History of Mexico (Bancroft)/Volume 6/Chapter 10

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History of Mexico (Bancroft)/Volume 6 (1886)
by Hubert Howe Bancroft
Chapter 10
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2942067History of Mexico (Bancroft)/Volume 6 — Chapter 101886Hubert Howe Bancroft
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CHAPTER X

IMPERIAL HOME LIFE AND VICISSITUDES

1866.

Money Matters — New Treaty — Army Reorganization — Austrians Discontented — Domestic Affairs — Character of Charlotte — Maximilian's Habits — Hours of Labor, Food, and Exercise — Dress — Amusements — Religious Shows — Washing Feet — The Emperor's Cold Wit — Conservatist Plot — Santa Anna — New Policy of Maximilian — Bazaine's Quarrel and Recall — Castelnau — Abdication Urged — Ortega and the United States — Maximilian at Orizaba

The departure of the empress only served to precipitate negotiations at Mexico, and on the 30th of July, 1866, Maximilian was obliged to sign a new convention regulating the financial question, whereby the French government should receive one half of all maritime custom-house receipts,[1] after November 1st, in payment of interest and capital due for the loans ​negotiated in France, and for the heavy war expenses. The Vera Cruz and Tampico custom-houses were surrendered to the French agents as guarantees. A great part of these receipts being already hypothecated, and the advance of the republicans cutting off one resource after another, so small a revenue remained with which to conduct the government that bankruptcy was inevitable.[2] Both sovereigns must have recognized the uselessness of the convention; yet they signed it, one because he was obliged to, and the other to save appearances.[3]

Notwithstanding the effort to seek better terms from Napoleon, Maximilian had taken several steps to secure his position in case of need, and among them ranked foremost the reorganization of the army. Napoleon had promised his aid for the formation of a European army, to embrace the Austro-Belgian volunteers of some 7,500 men, and the foreign legion of the French expedition, placed in the Miramare treaty at 8,000 men, and Bazaine was occupied in organizing a Franco-Mexican body, under the term of cazadores, or chasseurs, which should become fully as strong. Add to this the 25,000 or more of rural guards and auxiliaries in different parts, one third mounted, and 600 pieces of artillery, together with the means for manufacturing arms at more than one of the fortified points in the empire, and the strength of Maximilian appeared by no means insignificant. ​Unfortunately for him, the warfare was rather of a guerrilla character, involving the scattering of forces; many of the soldiers drafted into the ranks from unwilling subjects, and from the class of deserters, or even malefactors, could not be relied upon;[4] and outfit as well as pay proved scanty or lacking, so that altogether the value and efficiency of the army were greatly reduced.[5]

In addition came discontent among the Austro-Belgian regiments, ever opposed to any subordination to Mexican officers, or even to French — a trouble increased by unforeseen hardships, and by the war in Europe.[6] The greatest obstacle of all, however, was the lack of money, which was causing an outcry from every direction, impeding operations, and threatening wide-spread disbandment.[7] The case was placed before Bazaine in April, with an urgent appeal for assistance. A small advance now would obviate a crisis, and save enormous outlays at a later time. France could not allow its work to collapse by refusing so slight a sacrifice. The marshal yielded by granting a monthly allowance of two and a half million francs.[8] The ​French government objecting, the allowance stopped, and consequently any progress of army organization.

The temporary coöperation of Bazaine was greatly due to Maximilian's effort to retain French army officials for the finance department, thereby placing additional responsibility on their government.[9] But all this had served merely to postpone the trouble. The budget for 1866 placed the expenses, with a low estimate, at over $35,000,000,[10] and as the revenue in the preceding and far more prosperous year came to little more than half this amount, the outlook for the present one may be imagined. Among the measures adopted to meet a portion of the demand was a contribution on the net revenue of town and country estates of one sixth and one seventh respectively, and a tax of six and one quarter cents on each 50,000 square varas.[11] But the difficulty with these and previous exactions was to collect them.[12] ​Maximilian had been assigned a civil list of $1,500,000, like his predecessor Agustin I.; but in view of the financial distress, he now renounced two thirds of this sum,[13] Charlotte relinquishing half of her allowance. The sacrifice hardly affected them, for their mode of living was extremely simple for a court. The loss fell rather upon officials of the household, and upon benevolent objects and the poor, for whom the list had mainly been expended." Both of them were imbued with a noble but misguided ambition for all that was good and just, and they were courageous in following this bent. Charlotte had a more nervous energy, as was displayed in her assiduous attention to public affairs, and in her disinterested application to schools, charities, and other institutions.[14] She would personally examine scholars and distribute rewards, enter the hospitals and cheer the sick with a kind word, decorate the soldier whose bravery deserved the medal, and charm the multitude with her gracious manner. The gallant Mexicans could not fail to show devotion in return, the more stolid Indians being mollified by the marked intimacy with which she honored one of their own race, as one of her maids of honor.[15] Like them, she delighted in flowers, and found one of her greatest pleasures in supervising the garden, leaving also a beautiful record of her taste in the blooming aspect of the Paseo and the palace-ground.

The imperial couple had at first taken up their abode in the national palace at Mexico, dating in foundation from or before the time of Cortés, and consecrated by a long line of viceregal residents.[16] In ​

Mexico.
​this vast though plain pile, embracing three courts and practically three stories, they occupied only the southern section, the central being left to state officers and the northern and eastern to soldiers and prisoners.[17] It faced the great plaza with its throng of people and imposing cathedral, but was otherwise relieved only by a small garden. Maximilian, with his unassuming informality and sailor traits, looked upon it as a cloister, and soon selected for his chief residence the palace of Chapultepec, standing on the oval hill 160 feet high, and a league south-west of the capital. It stood within groves of cedar, elm, and poplar, interspersed with wild shrubbery and flowers, the building rising upon different terraces in plain and irregular form, and nothing gorgeous within to remind the royal pair of their imperial presence.[18]

For this spot, hallowed by the myths as a resting-place for monarchs, Montezuma had shown his predilection when oppressed with omens of a falling throne, or drawn by longing for peaceful intercourse with nature; watching from the forest-girded summit the city reflected in the changing waters of the lake, and surrounded by verdure-clad shores, with whitened tenements, waving fields, and the shady copse, which extended in variegated hues until it merged in the hazy distance with the circling ranges that marked the limits of the valley. And now another last monarch ​abided here the lifting of the veil, pondering on the changes wrought by christian civilization. The towering temple pyramid, with vestal fires and reeking stones of sacrifice, were replaced by crested naves, with domes and steeples, and the famed Aztec garden dwellings by dense and cheerless blocks of houses. The canals, with their throng of gliding canoes, embowered and flower-decked, had disappeared, and the glistening lake had shrunk away from the new-built city, and from the ravaged shores, once fringed with groves and shrubbery.

