History of Mexico (Bancroft)/Volume 6/Chapter 2

by Hubert Howe Bancroft



 

CHAPTER II.

FOREIGN INTERVENTION.

1861-1862.

Spanish Occupation of Vera Cruz — Action of the Mexican Government — Arrival of the French and British Forces — Allied Plenipotentiaries and their Differences — Joint Address to the Mexicans — Pecuniary Claims against Mexico — Negotiations with Juarez' Government — Convention of La Soledad — Reactionists under French Protection — Rupture among the Allied Diplomats — Spaniards and British Reembark — The French Throw off the Mask — Almonte Establishes a Government — French Reoccupation of Orizaba — Their March against Puebla and Repulse — Cinco de Mayo — Subsequent Liberal Reverses — Affairs at the Capital

The invasion so long apprehended comes at last. Mexico, after having by almost superhuman efforts nearly brought to an end all opposition to her advancement in the scale of nations, is now to be checked by the active interference of powerful European monarchies priding themselves 'upon their high civilization. On the pretext of collecting money claims, and of demanding reparation of alleged grievances, to all of which the liberal government would have done justice in due time, they come to the aid of a corrupt party opposed to all progress. Two of the offenders, it is true, for their own special reasons, abandon the enterprise soon after its inception; but they should not be permitted to shake off their share of responsibility for the encouragement they gave the third one to pursue the work of destroying Mexico's free republican institutions, nor for the sad catastrophe that followed the failure to set up w 7 ithin her borders a monarchial government. The invasion decreed by the three European powers became a fact on the 14th of December, 1861, when a Spanish fleet, commanded by the jefe de escuadra, Joaquin Gutierrez de Rubaleaba, and conveying an army of occupation, sailed into and without resistance took possession of the port of Vera Cruz.^[1] General Gasset, commanding the land forces, occupied the city on the 17th, proclaiming martial law, and issuing a manifesto of a hostile nature; after which he assumed full control of the place, the ayuntamiento, which was the only authority left in it, having to submit to the force of circumstances.^[2] Gasset's manifesto stated that he would hold the city in the name of the Spanish queen till the arrival of the commissioners of the powers to the London tripartite arrangement.

This act of Spain caused the utmost irritation in Mexico. The government, and particularly Doblado, displayed great activity. General Zaragoza started from Mexico with 3,000 men; and, notwithstanding the embroiled condition of affairs in the interior states from local issues as well as reactionary warfare, forces began coming from them to the capital. Juarez issued on the 17th an address to the nation,^[3] and made a requisition on the states for 52,000 men. He also extended the period of the last amnesty law, and decreed a tax of twenty-five per centum additional on all imposts, whether federal, state, or municipal. He permitted peaceable Spaniards to continue residing in the country; but as they were abused everywhere, they finally had to emigrate. He likewise established

Vera Cruz to Puebla.

a general tax of two per centum upon all property of the value of $500 or upwards.^[4] General Uraga erected defences on the Chiquihuite, and held conferences at La Tejería with Wyke and Saligny, while Gasset made incursions into the interior for supplies, and to drive off annoying guerrilla parties. In these incursions toward La Antigua, Anton Lizardo, and on the Medellin road, he had many of his men killed and wounded, and some prisoners also fell into the hands of the jarochos. Martial law was declared in the states of Puebla, San Luis Potosí, Vera Cruz, and Tamaulipas.^[5] Till the arrival of the British and French fleets, on the 6th and 7th of January, 1862, the Mexican flag waved side by side with the flags of the allied powers.

Mexico, at this critical period, was not free from her usual disturbed condition. In Yucatan the partisans of Acereto and Irigoyen were tearing one another to pieces, utterly disregarding the war of races which daily added to the number of its victims.^[6] In Tamaulipas local dissension prevailed, the field of hostilities being Matamoros. On the northern frontier the Indians were depredating. In Zacatecas there were disgraceful acts against the governor. In the state of Mexico, Tulancingo was assailed by a reactionist party; Cuernavaca was occupied by Vicario; Actopan by Campos. In Jalisco, Lozada made himself master of Tepic. Marquez and Mejía carried on hostilities in the sierra of Querétaro and San Luis Potosí. Zuloaga, the self-styled president, through his so-called minister, Herrera y Lozada, in a circular of December 13th, had said that if the foreign powers were aiming at the conquest of Mexico, it should not be permitted; but he would favor the intervention if it intended to give the country a good government.^[7] In much the larger portions of the several states the sentiment of nationality was strong, and manifested itself in their contributions of men and other resources for defence. Oajaca sent a brigade to reënforce the eastern army, and offered more. Most of the states behaved generously and patriotically. Not so Puebla and Tamaulipas.^[8]

After the signing of the convention, the allied powers agreed that the expeditionary land forces should consist of about 6,000 Spaniards and 3,000 French.^[9] England was to contribute with a strong naval division, namely, two line-of-battle ships, four frigates, several smaller vessels, and about 700 marines to land on the coast when necessary. The plenipotentiaries appointed were: Sir Charles L. Wyke and Commodore Dunlop, on the part of_England; Dubois de Saligny and Rear Admiral Jurien de la Gravière, on the part of France; and General Juan Prim, conde de Reus and marqués de los Castillejos, was to represent Spain, both as diplomatist and commander of her forces. The larger contingent placed under his command, the prestige surrounding his name, and the esteem manifested toward him by Napoleon III., were naturally to give him a marked influence in the conferences of the plenipotentiaries. The others, though not his subordinates, had been recommended to show him special deference.^[10] The instructions given the French admiral by his government, on the 11th of November, were to seize the ports on the gulf of Mexico, and hold them till a settlement was effected of all pending questions, collecting the customs duties for and on behalf of the three powers. Considerations of dignity, as well as the necessity of averting the dangers which would follow a long sojourn in the unhealthy climate of the coast, demanded that prompt and decisive results should be obtained. His attention was called to the objects of the tripartite convention, one of which was to support what was called the sound part of the population in its efforts to establish a stable and honest government.^[11] The British representative was directed to strictly observe the article in the convention inhibiting all direct or indirect interference in the internal affairs of Mexico; and to bear in mind that all representations to the Mexican government were to be made jointly in the name of the three allies. He was told nothing about the English contingent marching into the interior. Owing to apprehension of trouble with the United States, on account of the capture by the United States steamer San Jacinto, Captain Wilkes, of the British mail-steamer Trent, England diminished the number of war-ships she was bound to despatch to the Mexican waters. Spain seemed, on the contrary, quite resolute. She accepted at once the French suggestion that the Spanish troops should be authorized to advance on Mexico. General Prim received similar instructions to those given to Jurien de la Gravière. He was to present his reclamations, according to the ultimatum sent on the 11th of September to the captain-general of Cuba, and to begin active hostilities if Mexico did not fully accept the conditions demanded. He was well informed that Spain intended the war should be carried into the interior.^[12] Prim arrived at Habana on the 23d of December,^[13] and was visited by Francisco Javier Miranda, known as Pađre Miranda, and who might be called the chief of the monarchial party in Mexico, and General Miramon. The result of the interview was a loss of faith in the Spanish general.^[14]

