self, e.g. נִשְׁאַל to ask (something) for oneself (1 S 206.28, Neh 136), cf. αἰτοῦμαί σε τοῦτο, ἐνδύσασθαι χιτῶνα to put out on (oneself) a tunic.
[f] (d) In consequence of a looseness of thought at an early period of the language, Niphʿal comes finally in many cases to represent the passive[1] of Qal, e.g. יָלַד to bear, Niph. to be born; קָבַר to bury, Niph. to be buried. In cases where Qal is intransitive in meaning, or is not used, Niphʿal appears also as the passive of Piʿēl and Hiphʿîl, e.g. כָּבֵד to be in honour, Piʿēl to honour, Niph. to be honoured (as well as Puʿal כֻּבַּד); כָּחַד Piʿēl to conceal, Hiph. to destroy, Niph. passive of either. In such cases Niphʿal may again coincide in meaning with Qal (חָלָה Qal and Niph. to be ill) and even take an accusative.
[g] Examples of denominatives are, נִזְכַּר to be born a male, Ex 3419 (from זָכָר; but probably הַזָּכָר should here be read); נִלְבַּב cordatum fieri, Jb 1112 (from לֵבָב cor); doubtless also נִבְנָה to obtain children, Gn 162, 303.
[h] The older grammarians were decidedly wrong in representing Niphʿal simply as the passive of Qal; for Niphʿal has (as the frequent use of its imperat. shows), in no respect the character of the other passives, and in Arabic a special conjugation (ʾinqătălă) corresponds to it with a passive of its own. Moreover, the forms mentioned in § 52 e point to a differently formed passive of Qal.—The form נְגֹֽאֲלוּ Is 593, La 414, is not to be regarded as a passive of Niphʿal, but with König and Cheyne as a forma mixta, in the sense that the punctuators intended to combine two optional readings, נִגְאֲלוּ, perf. Niph., and גֹּֽאֲלוּ, perf. Puʿal [cf. also Wright, Compar. Gramm., p. 224]. Although the passive use of Niphʿal was introduced at an early period, and became tolerably common, it is nevertheless quite secondary to the reflexive use.
[i] Rem. 1 The infin. absol. נִקְטוֹל is connected in form with the perfect, to which it bears the same relation as קָטוֹל to קָטַל in Qal, the ô in the second syllable being obscured from an original â. Examples are, נִכְסֹף Gn 3130; נִלְחֹם Ju 1125; נִשְׁאֹל 1 S 206.28, all in connexion with the perfect.
[k] Examples of the form הִקָּטֹל (in connexion with imperfects) are, הִנָּתֹן Jer 324; הֵֽאָכֹל Lv 718; once אִדָּרֹשׁ Ez 143, where, perhaps, the subsequent אִדָּרֵשׁ has led to the substitution of א for ה.—Moreover, the form הִקָּטֵל is not infrequently used also for the infin. absol.,[2] e.g. Ex 223, Nu 1531, Dt 426, 1 K 2039. On the other hand, כְּהִנָּדֵף should simply be read for the wholly abnormal כְּהִנְדֹּף, ψ 683 (commonly explained as being intended to correspond in sound with the subsequent תִּנְדֹּף but probably a ‘forma mixta’, combining the readings כְּהִנָּדֵף and כִּנְדֹף).
- ↑ Cf. Halfmann, Beiträge zur Syntax der hebräischen Sprache, I. Stück, Wittenb., 1888, 2. St. 1892 (Gymn.-Programm), statistics of the Niphʿal (Puʿal, Hophʿal, and qāṭûl) forms at different periods of the language, for the purpose of ascertaining the meaning of Niph. and its relation to the passive; the selection of periods is, however, very questionable from the standpoint of literary criticism.
- ↑ But, like הִקָּטֹל, only in connexion with imperfects, except Jer 79. Barth is therefore right in describing (Nominalbildung, p. 74) both forms as later analogous formations (in addition to the original Semitic נִקְטוֹל), intended to assimilate the infinitive to the imperfect which it strengthens.