Here Maximilian lived, on the whole, an unostentatious life, making occasional visits to Cuernavaca, a score of leagues or so south, midway on the slopes into the tierra caliente, a paradise of balmy air and enchanting environment. He rose sometimes as early as three o'clock in the morning, and attended to letters and documents. Two hours later he took coffee, and was soon afterward in the saddle. He breakfasted usually between eight and nine. Ministerial consultations were held between one and half-past two. At half-past three he dined with the empress and a few friends, eating but little, and drinking either mineral water with ice, or champagne, but neglecting fruit and coffee. The table-service was plain, and also the food, despite the cooks imported from Europe, and excuses were not infrequently made before guests.[19]

This was usually the first reunion of the consorts during the day, for the empress had her hours and duties. She rose at half-past six, opening the day with a bracing ride. Prayers were held between eight and nine, followed by breakfast in the company of her maids of honor. Then she drove round to schools, hospitals, and other institutions, turning her steps about two for Chapultepec, in readiness for dinner. This over, she sauntered in the grove, retired with a ​book, indulged a little in authorship, or yielded to the allurements of pencil and crayon, not forgetting to scan the journals and mark interesting articles for Maximilian's perusal, adding keen observations of her own. Receptions were not frequent, but during the winter her saloons were open every Monday. On these occasions the cambric, muslin, or plain silk and woollen dresses gave way to décolleté robes of rich material, with a profusion of ornaments and jewelry; and she manifested an almost childlike pleasure in impressing one class with her beauty and taste, and another with the glitter of her apparel. She joined in quadrilles to a limited extent. A series of court regulations served to check certain easy manners that provincialism had introduced among an otherwise ceremonious people.

Maximilian personally objected to formality, as shown by his preference for the country. He delighted in white linen suits and a Panamá hat, or one of soft white felt with low crown; yet a plain civil dress was usually worn, of black frock-coat and vest, with light-colored pantaloons, gray overcoat, and in the city, a gray high-crowned hat. On great occasions he could be seen in a simple dark green uniform, with gold-embroidered collar, red sash, and white gold-striped trousers. He wore little jewelry.[20] On special occasions he donned the national dress, preferably the ranchero's, with a view to flatter the masses.[21] He certainly enjoyed the life with which this was connected, riding, roaming, and exercising, especially swimming.[22] Billiards formed a favorite ​entertainment, following the after-dinner drive. In his driving he put on a certain pomp, his carriage being frequently drawn by six white mules, and attended by a groom and a mounted escort in advance, dressed in apparel of soft leather. He retired between eight and nine, reading in bed for half an hour, always some instructive book, for novels he never touched.

The imperial pair paid great attention to religion, partly for effect, as may be judged from their descending one day from their carriage and kneeling in the street while the host passed. Another silly performance was to wash the feet of twelve poor persons on Maundy-Thursday, in imitation of the pope and amidst great ceremony.[23] The devotion of the empress and her frank benevolent disposition were generally recognized. Not so with her husband, whose geniality and kind-heartedness proved insufficient to counteract the often intrusive liberalism in views, and the cold wit and innate bent for raillery which spared not even friends and partisans.[24] This examination into the private life of the emperor and empress does not tend to elevate our estimation of their strength of mind or originality of character.

The failure of the last conservative plot had by no means stilled the efforts of the discontented. Santa ​Anna continued to intrigue, issuing a stirring manifesto;[25] and the archbishop pursued his agitation, joined by a large number of prominent persons, including members of the cabinet. Encouraged by the dissatisfaction in the army, and the weakness of a government now to be deserted by its main supporters, they resolved to act decisively upon the French desire for Maximilian's removal, with the hope of uniting parties in support of a more popular government. The emperor had due warning, and sought to defeat the plot by conciliatory measures. These failing, he caused the arrest, July 15th and 17th, of threescore conspirators, and had the greater number deported for safe-keeping to Yucatan,[26] ordering also the confiscation of Santa Anna's vast estates. This schemer received about the same time a decided snub from the Juarists, with whom he sought to ingratiate himself.[27]

The preceding fiasco convinced Maximilian how little reliance was to be placed in liberals who had chosen to pocket their republican sympathies for the sake of imperial offices. Nor had his long effort to court and conciliate the Juarists and constitutionalists produced any marked benefits. A few needful and severe measures had served to counteract the good impression at one time produced, and wherever military authority declined, there rose at once anti-imperial sentiments. Moreover, in the futile attempt to win over the main party, he had lost his hold upon the ​clerico-conservative element which had created him. To pursue further so fruitless a policy seemed therefore out of the question.