 

The French and English troops landed immediately after their arrival at Vera Cruz; and it became quite A evident that their commanders were displeased with the premature coming of the Spanish force, and with General Gasset's proclamation in his queen's name.^[15] This condition of affairs prompted France to send out another contingent of 3,000 men. After the second interview of the plenipotentiaries, Jurien clearly perceived the difference in their views, which was quite marked.^[16]

On Prim's arrival at Vera Cruz a manifesto, said to have been prepared by him beforehand, was issued on the 10th of January by the five plenipotentiaries. This document, though containing some untruths, was more moderate and decorous in its tone than Gasset's proclamation had been; but it could not do away with the uncertainty as to the real intentions of the powers in combining their action in Mexican affairs. According to it, intervention in Mexican politics and administration was not thought of.^[17] So said Saligny and Jurien, sent out by their wily master to place an Austrian prince on a Mexican throne; so said the Spanish ambassador, who well knew Napoleon's plan and was resolved to thwart it.^[18] As for the English, all they wanted was a commercial and religious intervention; that is to say, to secure the payment of English claims through their inspectors of the customhouses; to reduce the import duties; and to favor the establishment of religious freedom in Mexico.^[19] All. this produced a dampening effect in reactionary circles. Such language was not what they had been led to expect. The allies had come to counsel, not to war against, Juarez and his party. Nothing worthy of notice occurred at the conferences of the plenipotentiaries till the pecuniary claims were made the subject of consideration. It must be borne in mind that at the first conference, on the 9th of January, Prim proposed, and his colleagues accepted, that, together with the joint note they purposed addressing to the Mexican government, each of them should furnish "a separate note of the reparations" demanded by his government. At the second conference Saligny manifested the impossibility of fixing the amount of the indemnities due French citizens.^[20] At the third conference, on the 13th of January, in which the commissaries were to present their respective ultimata, Saligny failed to appear, and Jurien had to read the French ultimatum, which consisted of ten articles, some of which were incompatible with Mexican dependence and sovereignty.^[21] The pecuniary pretensions of the French, though not assailing Mexico's sovereignty, were no less unjust and exorbitant. The first claim was set down at twelve million dollars.^[22] They wanted the immediate payment without allowing Mexico the right of examining into their justice through a mixed commission, as practised among civilized nations. The second pecuniary demand preferred by Saligny was that of Jecker and Company for fifteen million dollars, which the Spanish plenipotentiary, and with him Wyke and Dunlop, after a warm discussion, declared inadmissible.^[23] According to the records of the treasury department of Mexico, her actual foreign indebtedness to July 12, 1862, would be $82,316,290.86.^[24] The refusal of the Spanish and British commissioners to support Saligny's Jecker claim suspended the transmission of the collective note and ultimata, and on the 14th another note was drawn up,^[25] which was conveyed to the city of Mexico by Brigadier Milans del Bosch, a bosom friend of Prim, Commander Thommaset of the French navy, and a British officer, escorted by Mexican troops, and delivered to the government, which initiated the negotiations.

The mission had a bad effect on the friends of intervention, who feared that their aspirations for a monarchy would be defeated.^[26] Doblado answered the joint note on the 23d, inviting its authors to go to Orizaba with a guard of honor of 2,000 men, and promising that his government would send two commissioners to treat with them. He also informed them that his government thought it expedient that the rest of the allied troops should reëmbark.^[27] This answer was conveyed by Zamacona, who accompanied the allied envoys on their journey back.

Meantime the reactionary leaders were tendering their acceptance of and services to the intervention. About this time Almonte, Padre Miranda, and Haro y Tamariz landed in Vera Cruz, under the special protection of the French commissioners. Miramon came on the 27th of January upon the British steamer Avon, and was arrested by the British authorities on one of their frigates.^[28] A little later he was ordered away, and returned to Habana.

Zamacona was cordially received by the allied plenipotentiaries; but the latter refused to accede to Doblado's request, and on the 2d of February signified to him the necessity they were under of providing a healthy locality for their troops,^[29] and their intention of marching, about the middle of February, toward Jalapa and Orizaba, where they hoped to meet with a cordial reception. After some further correspondence, it was agreed that Doblado should meet Prim on the 18th, which was done, and a convention was signed on the 19th of the same month, at the town of La Soledad, as a preliminary of the negotiations about to be entered into. Under its third article the allied forces were to occupy Córdoba, Orizaba, Tehuacan, and adjacent country, with the express condition, stipulated in the fourth, that in the event of a rupture of the negotiations the allied troops were to retreat forthwith to the lines in front of the Mexican defences toward Vera Cruz, designating that of Paso Ancho on the Córdoba road, and Paso de Ovejas on the Jalapa route. Article sixth prescribed that on the allied troops beginning their march pursuant to article third, the Mexican flag was to be hoisted over Vera Cruz and San Juan de Ulúa. That convention was ratified by Prim's British and French colleagues on the same day, and by Juarez on the 23d.^[30]

Doblado's diplomacy on that occasion has been justly considered a masterpiece. Under the preliminary convention Juarez was fully recognized, together with the independence and sovereignty of Mexico, as well as her ability to manage her own internal affairs; the London treaty was to some extent nullified, at least in spirit. The French, in order to carry out their schemes, had to ignore every principle of honor and decency, failing to comply with the stipulation that bound them, should the negotiations be interrupted, to recross the river Chiquihuite. Saligny accused the Mexicans of repeated violations of the convention, but he was not overscrupulous when needing a pretext to carry out the purposes of his crafty master. Jurien was simply his satellite.

