light on the sequel. To shew the Present State of Corsica; and to subjoin my Journal of a Tour to that island, in which I relate a variety of anecdotes, and treasure up many memoirs of the illustrious General of the Corsicans——Memorabilia Paoli.
I do most sincerely declare, that I feel myself inferiour to the task. But I hope the sketch which I give, will be of some immediate service, and will induce others to execute a more perfect plan. I shall be happy if I contribute in a certain degree to give the world a just idea of Corsica, and to interest the generous in its favour; and I would adopt for this work a simple and beautiful inscription on the front of the Palazzo Tolomei at Siena,
Quod potui feci; faciant meliora potentes.
I've done my best; let abler men do more.