As early as January 1866 he began to consider a change;[28] yet when in March Ramirez, Esteva, Peza, and Robles[29] resigned, in face of the hopeless prospects, he still chose for their successors moderate republicans, in the persons of General García, Francisco Somera, a rich land-owner, and Salazar Ilarregui, lately commissioner in Yucatan, intrusted respectively with the portfolios of war, fomento, and gobernacion. Luis Arroyo, late minister at Washington, was given charge of foreign relations as under-secretary. Artigas was dismissed from the department of public instruction,[30] which, merged into that of gobernacion and the treasury control,[31] passed to J. M. Lacunza, president of the council, now made president of the cabinet. Several of these changes were dictated by economy. The conspiracy of July brought about the disimssal of Lacunza, Somera, García, and the older member Escudero;[32] and now a decided approach was made toward the conservatives, by appointing Teodosio Lares minister of justice;[33] the departments of fomento and gobernacion were combined. The effect of this departure was neutralized among Mexicans by the otherwise commendable surrender of the war and finance divisions to two Frenchmen, General D'Osmont and Friant, intendant-general of the army, and by the appointment of Father Fischer[34] as chief of his cabinet, who ​soon acquired a decided influence with Maximilian, despite his doubtful antecedents. The French appointments appeared a necessary adjunct to the July convention with France and the Franco-Mexican reorganization of the army; but Napoleon objected to the semi-official interference implied, and Bazaine was soon obliged to seek an excuse for withdrawing them.[35]

Meanwhile advances continued to be made for conservative favor, and on September 14th Lares, as president of the cabinet, was reënforced by García Aguirre, Teófilo Marin, and Mier y Teran, for the department of public instruction and worship, gobernacion, and fomento respectively; and to these were added the Portuguese, J. N. Pereda, I. T. Larraínzar, subsequently M. Campos and R. Tavera, intrusted with foreign relations, finance, and war, Arroyo being placed at the head of the household.[36] In the programme now issued the necessity was pointed out of harmonious coöperation between political and military powers, and of suppressing hostile demonstrations, while otherwise allowing freedom of opinion and sustaining individual guarantees, with inviolability of property. The administration had to be intrusted exclusively to the ministers, who were responsible, and territorial divisions to reliable adherents — an ​implied conservative right to offices. A good understanding should be restored between church and state by means of a concordat with Rome, embracing a removal of the insecurity hanging over alienated estates, the right of acquiring property and the means of sustenance for the clergy[37] Meanwhile steps should be taken to smooth difficulties, and foremost to hasten the organization of the army, and perfect a plan for the finance department. As a means to improve the condition of the poorer classes, a system of land grants was inaugurated.[38]

In accordance with this plan came a host of additional appointments, and changes, especially in the ranks of prefects and councillors,[39] and several anti-catholic enactments were revoked, including that which had transferred the cemeteries to municipal control.[40] Nothwithstanding the declared inviolability of property, an embargo was laid on that of all persons hostile to the empire, to be administered for the benefit of bereaved loyal families — an act which only encouraged the Juarists to larger reprisal.[41] The change of policy was received with mixed feelings. Stanch conservatives accepted it as a triumph,[42] and ​hoped with the regained coöperation of the clergy to achieve good results. Liberals, on the other hand, condemned it as a suicidal declaration of war against the majority, and foresaw only dire consequences. Yet it was but a return of the government to the party to which it really stood pledged, and probably as good a course as could have been taken under the pressing circumstances, after so many failures.[43] It was worth an effort to win over the clergy; yet it may be compared to the clutch of a drowning man.

The reconciliation of the emperor with the clerical party, and his evident intention of retaliating upon the French for their abandonment, made relations with Paris more disagreeable than ever, and upon Bazaine as agent fell no little of the brunt. The general had received many a favor from Maximilian,[44] and had granted many a one in return, as instanced lately by advancing funds against the wishes of his master. But the disposition of the prince for ridicule, and his occasions for discontent with military operations, aggravated by a vacillating character, all tended to interpose frequent clouds between the two. The failure to maintain or follow up advantages gained, the concentration of troops, and other measures were mainly the result of political exigencies and lack of sufficient forces, yet the attitude at times assumed by the marshal from offended pride or arrogance[45] led to his being suspected of greater iniquities. Complaints had not been sparing, joined with requests for his removal, and in April 1866 came a letter authorizing Bazaine to return to France, leaving Douay in ​command.[46] This arrived at a time when his relations at court were again amicable, and he replied accordingly, without pretending to understand the hint to return, for his connections with the country by marriage and business affairs made it inconvenient to depart. Changes being made in the plan for evacuation, it was finally thought best to allow the marshal to remain in command.[47]

There was no objection to his conduct as commander-in-chief, but he did not show himself sufficiently pliable to the wishes of Napoleon in carrying out the political programme,[48] and it was resolved to send out an agent in the person of General Castelnau, with full power to give effect to it. The pecuniary interests of France, which had now become the main consideration, demanded above all a firm government in Mexico. The conservatives seemed to offer little prospect for its formation, owing to the attitude of the United States and the strength and growth of the Juarists; and furthermore their clerico-financial principles were unfavorable to those interests. The only hope for success appeared to lie with the liberals. Maximilian had failed to win them over, and it was unlikely that any other foreign prince would do better. The head of the new government must therefore be sought among the liberals themselves. An arrangement with the tenacious Juarez was unpromising as well as humiliating,[49] and Diaz, Ortega, Lerdo de Tejada, and Ruiz were assumed to be preferable.[50] ​Castelnau was moreover instructed to hasten the departure of the French troops, now fixed for the spring of 1867, in one mass, on the ground that evacuation in detachments might expose the last division to the combined onslaught of the rapidly swelling republican armies.[51]This measure was also intended to impress Maximilian with the necessity of abdicating before his position became wholly untenable, and thus promote the installation of a new government favorable to France and acceptable to the United States.