The Spanish troops occupied Córdoba and Orizaba, the French Tehuacan, and the English remained in Vera Cruz, where the American frigate Potomac saluted the Mexican flag on its being hoisted. Doblado obtained other advantages, but it was soon noticed that more Spanish and French troops came. On the 20th Prim wrote his government that the reactionary party was almost annihilated, so much so that during the two months the allied forces had been in the country no sign of such a party had been visible. Marquez, with a few hundred men, it was true, refused recognition of Juarez' government; but his attitude was not that of an assailant, but rather that of an outlaw hiding in the woods, who would soon have to submit. He added that the hopes entertained by the French commissioners of a facility to erect a monarchy were fast disappearing from their minds. The monarchial element, he said, was insignificant, and lacked the energy and decision which occasionally gives the victory to minorities.^[31] Early in March General Corate de Lorencez arrived at Vera Cruz. Prim then wrote his government that Lorencez' arrival, and the expected coming of more French troops, had caused great alarm to the Mexican cabinet and the whole liberal party — an alarm which was augmented by the unreserved assertions in the French journals that the imperial troops had the mission of establishing a throne in Mexico, and of placing upon it Maximilian of Hapsburg. He feared such a project might bring on differences, not only between Mexico and France, but also between France and her allies. The coming of Almonte and his reactionary companions, and their intention of occupying quarters in the French camp to prosecute their intrigues under French protection, had prompted the Mexican authorities to apprise the plenipotentiaries of their determination to cause the capture and punishment of the nation's proscribed enemies entering it with evil intent. He feared that this might provoke a rupture of existing relations.^[32] On the 9th of April the allied commissioners had a stormy conference at Orizaba, the French, or rather Saligny, clearly indicating a high-handed course, ignoring the London convention of October 31, 1861, as well as that of La Soledad of February 19, 1862.^[33] On the same day Minister Doblado was notified that in consequence of differences respecting the construction of the treaty of October 31st, the Spanish and British representatives had resolved to reembark their forces; after which the French army would concentrate at Paso Ancho, probably by April 20th, and forthwith undertake operations. Doblado, in his reply of April 11th, found unjustifiable the course of the French, and energetically expressed the determination of Mexico to defend herself to the last extremity, repelling force with force, and freely spilling her blood for the two great blessings achieved during the century, independence and reform. Commending the action of the Spanish and English representatives, he signified the readiness of his government to conclude treaties with them for the settlement of all pending questions.^[34] General Prim would not tarry in Mexico long enough to conclude a treaty; but one was entered into by Doblado with Wyke and Dunlop, and ratified by Juarez, intended to settle the disputes with England, but it was more oppressive than the one made by Zamacona which the congress rejected.^[35] Doblado had expected no such solution of the difficulties. His plan had been to dally with the plenipotentiaries till the season of heat came with its heavy rains and yellow fever to play havoc with the allied troops. In the mean time his government might make preparation; it might secure the intervention, or at least the mediation, of the United States, which the allies would deem it the part of prudence to heed; as, according to news from Washington, the government was on the point of triumphing over the southern states in rebellion.

The French plenipotentiaries tendered their ships to convey the Spanish troops to Cuba, which Prim courteously declined; and on the 22d of April reembarked them on British ships for Habana, to which port he proceeded on the Spanish war steamer Ulloa. He remained there a few days, and returned to Spain by way of the United States. The Spanish government, which had disapproved in detail what Prim had done, was pleased with his conduct in retiring from Mexico, and so declared in the senate and congress of deputies, recognizing that he had faithfully construed the policy and instructions of his government.^[36] The British government also approved the rupture. The last instructions of the French cabinet brought out by the comte de Lorencez and the increase of imperial forces in Mexico, together with the open encouragement given to the conservative and monarchial element, clearly showed its determination to demand serious and lasting guarantees from Mexico, and to root out from her soil republicanism, which Napoleon and his sycophants called anarchy. The French plenipotentiaries so understood it, and proceeded to carry out the predetermined On the 16th of April they issued a proclamation at Córdoba, calling on all Mexicans friendly to the intervention to join their standard, disclaiming any intent to wage war on the Mexicans as a nation, and declaring it a piece of absurdity to believe that the government, born of popular suffrage, of one of the most liberal nations in Europe, could ever pretend to establish among a foreign people old abuses and institutions incompatible with the present age. They appealed to Mexicans to be the instruments of their own salvation; they wanted justice for all, and that without the necessity of imposing it by arms. And yet, while trying to make the Mexicans believe they had their future destiny in their own hands, the plenipotentiaries reminded them of the presence of the French flag firmly planted in Mexico, never to recede, and woe betide those who might attempt to assail it.^[37] The next day appeared Almonte's manifesto calling on his countrymen to have faith in French assurances, and to unite their efforts with his to secure what he deemed a proper government.^[38] measure.

 

On the 21st of March the reactionary leader Antonio Taboada came to the French camp at Tehuacan, reporting his escape from a republican cavalry force, and that General Manuel Robles Pezuela, who had left the capital with him, was a prisoner, and would be shot. The fact was, that Robles had violated his pledged word to the government, and accompanied Taboada on his journey to the allied quarters. He was tried, convicted of treason, and shot on the 23d of March, at San Andrés Chalchicomula.^[39]

There is a place known as Escamela, close to a ravine, the edge of which is called El Fortin. The French rear arrived at this latter place, which was covered by two small squadrons of horse, belonging to Porfirio Diaz' brigade stationed at Escamela. In this position 200 French cavalry and as many zouaves charged upon an advanced Mexican force,^[40] which gallantly bore the brunt, three fourths of their number being killed or wounded. This was the first French victory of the war, and occurred before Prim's departure. On Diaz apprising Zaragoza at Orizaba of the occurrence, neither he nor Prim felt disposed to give it credence. However, Zaragoza repaired to Escamela, and soon convinced himself. A squadron of Oajaca lancers kept hindering the enemy's march, and a heavy guard covered the road leading to the Escamela plain. Diaz took personal command of this guard to protect the entrance to the plain, while Zaragoza with the brigade and train countermarched to Orizaba, where Diaz soon rejoined him. Together they continued the march to El Ingenio, where they passed the night. Meanwhile the French repossessed themselves of Orizaba, which they had evacuated some days before, in pursuance of the terms of the Soledad convention.^[41] The reason alleged for this violation of the treaty was, that a letter had been received from Zaragoza indicating that the safety of some 400 sick French soldiers in that town was endangered, which was purely subterfuge.^[42]

Almonte sent emissaries into the interior to undermine the loyalty of the troops and circulate revolutionary plans, and had himself proclaimed president by Taboada and others at a pronunciamiento in Córdoba.^[43] Orizaba seconded the movement the next day; and then Almonte, who had accepted the role assigned him, his ministers Colonel Gonzalez, Manuel Castellanos, and Desiderio Samaniego, Padre Miranda, and Haro y Tamariz, repaired to that city. The plan was also adopted by the city of Vera Cruz, and by Alvarado, Isla del Cármen, and other places.^[44] On the 27th, by order of Almonte and Lorencez, Taboada A left Córdoba for Orizaba with 300 Mexican cavalry, and the next day the French division, 6,000 strong, started on its march to Puebla. On the summit of Acultzingo was posted a republican force of 2,000 men, according to a liberal authority, or of 4,000, as asserted by an interventionist, to prevent the passage of the French, who defeated that purpose, the Mexicans retreating to Ixtapa. On the 2d of May the French army and the troops under Taboada reached Amozoc, and on the 4th pitched their camp in sight of Puebla, Lorencez resolving to assail the city on the next day.^[45]

The Mexican army had continued its retreat by way of Palmar, Acatzingo, and Tepeaca to Puebla, where it arrived on the 3d of May.^[46] On the 4th Arteaga's division, now under command of General Negrete — its own commander being incapacitated for active service by a wound — occupied the Guadalupe and Loreto forts. The other forces took up quarters in the city, while the French passed the night in Amozoc.