Advised beforehand of Napoleon's desire, and recognizing that Maximilian could not sustain himself, Bazaine began to recommend abdication. The moment proved favorable. The efforts of the new conservative cabinet to collect means served only to expose their poverty; news had arrived of Charlotte's failure at Paris, and the discouraging aspect was rendered still gloomier by the delicate health of the emperor.[52] Now on the 18th of October came the ​message announcing the mental condition of his consort. With trembling voice and tear-dimmed eyes he consulted with his intimate associates,[53] what best to do, and his health and nerves requiring in any case a change, he was advised to proceed to Orizaba, there to await developments, while benefiting from the balmy temperature of the tierra templada. A strong reason for leaving is said to have been the hope of succeeding to the sceptre of his brother, on the strength of his own popularity as the once liberal governor of Lombardy, and of the discontent evoked by the late humiliating war with Prussia.[54]

On learning of the intended journey, the public in general immediately suspected the truth, and the fate of the empire was freely discussed with voice and ​pen, some journals advocating departure, others opposing it.[55] The conservatives were seized with consternation, for the fall of the throne implied to them loss of power and privileges, the fading of all prospects, and with all the dire vengeance of the republicans on their persons and estates. The blow startled above all the clergy, whose prelates were even then uniting at Mexico, hoping to settle questions between church and state.[56] Petitions by committees and in writing came pouring in against the departure, and Lares rushed forward with the resignation of the cabinet. But with the aid of Bazaine the ministers were reassured, and the journals gave notice that the journey was nothing more than one of the trips so frequently undertaken.[57] This served only in a measure to allay the excitement, and Bazaine thought it best to take precautions both against a possible mob in the capital, and against a combination of parties throughout the country.[58] Maximilian left Chapultepec for Orizaba before dawn the following morning, October 21st.[59]

​General Castelnau had arrived at Vera Cruz more than a week previously, and after an unaccountable delay[60] set out for Mexico, passing the imperial cortege at Ayotla, without being allowed to see Maximilian. Bazaine submitted with tolerable good grace to the subordination imposed upon him by this representative of his sovereign. Castelnau displaying laudable tact, no unpleasantness occurred.[61] Joined by Minister Dano, they began actively to prepare the way for the formation of a new government. Nothing could be acomplished with a man of Diaz' stanch loyalty and patriotism; Lerdo de Tejada was supposed to be equally unyielding, and so the choice for presidential candidate finally settled on Ortega. He possessed the advantage of a decided claim to the chief magistracy, which had been set aside on a mere technicality, and was therefore supposed to have left him a strong hold on popular sympathies. Moreover, his active supporters were by no means insignificant, notably along the Texan border, where Matamoros was foremost in his favor.[62] It was believed that many more adherents would join as soon as he could present himself with sufficient strength to face Juarez.

Less clerical than Santa Anna, who held so large a following, he was also less radical than his successful rival, and could not therefore be so obnoxious to conservatives. In his eagerness to obtain French support he had shown a disposition to promote an ​arrangement for securing the claims connected therewith, and his stanch federalist principles and legal rights to the presidency were believed to prove sufficient inducements for obtaining the favorable consideration of the United States.

Unfortunately the cabinet at Washington felt less disposed than ever to assume a yielding attitude. The first news of a change in the plan of evacuation, while really approaching more than the former toward the wishes of Seward, provoked a haughty note to the minister at Paris.[63] There were no objections to Ortega; but to favor him would be to support French influence in Mexico, and it was preferable to substitute that of the United States by sustaining Juarez, to whom moreover the latter stood pledged to a certain extent by the recognition accorded.[64] Mr Campbell, who had already been appointed minister to the Juarist government, was accordingly instructed to hasten to his post.[65] In order to give more effect to this mission, General Sherman[66] accompanied him. ​In the same month of November Ortega was arrested in Texas while on the way to join his supporters in Mexico, and American troops soon after crossed to Matamoros, hoisting their flag there, and indirectly promoting the capitulation of the city to the Juarists. Demonstrations like these could not fail to excite alarm among imperialists, and convince them of the hopelessness of coming to an understanding with the northern republic.[67]

  1. ↑ Including export and import duties, 'internacion' and 'contraregistro,' 'mejores materiales' fund, now liberated from payments to the Vera Cruz railroad, but less three fourths of the Pacific custom house receipts, which were already hypothecated. The sums so granted were to be applied to the payment of interest and capital of the loans of 1864-5; to the payment of three per cent interest on the 216 million francs recognized by the treaty of Miramare, and on all subsequent advances by the French treasury, amounting to about 250 million francs. Any surplus left after making these payments should serve to reduce the capital due the French government. No change of tariff must be made tending to lower the sum now granted. Special agents under the French flag should direct the collection of duties at Vera Cruz and Tampico, all of which were to be assigned for the above payments, less the part already set aside for acknowledged claims, and for salaries of officials at these custom-houses, the latter not to exceed five per cent of the receipts. Any surplus or deficiency remaining after applying these receipts to the total one half were to be adjusted in the accounts rendered from other custom houses every three months, with assistance of French consular agents. This document was signed by Dano and Luis de Arroyo, the latter assistant secretary of state, in charge of the foreign portfolio. It had to take effect on a date to be determined by Napolecn, which was Nov. 1lst. See Derecho Intern. Mex., pt ii. 386-90.
  2. ↑ The net receipts of the empire in 1865 amounted to 19 millions, of which nearly 5 millions came from Vera Cruz, 21/2, millions from other gulf ports, and 3 millions from the Pacific, the remainder being obtained from excise, direct contributions, and other sources. Of the Pacific receipts, 75 per cent had already been assigned, and a large proportion of the gulf duties; further claims were impending, a convention having been signed June 26th whereby English claims should be decided upon by a body of four commissioners. 'Nada se estipuló... respecto de las reclamaciones de ciudadanos Mexicanos contra el gobierno británico,' observes Romero caustically. Méx., Mem. Hac., 1870, 683. The continual reverses of 1866 cut off resources in every direction.
  3. ↑ And to secure by manipulations at Vera Cruz all the money possible. 'En prévision d'une chute prochaine.' Niox, Expéd. du Mex., 603. The Juarist minister at Washington protested against the arrangement as intended to prolong the stay of French troops. Legac. Mex., Circulares, ii. 244-9. The relations with France becoming more strained, the convention was soon ignored by Maximilian, as will be seen.
  4. ↑ A battalion ordered to Yucatan during the spring was composed mainly of vagabonds and criminals, and Casanova, the commander, refused to go unless a reliable force was added to control the rest. Niox, Expéd., 554.
  5. ↑ The cazadores were offered a bounty of $25. It was proposed to form 10 battalions of them, under French officers and French army regulations. The term of service extended from two to seven years. Osmont and Friant had immediate charge of them, and Courtois D'Hurbal organized the artillery in a manner that received the acknowledgment of Maximilian. Domenech, Hist. Mex., iii. 381, 415–16; Détroyat, L'Interv., 244. Le Saint pays a tribute to the bravery of the Mexicans. Guerre Mex., 193. For drafting orders and other regulations, see Diario Imp., June 30, 25th, Aug.-Dec., passim; Voz Méj., Feb. 20, March 6, Aug. 28, 30, 1866, etc., and other journals. This system, so frequently forbidden as unjust and unsatisfactory, had to be resumed, as Kératry shows. Max., 137-9. Col Shelby, lately of the U. S. confederate army, has brought some men and urged an enlistment of American soldiers as the most effective measure; but Maximilian did not entertain the idea. Edward's Shelby's Exped., 22-4, 42, 90-2.
  6. ↑ Large numbers of them insisted on returning to Europe, and great efforts had to be made to quiet the feeling. Niox, Expéd., 554-7, 579.
  7. ↑ Lacunza, who had charge of the finance department, explained the critical situation in a letter to the marshal of April 25th. Mejía and Quiroga in the north were suffering from actual want, and had to impose forced loans. Lopez could not leave San Luis, nor Franco Oajaca, for similar reasons; the Austro-Belgians owed half a million, and so forth.
  8. ↑ The question was discussed in a council presided over by Maximilian. Dano and Maintenant, inspector of the treasury, objected to granting any advance, in accordance with instructions from their government; but Bazaine took upon himself the responsibility, although a previous advance by him had been objected to in Paris. Kératry quotes the letter written by Maximilian in Feb., thanking him for this aid. Nax., 97-102. See also Arrangoiz, Méj., iv. 90.
  9. ↑ Langlais having died in Feb. 1866, M. de Maintenant, French inspector-general of finances, took his place till Friant, intendant en chef of the French army in Mexico, was permitted to occupy it jointly with his own-a double duty which led to conflicting measures. Niox, Expéd. du Mex., 598 9.
  10. ↑ The estimate as prepared by Lacunza for May till Dec. demanded for the
    Ministry of war $4,395,710
    Ministry of treasury 2,379,077
    Other departments 2,807,962
    Subventions for railroads, steamship lines, etc. 1,466,334
    Interior debt 1,937,000
    Old contracts 720,948
    Interest on debt 6,715,150
    French army support 3,205,130
    —————
    $23,627,311
  11. ↑ 'Contribucion injusta y designal,' exclaims Arrangoiz, Méj., iv. 94, since property near towns was far more valuable than remote land. But the object was also to compel the distribution of land among the Indians and immigrants for cultivation. Domenech, Hist. Méj., iii. 383-4, takes a more reasonable view. An attempt to bring sold church property under fresh levies failed, as did many another measure, such as Basch, Erin., i. 136-7, enumerates, ergaben auf dem Papiere ein sehr annehmbares Resultat.'
  12. ↑ The attempt of Détroyat and others, L'Interv., 241, to attribute causes to single individual effort or neglect is hasty. Comparison with municipal taxes. Jalisco, Tarifa, 1965, 1-14; Trigueros, Mem. Municip. Mex., 1866, 1-66.
  13. ↑ By letter of March 15, 1566. See also Diario Imp., May 1, 1856.
  14. ↑ As president of a charitable society, she influenced similar efforts by prominent ladies in the capital and elsewhere.
  15. ↑ Señorita Josefa Varela, a descendant of Montezuma, about 22 years of age and of dark complexion. She, like Señora G. P. Pacheco, received $1,000 a year, while other ladies of honor who attended merely on certain occasions had no pay.
  16. ↑ See Hist. Mex., vols i. and iii., this series, for site, building, and reconstruction.