At 4 o'clock in the morning of the ever-memorable 5th of May, the Oajaca division, temporarily commanded by Porfirio Diaz, was stationed at the end of the street leading to Azcárate's brick-kiln, on the Amozoc road. The San Luis brigade was placed on the left of that division, excepting its corps of mounted carbineers, which was on the right in the rear of the brick-kiln. On the left of the Remedios chapel, and between it and the Guadalupe fort, the Toluca brigade under Berriozábal took its position. The squadron of lancers of this brigade joined the cavalry at the brick-kiln, under Colonel Alvarez. General Escobedo remained within the city in command of Tapia's brigade, whose commander had been appointed governor of the state. In front of the line formed by the Oajaca division and the Toluca and San Luis brigades was placed a field-battery; and 400 steps in the van was stationed the San Luis battalion of riflemen. The rest of the artillery was im the Guadalupe and Loreto forts, and in the city. This arm was in chargo of Rodriguez.

Soon after the Mexican forces had taken up their positions the enemy's division advanced, and when

Cinco de Mayo Battle-ground.

Explanation: heavy lines represent Mexican forces; light lines, French; A, 1st position of both armies; B, 2d position; C, 3d position; D, final position of French.

opposite the Guadalupe fort halted and planted its batteries to play upon it and the Loreto. After a brisk cannonade of two hours, a strong column, preceded by sharp-shooters, advanced upon Guadalupe by the northern side. Berriozábal was then ordered to reënforce the two hills.^[47] A portion of the cavalry was divided into two bodies, one of which was placed under Colonel Álvarez, and the other under Colonel Trujano; the rest of that arm Colonel Félix Diaz commanded.

The French in their ascent experienced little opposition and but few casualties from the fort's guns, owing to the undulations of the ground. They had accomplished more than one half the ascent, when they were met by two battalions of Mexican infantry, which, after an exchange of shots with the enemy's sharp-shooters, returned to their position. The assailants continued the ascent, while the Mexican cavalry, under cover of a maguey-field, remained still; the infantry, equally protected, keeping up a brisk fire. The ascending column had by this time turned diagonally toward the right, as if to go up between the Guadalupe and Loreto. The two forts then opened fire to some advantage. The French now found themselves assailed from all quarters by infantry and cavalry, and compelled to retreat hurriedly and in disorder,^[48] pursued some distance by the cavalry and infantry. But the pursuit was discontinued on the approach of another French column to the support of the defeated.

The two columns now pushed on together toward the Guadalupe and Resurreccion chapel, to protect which positions they were duly reënforced. The second attack on the east and north sides was made in three bodies, and it was much more vigorous than the first. The two which attempted an assault on the north side were completely routed, and the third reached the east side just as the others were repulsed, and fared alike.^[49] The cavalry then charged upon the discomfited assailants, and prevented their reorganizing for further attempt. During the heat of the fight on the hill, a no less severe struggle took place upon the plain on the right forming Zaragoza's front. General Diaz, with portions of his brigade and other troops, and two pieces of artillery, checked and drove away the French column which was marching against the Mexican positions. This column, like those repulsed from the Guadalupe, retreated to the hacienda San José Rentería, where preparations were made for defence.^[50]

The two armies faced each other till 7 o'clock in the evening, when the French returned to their camp at Los Álamos, and thence back to Orizaba on the 8th,^[51] there to await reënforcements which were on the way from France.

This success filled the government and its supporters with high hopes. Zaragoza received the thanks of congress, and afterward his delighted countrymen presented him a sword. Honors and rewards were decreed to the officers and men who took part in the action. Berriozábal, Negrete, Diaz, and the rest, for their gallant conduct, received their meed of praise.^[52]

Zaragoza sent the government the medals and decorations found on the battle-field, as well as those taken from the prisoners; but Juarez returned them and liberated the prisoners, sending to the French lines the well ones first, and the sick and wounded after their recovery, all provided with money for the journey. The wounded were kindly cared for, as they themselves acknowledged.^[53]

 

Almonte and Saligny were not wholly free from disagreements, and Lorencez endeavored to reconcile them — a difficult matter, especially as Saligny and Lorencez were not the best of friends. The French attributed their defeat to the non-fulfilment of promises on the part of the reactionists, numbers of whom had remained neutral or undecided, while others had rallied round Juarez. In Guadalajara, the third city of the republic, the clergy had come out against Almonte's plan. The intervention could rely only on scattered bands, like those of Mejía and Lozada, and on the coöperation of Marquez, a man of some military ability, but belonging to the extreme reactionary wing, and justly accused of sanguinary instincts.^[54]

Most of the conservative leaders had indeed kept themselves in the background on seeing the course of the Spanish and French diplomatic agents, and the treatment Miramon had received. However, the manifestoes of the French authorities, and of Almonte, reassured the wavering chiefs, and they soon began to join the latter with their forces, not giving any importance to the mishap the French experienced on on the 5th of May.^[55] The guardian of the diocese of Puebla declared that as the French were the allies of the clergy, all who opposed them were ipso facto excommunicated, and their confessions would not avail them. He accordingly prohibited spiritual ministrations to the wounded liberal soldiers.^[56] The conservative general Lopez on the 8th of May visited Almonte to tell him that Zuloaga, finding his presidential claims ignored, was endeavoring to prevent his, Almonte's, recognition by the reactionary forces. The latter recognized Almonte, however, and under Marquez and Vicario, started to join him at Orizaba. Marquez on the 18th reported his force at Barranca Seca kept in check by the republicans. The latter under Tapia were signally defeated by the reactionists, aided by a battalion of the French 99th under Major Lefêvre, after which the victors entered Orizaba. This defeat was soon followed by another of one of the brigades under Gonzalez Ortega, surprised in the morning of the 14th of June on the Cerro del Borrego by the French.^[57] After which Gonzalez Ortega retreated to Santa María, Zaragoza having failed in an attack on Orizaba, made in ignorance of the affair on the Borrego, abandoned the heights of Acultzingo, and went off to El Ingenio. The Mexican army still had 12,000 men.

The government continued its efforts as best it could to meet the emergencies of the war. Among its measures was the appointment of Ex-president Comonfort, who had been in the country by permission several months, comandante general of Tamaulipas. Vidaurri's attitude, being suspicious, required close watching. The president demanded the contingent of troops and a personal tax from the states. He went to reside at Tacubaya, and accepted, on the 13th of August, the resignation of Doblado, which caused general surprise, for Doblado was regarded as having defeated the European intrigue. He had controlled public affairs during eight months with unlimited powers, as Juarez' minister-general, though some of his acts had met with public disapproval.^[58] Juan Antonio de la Fuente, an enlightened, true-hearted patriot, and the author of the law on religious toleration, became Doblado's successor on the 25th of August.^[59]

Meanwhile Juarez was busily occupied in removing obstacles to the execution of financial measures in the several states. At this moment, while his country was so insulted and maligned by Europeans, he endeavored to refute their lies by extending to foreigners the most considerate protection. The Mexican people, amidst these stirring events, quietly elected members to the third constitutional congress.

 

 

1. The fleet consisted of six frigates, six large war steamers, two war transports, and several chartered merchantmen, besides one steam-tender. The land force exceeded 6,000 men. Zamacois, Hist. Méj., xv. 820-4: Lefêvre, Mex. et L'Interv., 305-20; Méx., Rev. Filosóf. Hist. Polit., in Doc. Hist. Méx., 1832-75, no. 10, 70-2; Romero, Hist. Intrig. Europ., 60-6.

   Matias Romero — Historia de las Intrigas Europeas que ocasionaron la intervencion francesa en México. Mex., 1868, 8vo, 259 pp. A lucid reply to a speech delivered by the French cabinet minister Bilault, before the French legislature, on the 26th of June, 1862. It gives a history of the intrigues of the French government in the negotiations with England and Spain to bring about a settlement of their claims against Mexico, leading to the convention of London and the final intervention. The writer uses the correspondence between the commissioners of these powers and their respective governments as evidence of the animus that prompted their action. The work gives also other documents relating to the intervention.

   In this connection may be mentioned Circulares y otras Publicaciones hechas por la Legacion Mexicana en Washington durante la Guerra de Intervencion. Mex., 1868, 8vo, 507 pp. This collection contains a series of circulars and other publications by the Mexican legation at Washington, based on official documents, relating chiefly to the withdrawal of the French troops from Mexico, other affairs connected with the imperial régime in that country, and the negotiation of Mexican bonds in the United States. It also embodies a brief biography of Benito Juarez.