  17. ↑ Juarez preferred the central court, where at this time lived the princess Iturbide. Her name was sometimes applied to the great reception-room, in the third story of the southern part of the palace, with its gilt-edged cross-timbered ceiling, holding a dozen pendent chandeliers, its floor of dark inlaid wood, and its numerous life-size portraits of prominent Mexicans and of Washington. In the parallel Lion saloon hung likenesses of Charles V. and other Spanish rulers. South-east of the former room was the audience-chamber, the walls covered with crimson silk damask, having inwoven the Mexican arms. The former senate-hall had been converted into a chapel, with starred blue ceiling. Consult Rivera, Mex, Pint., i. 2-29, for views and detailed description; also Arroniz, Viajero, 110-12, etc.; Bullock's Across Mex., 90-1; Wilson's Mex, and Relig., 265-6.
  18. ↑ The front formed two stories, with verandas, flanked by a tower, and connected in the rear on a higher terrace with a line of one-story buildings, surmounted by a still higher and more pretentious tower. Shady walks and flower-beds, with statuary and fountain, lent their attractions. For views and detailed descriptions, see authorities in preceding note.
  19. ↑ 'Haben Sie jemals so schlecht gegessen wie bei mir,' he said one day apologetically to Countess Kollonitz, as she relates. Reise nach Mexico, 183. See also Court of Mexico, 222.
  20. ↑ Two heavy plain gold rings on the second finger of the right hand, one of them with the initials G. G. G. and the date July 1857. On the little finger of the hand was a ring with a large blue stone bearing the Mexican arms. A similar stone setting marked his studs and sleeve-buttons, worn for years without change. On first putting on the Mexican uniform at Miramare he seemed sensitive, and whispered to a friend something about 'Nichts lächerliches als solch einen Anzug.' Kollonitz, Reise, 181.
  21. ↑ 'Que ninguna persona de respectabilidad usaba en poblado,' exclaims the punctilious Arrangoiz. Méj., iii. 222.
  22. ↑ At Acapantzingo he erected a bathing pavilion, and cultivated a little garden.
  23. ↑ The ceremony took place at noon in the great reception-room of the national palace, to which tickets admitted a large number. On one side of the room stood a table and bench for twelve old men, on the other for twelve women, both parties dressed in black, with white collars. The emperor in the uniform of a Mexican general, and the empress in black, served at the respective tables, pouring out wine and water, and changing plates. The dinner over, a dozen boys and girls removed the foot-gear of the old folk, and the imperial couple knelt and washed their feet, concluding with each person by kissing one of the feet. Let us hope that God was well pleased at this foolishness.
  24. ↑ For other details concerning the mode of life and traits of the sovereigns, see Kollonitz, Reise nach Mexico; II., Court of Mexico, passim; Hall's Life of Max., passim, especially the first half; Basch, Erinnerungen aus Mexico; Id., Recuerdos, passim; Max. y Carlota Adven., passim, the authors of which had all associated with the imperial pair. Additional points may be found in the books quoted for Maximilian's acceptance of the throne and arrival in Mexico, including those by Domenech, Flint, Kératry, Détroyat, etc. Kératry speaks of his leaning to mysticism, which fostered his belief in the divine right of kings, and himself as a chosen one. Max., 161.
  25. ↑ Of June 5th from Elizabeth Port. Santa Anna had mingled freely with U. S. naval officers, and had even been visited by Seward at St Thomas. Diario Imp., July 10, 1866, etc.; and the most was made of it. See also Elizaga, Corte de Roma y Max., 1-93.
  26. ↑ Including generals José Rojo, Zires, Parra, and Partearroyo, also Ignacio Ramirez, J. M. Arroyo, and others. See Diario Imp., July 16, 1866, etc.; Arrangoiz, Méj., iv. 109-11. A few arrests were also made in the departments and several changes in official positions. The most active agent of Santa Anna was Padre Ordoñez, his natural son. Lefèvre, Doc., ii. 335; Le Saint, Guerre Mex., 174.
  27. ↑ He wrote in May to Minister Romero: 'Es mi propósito cooperar á la reinstalacion del Gobierno constitucional republicano;' but his services were declined. See correspondence in Méx., Col. Leyes, 1863-67, iii. 59-70, and Iglesias, Revistas, iii. 654–62. He could not be trusted. The Juarists decried him as a traitor. Legac. Mex., ii. 218-41; Estrella Occid., Sept. 28, 1866, Jan. 25, Feb. 1, 1867.
  28. ↑ Asking Almonte in fact to suggest a new cabinet; but the general did not believe in his sincerity, and did not do so.
  29. ↑ The last three were made comisarios, and the learned Ramirez president of the academy of sciences, all receiving a decoration. See letters to them, in Arrangoiz, Méj., iv. 79-81.
  30. ↑ Receiving the post of abogado-general in the supreme court.
  31. ↑ M. de Castillo had charge of the treasury and foreign relations for a while. Among new comisarios were Bureau, Saravia, and Iribarren, and the generals Castillo, Portilla, Casanova, and Gutierrez received the military control of divisions 4, 5, 7, and 8.
  32. ↑ 'Sin darles aviso previo,' says Iglesias, Revistas, iii. 635, but Arrangoiz reproduces a courteous letter to Lacunza. Méj., iv. 72, 77, 112.
  33. ↑ Assisted by T. Marin, president of the Tribunal at Mexico.
  34. ↑ A German Lutheran, who after a varied life as colonist, notary, and gold-digger in the United States, became in Mexico a catholic priest and secretary to the bishop of Durango, and later curate at Parras, under the patronage of the rich Sanchez Navarro, who subsequently recommended him to Maximilian. He had just returned from Rome without achieving anything at the Vatican. His coarse heavy physique and smooth sensual face stood in marked contrast to the oily tongue and flitting eyes. Maximilian came soon to speak ironically of him, and Basch accuses him of 'Mangel an Offenheit und politischer Ehrlichkeit.' Erinnerungen, ii. 1, 3, 16-17, etc. Kératry alludes to his dismissal from the episcopal palace at Durango for loose conduct. Max., 160; Constit., June 19, 1868.
  35. ↑ Influenced partly by a protest from the U.S. Note dated at Washington Aug. 16th. Payno alludes to Friant as harsh and autocratic. Cuentas, 856; a man who held more absolute control of the treasury than any previous imperial minister.
  36. ↑ Iglesias criticises Lares as an 'hombre malo, pero de capacidad,' he and Aguirre being secessionists from the liberal ranks. Tavera's record was blenished with cruelty; the rest were unknown or incapable Revistas, iii, 637-9. He adds something about sub-secretarial changes. Arrangoiz grieves over the fate of Marin, Teran, Lacunza, and others as having to die in exile Méj., iv. 137. Niox calls Lares an agent of the archbishop. Expéd. 618.
  37. ↑ A base for such a concordat had been brought by Fischer, and it was widely believed that a payment of ten per cent of the value of seized estates might be accepted. Maximilian later declared that he had been deceived by Fischer. So says Basch, Erinn., ii. 17, etc. Seminaries should be founded to promote education among the clergy.
  38. ↑ The usual suggestions followed for fostering colonization, agriculture, commerce, etc., for reforming the administration of justice, for settling land disputes between communities and individuals. The number of councillors should be increased, but only a few to receive salary. The government had to sustain its free control of the national army. 'Una parte del programa era la reprobacion completa de los actos del Emperador,' observes Arrangoiz, Méj., iv. 151. Iglesias and others sneer at it.
  39. ↑ Complete lists from Diario Imp., Sept. 19, Oct. 17, 1866; La Voz de Méj., etc., have been preserved by Arrangoiz. Méj., iv. 143, 151, etc.
  40. ↑ Thus by decree of Sept. 19th the bodies of persons not belonging to the catholic religion were to be interred in special cemeteries or parts. Catholic grounds were to be surrendered to the bishops. The issue of the civil code on July 6th, with affirmation of the civil marriage rite, had left an unfavorable impression.
  41. ↑ Larger, because conservatives owned most estates. See Juarez' decree of confiscating property of imperialists. Méx., Col. Leyes, 1862-7, iii. 128–30, 131-7.
  42. ↑ Deputations come to thank the emperor for the step. Rivera, Hist. Jal., v, 681-2.
  43. ↑ Kératry, in condemning, assumes it to have been an effort to support the appeal of Charlotte at Rome. Max., 161. Arrangoiz believes in the influence of Maximilian's mother, or the reprobation in Europe of his having abandoned the party which called him. Méj., iv. 196. Niox regards it as a doubtful movement. Expéd. du Mex., 619; as do several others.
  44. ↑ Their Majesties had held the marshal's infant at the font, and even offered him the title of duke. Letter by Loysel of May 20th.
  45. ↑ There were ever persons ready to bring him an account of Maximilian's pleasantry concerning himself, and the consciousness of controlling the real power which upheld the throne frequently led to disagreeable self-assertion.
  46. ↑ 'En lui annonçant que l'empereur lui réserverait en France une haute position.' Niox, Exped. du Mex., 596.
  47. ↑ Douay had objected to carry out the evacuation on the plan announced in April. Napoleon's reasons were overcome by the inadvisability of changing commanders at the close of the expedition, and on Aug. 15th the marshal was advised to remain. 'Jusqu'au dernier soldat,' was his eager reply. Id., 625. In Pap. y Corresp. Famil. Imp., 74-80, are given reasons for this eagerness.
  48. ↑ Often only implied. Bazaine preferred to act to the letter of instructions, and such were not always sent, for prudent reasons.
  49. ↑ The opinion presented by Niox, Expéd., 642, that Juarez was regarded as a figure-head, could not have been entertained by many, after this exhibition of strength during the contest with Ortega and others.
  50. ↑ Castelnau favored Lerdo, and Bazaine is said to have preferred Ruiz, but it seems that he looked with more respect on Diaz. Lerdo had displayed admirable tact as Juarez' minister, and many regarded him as the controlling power, while his connection with the Lerdo law and other measures presented him to all as a leader among liberals. Ruiz, as mere occupant of Ortega's place, never had much influence; but Diaz was again assuming among Juarist generals the leading place acquired before his imprisonment at Puebla.
  51. ↑ Troops arrived at Vera Cruz Sept. 26th, ready to embark, but had to return into the interior to support the general retrograde movement. The order came in advance by telegraph, dated Sept. 12th, with injunction to defend the honor of the flag — against the U.S., explains Kératry, Max., 193.
  52. ↑ Affected by intermittent fever. Basch, the physician and intimate associate of Maximilian, declares that the latter frequently alluded to a letter from Napoleon imploring him to abdicate the throne, 'den er [Napoleon] nicht mehr in Stande sei zu halten,' and that in the beginning of Sept. already he had taken the resolution to liquidate the Mexican business. 'Erinnerungen aus Mexico', i. 22-3. Arrangoiz thinks a proof of the latter lies in the neglect or failure of any one to deny it, in the face of Basch's bold declaration. Méj., iv. 167. Nevertheless there are doubts, supported by the statement that Napoleon had stooped to plead considerations for his dynasty. That less committing verbal utterances had been transmitted through Charlotte or other personages is possible. Basch may not be so wrong about the date, however, for on Sept. 26th Maximilian asked Bazaine to recall a number of Austrian troops to Mexico, and on the 14th of Oct. he announced his departure for the coast 'to meet the empress,' and the desire to consult the marshal on some points of exceeding importance,' hoping that he would let no obstacle of whatever nature prevent his appearance at the interview. A note of the 19th again demanded attention to escort 'for the empress,' and to the insecure condition of the route. Now, the emperor already knew of Charlotte's mental condition, and that business connected with the estate of her father, Leopold I., lately deceased, and other matters, would in any case have detained her; hence the escort could be only for himself, and the departure for the coast meant embarkation. That the point to be discussed included abdication, 'lo sé por persona a quien lo refirió Maximiliano mismo,' asserts the positive Arrangoiz. Méj., iv. 156. Kératry, Mar., 189-92, reasons to the same effect, as do Niox and others.
  53. ↑ Il nous répugne de croire que ces sentiments coupables aient pu pénétrer dans l'âme élevée et si généreuse de ce prince,' objects Détroyat. L'Interven., 290; and Basch, Erinn., i. 79-so, naturally defends his prince warmly against 'die schamlosen Insinuationen,' declaring that he intended to travel for two years before returning to Austria. In the plan, as dictated by Maximilian, Corfu is mentioned as a point at which to meet the empress, 'or somebody' from Miramare, if she could not come. But Basch, who would probably not have been informed of such designs, forgets that the protest of Maximilian in Dec. 1864 against his renunciation meant something, that brotherly feeling would no longer have deterred him, and that the letter of Eloin, then on secret mission in Europe, as will be alluded to, is entitled to a certain weight. Kératry lays great stress on this letter, and even believes that Maximilian may have hoped to unite the Austrian and Mexican sceptres. McLX., 221. Arrangoiz adds the testimony of Father Gomez, Spanish teacher to the prince, and Bazaine, to the effect that Charlotte had inore than once spoken of a better crown in Europe. Méj., iv. 84-5. This came from second or third hand, however.