2. Córtes, Diario Senado, ii., app. no. 85, 49-51; Id., Cong., vi., app. 1, no. 138, 51, 68; Trait d'Union, Jan. 3, 6, 1862.
3. He set forth with moderation and dignity the pretexts Spain might have to wage war on Mexico, and summoning all Mexicans to the defence of their country, declared miscreants and traitors all who should join or aid the foreign invader. Archivo Mex., Col. Ley., vi. 655-6, 662-71, 687-90, 698-703; Dublan and Lozano, Leg. Mex., ix. 344-6; Le Trait d'Union, Dec. 16-19, 1861.
4. This brought on further reclamations, in which the Prussian minister took part, and Doblado sustained Mexico's right to tax foreign residents. The scarcity of money was such that Zaragoza's brigade was detained several days in Puebla for the want of the sum of $8,000, which with great difficulty he obtained from merchants. Rivera, Gob. Mex., ii. 627; Id., Hist. Jalapa, v. 484.
5. The same measure was adopted for other states at different times as the enemy approached, and it was repealed when circumstances permitted it. Dublan and Lozano, Leg. Mex., ix. 365-616, passim.
6. Full particulars, with causes, may be found in Navarro, Informe, 65-176; and extracts from official documents in Buenrostro, Hist. Prim. y Seg. Cong., nos 69-7, 511-19.
7. 'Un gobierno justo y equitativo,' he termed it.
8. Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, v. 482-5. On the 21st of Dec. was begun the publication of an interventionist organ, under the name of Crónica del ejército expedicionario. Zamacois, Hist. Méj., xv. 831-2. Another journal, also upholding the intervention, existed before, called La Unidad Católica, which never uttered a patriotic sentiment.
9. One regiment of marines, one battalion of zouaves, one of naval fusileers, one squad of chasseurs d'Afrique, artillery, engineers, etc. Niox, Exped. du Mex., 733.
10. Prim had married a Mexican heiress, Señorita Agüero, a niece of Gonzalez Echeverria, Juarez' minister of the treasury. He was a man of great ambition, swayed by liberal ideas, restless, inconsistent. In 1858, when Spain wanted to declare war against Mexico, he advocated in the senate conciliatory measures. Niox, Expid. du Mex., 41. The same authority refers to the judgment formed of Prim by a German officer, who made his acquaintance in Turkey in 1853-4, and in Morocco in 1860 — Spanisch und marokanisch Krieg, Brockhaus, Leipzig, 1863 — who said that Prim was a brave man, who did not lack talents; a good speaker, and attractive, but without character, without moral force, and ridiculously vain. He possessed hardly a notion of nilitary theory, mathematics, history, or geography. He was a soldier of fortune, reckless, adroit, who would risk everything, even his last piece, on a card. Capricious fortune bad singularly favored him. Making allowance for exaggeration, the German officer's opinion may not be called altogether erroneous. And yet Prim's course in Mexico was independent and patriotic, and saved his country many complications and sacrifices, not to say disgrace.
11. 'Celui de Juarez était qualifié d'insensé.' Those were his public instructions, but they were supplemented by confidential ones. Jurien was aware of the projcct to establish a monarchy; he was to support the movement, but not to start it. Niox, Expéd du Mex., 44, 46.
12. Prim was confidentially advised of the plan to establish a monarchy in Mexico, which was attributed to the French government. He made the fact known in a speech before the Spanish córtes in 1863. But he was not instructed to lend his coöperation, because the candidature of an Austrian prince was distasteful to Spain. Niox, Expéd. du Mex., 46. There was some discrepancy between the Spanish foreign secretary and the ambassador at Madrid, on the monarchial plan. The former said: 'Al irse el general Prim le dí las instrucciones oportunas por escrito y verbalmente,' and yet he pretended to be ignorant of the project. Arrangoiz, Méj., iii. 14-16.
13. He was enthusiastically greeted by the Spaniards: 'Viva el vicerey de México, viva el nuevo Hernan Cortez (sic).' Rapport du commandant du Milan, in Niox, Expéd. du Mex., 53-4.
14. Miranda wrote to Paris and Madrid that Prim was going to treat with Juarez' government. His letters were read by Gen. O'Donnell, prime ister, and Calderon Collantes, minister of foreign affairs, of Spain. Arrangoiz, Méj., iii. 13; Zamacois, Hist. Méj., xv. 839-40.
15. The understanding had been that the forces of the three powers were to rendezvous at Habana. Spanish precipitancy, according to José Manuel Hidalgo, Apuntes para escribir la historia de los proyectos de monarquía en México, Mex., 1868, 102, enabled Juarez to make the Mexican people believe that the Spaniards were bent on reconquest. His policy then was to abuse Spain, representing her as an usurper, and to summon 'á la defensa de la independencia nacional' all the army officers, many of whom obeyed the summons only because of their belief that Spain's purpose was to reduce Mexico to a Spanish colony. Zamacois denies it, alleging that as early as Nov. 1st the government wrote Gov. Arteaga of Querétaro, taking for granted that the differences with England and France would be arranged, and adding that Spain's reclamations would remain unheeded, for the struggle with her would benefit both the country and the liberal party; 'serviria para unir estrechamente al partido liberal, y para estirpar una vez por todas, los abusos del sistema colonial.' Be it as it may, both France and England were displeased, and though they accepted Spain's explanations, were never fully satisfied. Niox, Expéd. du Mex., 54; Córtes, Diario Senado, ii., ap., no. 85, 5; Id., Cong., vi., ap. i., no. 133, 33-4.
16. Sérieux germes de dissentiment existaient entre elles.' Niox, Expéd. du Mex., 99-101; Buenrostro, Hist. Prim. y Seg. Cong., nos 56-9, 326-51.
17. In the first paragraph the Mexicans are assured that the expedition had been made indispensable to enforce the fulfilment of treaties constantly violated, and to insure protection to the subjects of the allied nations. They are next told that persons representing to them that behind just claims 'se ocultan proyectos de conquista, de restauracion, ó de intervencion en vuestra política y vuestra administracion, os engañan.' They further say that the allied nations had a higher purpose, more general and useful views, that of extending a friendly hand to a people who, though rich in the gifts of providence, were consuming their strength and exhausting their vitality by civil wars and perpetual convulsions. A vosotros, exclusivamente á vosotros, sin ninguna intervencion extranjera, os importa constituiros de una manera sólida y durable.' The Mcxican people are asked to have faith in the disinterested intentions of the allies, to distrust the restless and evil-minded, and to let reason come to the front. Arrangoiz, Méj., iii. 18-19; Lefévr., Doc. Maximiliano, i. 136-9; Niox, Expéd. du Mex., 63-4; Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, v. 492; Trait d'Union, Jan. 18, 1862.
18. Prim well knew that Spain wanted to place a Spanish princess on this throne, 'para lo cual llevaba instrucciones secretas.' Arrangoiz, Méj., iii. 20.
19. Era para ellos, como de costumbre, cnestion de algodones y de biblias.' Id. In the Spanish córtes it was later asserted that England's action in seceding from the intervention had been due to her opposition to the catholic church. Córtes, Diario Senado, ii., no. 95, 1126. The British demands were set forth in four articles: 1st, Mexico was to furnish a formal guarantee for the faithful execution in future of previous treaties between her and Great Britain; 2d, restore the $660,000 stolen by Marquez from the British legation, and $269,000 balance still unpaid of the Laguna Seca affair, with interest at 6 per cent on the former and 12 per cent on the latter; moreover, 6 per cent interest on sums that should have been paid, and were withheld by the law of July 17, 1861, suspending payments; 3d, to admit British agents at the ports with power to reduce import dues to one half, and to intervene the same as the Mexican officials in the collection of customs duties to insure a just and equitable distribution of the proceeds; 4th, the Mexican government was to proceed at once, in concert with the British minister, to the adjustment of all pending claims ascertained to be just. Lefêvre, Doc. Maximiliano, i. 150-1.
20. The other plenipotentiaries, admitting that they might find themselves in the same predicament, proposed to get over the difficulty by adopting a common form in order to bring about the immediate recognition of the reparations already accepted, and also in principle that of such as after examination should appear to be just and legitimate. This the British minister had intended should be afterward ascertained by mixed commissions. The French government had no idea of what amount should be claimed; at one time it thought of five or six million dollars, and never, even at a wild computation, exceeded ten million. Romero, Hist. Intrig. Europ., 92-5.