  54. ↑ Among whom were counted Basch, Councillor Herzfeld, lately consul general at Vienna and early bosom friend, Count de Bombelles, formerly captain in the Austrian navy, and raised to a general in Mexico, Fischer, the unctuous priest, and Prof. Bilimek of the museum. Basch declared that the French having broken their compact, Maximilian was justified before all Europe in departing, and was called away besides by the condition of the Empress. Herzfeld did the same, and urged immediate embarkation, intent only on the safety of the 'archiduke.' Basch thought that undue haste should not be allowed to reflect on the duty of the 'emperor.' Erinnerungen aus Mexico, i. 49–50, etc. According to Kératry, Bazaine urged that the abdication should be performed in Europe, so as to prevent anarchy and protect French interests.
  55. ↑ L'Estafette, the French journal, La Sociedad, and certain liberal papers, showed good reasons for abdication, to which La Patria, the ministerial organ, replied by pointing to a probable anarchy in consequence. One journal declared that Bazaine would remain as lieut-gen. of the empire, and created no little excitement in numbers for Oct. 21st et seq. Also Diario Imp., for announcement of the journey, etc., La Voz de Méj., etc.; Lefêvre, Doc. Maximiliano, ii. 352-5. Several writers express themselves as if Maximilian's departure was certain, but Rivera, Hist. Jal., v. 683, assumes that this rested on false assumption.
  56. ↑ Maximilian had himself prepared a speech for opening the synod, and Basch, Erinn., i. 39-44, produces, not without a certain vanity, his own Latin translation to be read by the emperor.
  57. ↑ Arrangoiz upholds the self-sacrificing patriotism of the ministers against the charge that they lost their heads, recognizing their lack of strength and energy. Méj., iv. 162-70. He scouts the idea that Bazaine's persuasion proved stronger than their own voice of honor. Basch writes that Maximilian's first impulse was to form a regency of Lares as presiding minister, Lacunza as presiding councillor, and Bazaine, with the charge to summon a congress to which the abdication should be submitted. The decree was made out, but kept for consideration. The second thought was to remove the government to Orizaba, Minister Arroyo accompanying, and Bazaine remaining in control at the capital. Erinnerungen aus Mexico, i. 56-7.
  58. ↑ Car il ne doutait pas ... on verrait les administrations se désorganiser et tous les partis unir leurs forces contre les Français. Niox, Expéd. du Mex., 633.
  59. ↑ Attended by Arroyo, minister of the household, Father Fischer, Dr Basch, Professor Bilimek, officers Rodrguez, Pradillo, and Secretary Ibarrondo. Herzfeld with an escort of 300 men under Kodolitsch remained to prepare letters to Bazaine, arranging for the embarkation of the Austro-Belgian troops, farewell letters to the Iturbide family, promising to recommend them to the new government, orders for taking inventory of effects, and to obtain the concession of the estate Olindo near Cuernavaca for Uraga and other officers. While little came of all this, it shows what decision had been reached in Maximilian's mind. See Basch, Erinn., i. 60, etc.; Kératry, Max., 209-13. The latter is somewhat free in framing words, etc., for the prince. The reception along the route was all that could be desired.
  60. ↑ Attributed to the intrigues of Bazaine. Maximilian sent Capt. Perron, chief of his military cabinet, to receive him; but Castelnau declined an interview.
  61. ↑ While Bazaine could take no step without consulting the envoy, his power remained otherwise unimpaired, and there was no occasion for him to 'briser son épée,' as the rumor ran. Détroyat, L'Interv., 293. He could have left the command to Douay and departed, if so inclined.
  62. ↑ Then held by Canales, who was besieged by the Juarist governor Tapia.
  63. ↑ Casting doubts on the real intentions of Napoleon. The U. S. would entertain suggestions for the firm establishment of order, etc., in Mexico only after the evacuation had been effected. Despatch of Oct Sth. Bigelow was told that French troops would be withdrawn in the spring if Maximilian consented to abdicate. In case, however, the prince believed he could maintain himself, the departure of the troops would be as previously arranged by Drouyn de Lhuys. Despatch from Paris of Nov. 8th; see Leg. Mex., Circ., ii. 264 et seq.
  64. ↑ This was greatly due to Minister Romero's active support. The fear expressed by some writers that Ortega's entry would lead to dissensions bears different interpretations. As a famous soldier, with a large liberal following and the adhesion of conservatives and moderates, he seemed the man most likely to unite the several factions; but the late Juarist successes had materially affected his chances. Domenech gives too much importance to support accorded to Santa Anna in the U.S. He assumes that Seward proposed to install the arch intriguer as president and use him as a tool, while permitting the recognition of French claims and debts contracted by Maximilian. Finally his influence in Mexico was thought to be insufficient, and he was cast aside. Hist. Mex., iii. 371-2.
  65. ↑ His instructions of Oct. 22d allude to the promised withdrawal from Mexico of French troops, and the observance by France of a non-intervention policy similar to that of the U. S. The withdrawal would lead to a crisis, and he ought then to be present as the representative of the U. S. with the republican government. Juarez was recognized to be the president, and he must acknowledge no other head. The U. S. had no designs on Mexican territory, but were ready to make demonstration along the border to promote the reëstablishment of order.
  66. ↑ Grant, the general-in-chief, having declined.
  67. ↑ See Diario Imp., Nov. 30, 1866, etc. The Estrella de Occid., Dec. 21, 1866, reproduces triumphantly Gen. Sheridan's order to the commander at Brownsville against Orteguists and other opponents of the only recognized government.' La Voz de Mej., May 26, 1866, etc., alludes to the significant attentions paid at that date already to Juarez' wife, then at Washington. Tor correspondence and comments on the relations between the U. S., Mexico, and France, see U. S. Foreign Aff., 1-423, passim, 39th cong. 20 sess.; Ley. Mex., Circ., i. 101-454, passim, ii. 230-83; Id., 1865-6, 187-91; Lefêvre, Doc. Maximiliano, ii. 353-71; Mex. Aff., ii. 275-8, 39th cong. Ist sess.; Senate Jour., 535-6, 39th cong. 2d sess.; House Jour., 716; Cong. Globe, 1866–7, 71, etc.; U. S. H. Ex. Doc. 93, xii., 39th cong. 1st sess.; U. S. Mess, and Doc., 13 et seq., 39th cong. 2d sess. The position of the U. S. in the question is discussed from different standpoints in Doc. Hist. Mex., 1832-75, pt x. 90-4; Mex. under Max., 138, etc.; Flint's Mex., 228 et seq.; in Mex. and U. S., Amer. View, in Max. and the Mex. Empire, 1-8, and in Domenech, L'Empire Mex., 55-68, the prospect of a conquest by the northern republic is considered. There was even talk of a secret treaty at El Paso, ceding certain territory in return for the arms and funds which had now become so abundant among republicans. In Méx., Col. Leyes, 18637, iii. 6-9, is an effort to rouse feelings against imperialist cruelties.
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