21. Article 7th would give French agents interference in the administration of justice in cases where French subjects were concerned; and article 9th was to give the French control of custom-houses, the right to lower duties, etc. Id., 97-9; Lefêvre, Doc. Maximiliano, i. 147-50; Córtes, Diario Congreso, vi., ap. 1, no. 138, 57-65.
22. Wyke wrote his government, Jan. 19, 1862 (no. 30 of the British correspondence), that Saligny had fixed the unadjusted French claims at twelve million dollars, saying that he had not examined them, as this would occupy twelve months' time; but he supposed this sum to be within one million or two, more or less, of the amount actually due. Sir Charles assumes to explain the nature of these claims. Nineteen out of twenty of the foreigners residing in Mexico, he says, have a claim of one kind or another against the government, many of them being no doubt just; the rest he declares to be fabricated for the purpose of obtaining pay for some pretended grievance, such as an imprisonment of three days purposely incurred to set up a claim. Romero, Hist. Intrig. Europ., 99-100.
23. Here we have the true inwardness of the fraudulent claims. Jecker was a Swiss by birth, always known as such. It is not claimed that he became a Frenchman till March 26, 1862. Suddenly, without having resided in France or done service to that nation, he appeared as a full-fledged Frenchman, under color of which transformation his claims were advanced by Saligny. Wyke, in the despatch before mentioned, gives the history of Miramon's last financial operation. When his government was at the point of co!lapsing, Jecker & Co. lent it $750,000 in specie, at 5 per centum intercst, as originally agreed upon, receiving therefor fifteen million dollars in treasury bonds, an infamous contract causing discontent throughout the country, and which neither the government of Juarez nor any other would ever recognize. Arrangoiz, Aléj., ii. 361; iii. 20-1; Lempriere's Notes in Mex., 242. Wyke added that he had understood Juarez' government was disposed to pay the $750,000 with the interest due. Méx., Legis. Méj. (1856, July-Dec.); Dublan and Lozano, Leg. Mex., viii. 628-9; Archivo Mex., Col. Leyes, iii. 929–-32; Méx., Mem. Hac., 1870, 475-6. Hidalgo, Apuntes, 104, claims that however onerous or even extortionate, 'nada tenia que ver en él el representante de Inglaterra,' who had opposed the pretension. 'El de España le secundó en esa resistencia.' He would have England and Spain complacently aid Saligny to rob Mexico. The Mexican government was not responsible. Lefêvre, Mex. et L'Interv., 260. On the other hand, it was claimed that the affair might be looked at from a double point of view, namely, the private interests of Jecker and Company, which had become those of numerous Frenchmen and benevolent establishments, compromised by their bankruptcy; and those of the general interests of commerce which by the clauses of the Jecker contract were benefited by an important reduction of custom-house duties. Niox, Expéd. du Mex., 719-28.
24. Due G. Brit., $69,994,542; to France, even including principal defrayed by Jecker to wage war against the legitimate government, with interest, $2,860,000; to Spain, $9,460,986. Payno, Mex. y sus Cuest. Finan., 303-6; Id., Cuentas, Gastos, etc., 749-36, i.-xxxvi.; Lefêvre, Doc. Marimiliano, i. 60-3; Id., Mex. et L'Interv., 286-95, 343-9; Córtes, Diario Senado, ii., no. 78, 928, no. 85, 44-9, 57, 63-5; Id., Cong., i., ap. 5, no. 4, 102-5, vi., ap. 1, no. 133, 13, 14, 57, no. 138, 44-9, 63, no. 149, 2970, no. 151, 3008-9; Méx., Mem. Hаcienda, 1870, 409.
25. Its contents were: Three great nations do not ally themselves merely to demand from a fourth in her distress satisfaction for grievances; their object is to extend a friendly hand, to lift without humbling. The suspicion that they will impair independence is absurd. They come to see, and if necessary, to uphold the regeneration of Mexico; to be present at her reorganization, without in any wise interfering in her form of government, or in her internal administration. The republic alone must decide what institutions are most suitable to its welfare, etc. Hidalgo, Apuntes, 105; Arrangoiz, Méj., iii. 21-2.
26. They pretended that monarchial ideas gained ground among all classes, and anxiously awaited the arrival of the foreign troops. Hidalgo, Apuntes, 100-7. This author, a rabid monarchist, pretends that Juarez had been virtnally set aside by Doblado, who was feared by the ultra liberals, being suspected of favoring the intervention, and that Juarez was preparing to flee to Zacatecas. This assertion was false. Juarez on the 25th of January issued a stringent decree, countersigned by Doblado, to punish the nation's offenders, death being the penalty. Rivera, Gob. de Méx., i. 628; Arrangoiz, Méj., iii. 23; Dublan and Lozano, Leg. Mex., ix. 367-71, 'une loi de terreur.' Niox, Expéd. du Mex., 77.
27. It was a satisfaction, he said, that the three great powers were not banded to render fruitless in a single day a friendly people's heroic efforts of three years.His government trusted that the plenipotentiaries would return home carrying with them the evidence of Mexico's pacification through liberty and progress. As to the claims, all just ones would be recognized. He would not insult the allies by supposing that they had other views than those set forth in their note. The object of asking them to reëmbark and send away their armics was to give legal validity to the arrangements that might be consummated at Orizaba. Arrangoiz, Méj., iii. 23-4; Niox, Expéd. du Mex., 76-7.
28. When in Europe Miramon visited Spain, and it was supposed placed himself in accord with that government. U. S. Exec. Doc., 1861-2. His coming with a passport under an assuined name lhad been announced. The British officials then gave notice that they would have him arrested, on landing, for his participation in the robbery of the British legation. The French representatives objected. Prim exerted himself to avert a rupture between the English and French. It was then arranged that Miramon's arrest should be before his landing. Niox, Expéd. du Mex., 75; La Voz de Méj., Sept. 6, 1862. Arrangoiz claims that the English feared Miramon's prestige would upset Juarez in a few days. Méj., iii. 25-6. Prim wrote his government how much trouble the incident caused, and of his action to preserve harmony.
29. The Spaniards, out of 6,000 men, had now ouly 4,000 in healthy condition. The French had 400 or 500 sick. L'amiral au ministre des affaires étrangères (15 Février), in Niox, Expéd. du Mex., 86.
30. Méx., Derecho Intern., 1st pt, 699-705; Baz, Vida de Juarez, 227-8; Hidalgo, Apuntes, 108-10; Niox, Expéd. du Mex., 85; Dublan and Lozano, Leg. Mex., ix. 386-8; Buenrostro, Hist. Prim. y Seg. Cong., nos 76-9, 143; Chynoweth's Fall of Max., 34 3.
31. The monarchists declared Prim to be in error as to the reactionary-strength, as well as to the number of their partisans. Arrangoiz, Mej., iii. 31-2.
32. Doblado's note of Apr. 3d demanded that Almonte and the others should be sent away from the country. The Spanish and British were in favor of acceding. The French thought otherwise, answering that Almonte was engaged by the emperor on a mission of peace. Zamacois, Hist. Mcj., xvi. 110-12.
33. A copy of the minutes of this conference maybe seen in Arrangoiz, Méj., iii. 40-58; Hidalgo, Apuntes, 125-34. Niox, Expéd. du Mex., 122-6, 135-6, has a synopsis. See also Lefêvre, Mex. et L'Interv., 424; Id., Doc. Maximiliano, i. 199-207.
34. The above proposal was made known to the French, who declined to avail themselves of the same privilege. Doblado, in a private letter to Prim, urged him to accept his official offer, in which case he would visit Orizaba and meet him and his English colleagues. Arrangoiz, Mej., iii. 61-5; Lefêvre, Doc. Maximiliano, i. 220-7; Dublan and Lozano, Leg. Mex., ix. 429-30; Niox, Expéd. du Mex., 146-52; Manero, Rd., MS.. 1.
35. To obtain the money for immediate payments, Mexico made a treaty with the U. S., which was to lend eleven million dollars; a treaty that satisfied the British plenipotentiaries, but which their government used as a pretext for refusing to ratify their action. Romero, Hist. Intrig. Europ., 242.
36. The subject was warmly debated in both houses of the Spanish córtes, with the result above stated, and with Prim's government assuming the responsibility for his course. Córtes, Diario Congreso, ii., no. 32, 475-6; iv., no. 94, 1865; no. 95, 1883; no. 98, 1942-56; no. 104, 2066-7; v., no. 120, 2380; no. 121, 2402; vi., no. 138, 101-5; no. 140, 2801; no. 141, 2805-7; no. 142, 2827-35; no. 143, 2855-7; Id., Diario Senado, ii., no. 70, 878; no. 81, 956; no. 85, 991-2; ap., no. 85, 101-5; no. 95, 1123. The queen also manifested her pleasure. Arrangoiz, Méj., iii. 84-5; Doc. Diplom. Gob. Esp. Sen., 1-262; Prim, Discurso Sen. Esp., 1-26. The Mexican nation, through its congress, thanked the Spanish and British commissioners for their friendly course. Buenrostro, Hist. Leg. Cong. Constituc., ii. 102.
37. 'Tienen en sus manos la suerte de Méjico; el pabellon francés se ha plantado en el suelo mejicano; este pabellon no retrocederá. Que los hombres de juicio lo acojan como un pabellon amigo; que los insensatos se atrevan á atacarlo.' Le Truit d'Union, ap. 21-24, 1862; Arrangoiz, Méj., iii. 64-6; Niox, Expéd, du Mex., 101-32; Romero, Hist. Intrig. Europ., 150-5, 160-5; Chynoweth's Fall of Max., 37-8. Arrangoiz quietly remarks on the particular harmony existing between the last plhrases, and the subsequent departure of the French troops from Mexican soil, 'de donde no habia de retroceder el pabellon francés.'
38. Un gobierno tal como conviene á nuestra índole, necesidades y creencias religiosas." Buenrostro, Hist. Prim. y Seg. Cong., 331-2; Arrangoiz, Méj., ii. 68.
39. Robles had accepted Juarez' amnesty, and was living undisturbed at Guanajuato, under Governor Doblado's protection. Upon Doblado being appointed chief of the cabinet, Robles was allowed to go to Mexico on condition of keeping quiet. But he opened correspondence with Almonte and Miranda, and being detected, was ordered to go on his parole to live in Sombrerete, Zacatecas. Instead of journeying to the north, he attempted to join the foreign invaders. Lefêvre, Doc. Maximiliano, i. 206. He left a recommendation to his countrymen to accept the foreign aid to establish a good, orderly government.
40. Said to be only of 40 men. Diaz, Biog., 29.
41. They were to commit no act of hostility till they had passed 'las cumbres de Atoyac y Chiquihuite.' Diaz, Datos Biog., MS., 155.
42. Zaragoza wrote Lorencez that the French sick in the hospitals of Orizaba were under Mexican protection, and therefore needed no French guard. He discovered afterward that he had erroneously taken for a guard a number of convalescents, who were going with their arms from one hospital to another, and wrote again to correct his error, assuring Lorencez that the best care would be bestowed on his men. Diario Debates 3 Cong., ii. 37; Diaz, Porfirio, Biog., 23; Buenrostro, Hist. Prim. y Seg. Cong., 329-31. The French general answered him in a friendly manner, all the while resolved to reoccupy Orizaba, on the plea, as he wrote the plenipotentiaries, that three of his soldiers had been killed in the environs of the French camp. Niox, Expéd, du Mex., 137-40; Arrangoiz, Méj., iii. 69.
43. The acta, dated April 19th, contained four articles. The first denied the authority of Juarez; the second recognized Almonte as supreme chief of the republic and of the forces supporting it; the third authorized him to arrange with the French officials for convoking an assembly to establish a government; the fourth expressed full trust in Almonte, whose services they declared most urgent. Id., iii. 69-70; Le Trait d'Union, Apr. 30, 1862; Méx., Mem. Hacienda, 1870, 543; La Voz de Méj., June 10, 1862; Niox, Expéd. du Mex., 132-5; Lefêvre, Mex. et L'Interv., 449. That acta showed the signatures of the prominent residents, among them those of a number of Spaniards and others, who afterward publicly made known that their signatures had been appended thereto without their knowledge. Their letters were given to the public in El Siglo XIX., and may also be seen in Lefêvre, Doc. Maximiliano, i. 233-5, and Lefêvre, Mex. et L'Interv., 452.
44. Manuel M. Serrano was made governor of Vera Cruz and Woll comandante general. Marin became comandante general of Isla del Cármen.
45. We are told that Almonte and Haro advised the French general to attack an orchard of the convento del Cármen, opposite the fortified heights of Guadalupe and Loreto, which was not done. They had previously expressed the opinion that Lorencez should let Puebla alone and march on Mexico, which he would find defenceless. They thought that much bloodshed and loss of time would thereby be saved. Arrangoiz, Mej., iii. 71; Hidalgo, Apunt, 147.
46. While those movements were going on, the reactionists, under Marquez, Benavides, Cobos, and others, were marauding in the district of Atlixco.
47. With the infantry of his brigade and the Reforma battalion. Diaz Biog., 32.
48. The battalions 3d of Toluca, Fijo de Vera Cruz, Zacapoaxtla, and Tetela, and Alvarez' cavalry, took part in the action.
49. Zaragoza, in his official despatch to the war department, says, 'Tres cargas bruscas ejecutaron los franceses, y en las tres fueron rechazados con valor y dignidad.' Diaz, Porf., Biog., 37-9; Zaragoza, Defensa de Puebla, 1-16, Perez, Dicc. Geog., ii. 536-43; Manero, Rel., MS., 1; Diaz, Datos Biog., MS., 155-78; Buenrostro, Hist. Prim. y Seg. Cong., 338-46, 364.
50. Zaragoza added that owing to the absence of O'Horan's and Carbajal's brigades sent against the reactionists at Atlixco and Matamoros, his force was smaller than the enemy's, for which reason he had not attempted to attack. Gen. Diaz followed the retreating enemy until recalled.
51. Niox, Expéd. du Méx., 153-67, gives the French account of the military operations, setting the French loss at 476 men, of whom 345 were sick and wounded; and that only two sound men fell into the enemy's hands. Zaragoza in his report of the 9th says that though he could not give the exact number of the French casualties, they exceeded 1,000 killed and wounded, and 8 or 10 prisoners. Niox states the Mexican loss to have been 83 killed, 132 wounded, and 12 missing. The Mexican report gives 87 killed, 152 wounded, and 12 missing.
52. The particulars may be found in Diaz, MS.; Dublan and Lozano, Leg. Mex., ix. 443, 458-9, 561-2; Buenrostro, Hist. Prim. y Seg. Cong., 366; Idem., Hist. Seg. Cong. Constituc., ii. 112, 127-9, 135-6, 306; La Vez de Méj., June 21 to Sept. 6, 1862, passim; Baz, Vida de Juarez, 233-40; Rivera, Gob. de Mex., ii. G.0-1; Méx., Diario Ofic., May 5, 1870.
53. Lefêvre, Doc. Maximiliano, i. 243-8, 268-72; Pacheco, Cartas (to Drouyn de Lhuys), in La Estrella de Occid., May 8, 1863; Ortega, Parte Gen., 133-8.
54. The above facts are corroborated by Arrangoiz, Méj., iii. 78; Niox, Expéd. du Mex., 181, 190-1.
55. This appears in the correspondence of Marquez and Mejía with Almonte. Arrangoiz, Méj., iii. 72-8.
56. So it was said to the father-almoner of the liberal forces. The correspondence appears in Lefêvre, Doc. Maximiliano, i. 245-6.
57. Capt. Detrie did it with his company of the 99th. The Mexicans had 250 killed and wounded, and lost 200 prisoners and three howitzers. Detrie was promoted. Arrangoiz, Mėj., iii. 80.
58. He had opened relations in April and May, first with Marquez and next with José M. Cobos — the latter had superseded Marquez as chief commander of the conservative forces by Zuloaga's orders — to prevail on them to aid in the national defence, and even offered to have an interview at Tetela with Cobos. He did not go, however, but sent two agents with certain proposals. The articles hostile to the church in the constitution of 1857 were the obstacle to the conservatives abandoning their hostile attitude. Cobos, in his manifesto from St Thomas of July 20, 1862, said that the agents assured him, in Doblado's name, that a movement was being arranged to do away with Juarez and the constitution of 1857, the nullification of the red party being the only means to end the internecine war; then to call the people to new elections, a provisional statute ruling meanwhile. Juarez out of the way, there would be no foreign war, and Almonte's treasonable plans would be defeated. Nothing came of the negotiations, because of the liberal victory of May 5th. Zuloaga and Cobos obtained from Almonte a safe-conduct and left the country. Zuloaga issued in Habana a manifesto explaining his conduct since the landing of the allies. Zamacois, Hist. Méj., xvi. 213-19, 227-93; Zuloaga, Manif. . . á la Rep. (Méx., 1862), 1-16. Another version is, that Juarez was jealous of Doblado, and had called him to his cabinet 'con la maligna intencion de nulificarlo;' that Doblado, after a conference with Zaragoza at Amozoc, went back to Mexico and asked Juarez to remove him from the command, which the president refused to do, whereupon Doblado resigned. But in order that there should be no bad impression in the public mind, he asked for another office, and a month later was made general-in-chief of the army of the interior. Marquez de Leon, Mem. Póst., MS., 214-16.
59. Rivera, Gob. de Méx., ii. 632.