Nihongi: Chronicles of Japan from the Earliest Times to A.D. 697/Book XIX

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BOOK XIX.

THE EMPEROR AME-KUNI OSHI-HIRAKI HIRO-NIHA.[1]

(KIMMEI[2] TENNŌ.)

The Emperor Ame-kuni Oshi-hiraki Hiro-niha was the rightful heir of the Emperor Wohodo. His mother's name was, the Empress Tashiraka. The Emperor loved him, and kept him constantly at his side. When the Emperor was young he had a dream, in which a man appeared to him, saying:—"If thou makest a favourite of a man called Hada no Ohotsuchi, thou wilt surely possess the Empire when thou dost attain to manhood." When he awoke, he sent messengers to search everywhere. They got from the province of Yamashiro, the district of Kiï and the township of Fukakusa, a man whose name and surname were actually as in the dream. Upon this joy pervaded his whole frame. "A dream without precedent!" he exclaimed, and addressed him, saying:—"Has anything happened thee?" He answered and said:—"Nothing. Only when thy servant was on his way back from Ise, whither he had gone to trade, he fell in with two wolves[3] on a mountain, who were fighting with one another, and were defiled with blood. Thy servant got down from his horse, and, having rinsed his mouth and hands, made prayer to them, saying:—'Ye are august deities, and yet ye take delight in violence. If ye were to fall in with a hunter, very speedily ye should be taken.' So thy servant restrained them from fighting together, and having wiped them and cleansed their blood-stained hair, eventually let them go, thus saving both their lives." The Emperor said:—"This is undoubtedly your reward."[4] So he made him to serve near his own person, and treated him with a favour which was daily renewed, so that he arrived at the (XIX. 2.) height of great wealth. When the Emperor came to the throne, he appointed him to the Treasury.

In Winter, the 10th month of the 4th year of his reign, the Emperor Takewo hifo-kuni oshi-tate died. The Imperial Prince, the Emperor[5] Ame-kuni oshi-hiraki hiro-niha, addressed the Ministers, saying:—"I am young[6] in years, and of shallow knowledge. I have not yet had experience of the affairs of government. The Empress Yamada has a clear acquaintance with all matters of administration, and I pray you to apply to her and then decide."

The Empress Yamada rendered humble thanks, saying:—"Your handmaiden has been treated with favour, far beyond seas and mountains. But the manifold machinery of government is much too difficult a charge for a woman to undertake it. Now the Imperial Prince honours age, and shows affection to the young. He treats the wise with courtesy, and all day long neglects his food while he attends to others. Not only so, but young as he is, the point comes through.[7] Already he has at his disposal an auspicious reputation, he is of a mild disposition and earnest in compassionate care. I pray the Ministers that they will, without delay, cause him to ascend to the Dignity, and preside gloriously over the Empire."[8]

12th month, 5th day. The Imperial Prince Ame-kuni oshi-hiraki hiro-niha assumed the Imperial Dignity. The Empress was honoured with the title of Grand Empress. Ohotoino no (XIX. 3.) Kanamura no Ohomuraji and Mononobe no Okoshi no Ohomuraji were made Ohomuraji, and Soga no Iname no Sukune no Oho-omi was made Oho-omi, all as before.

(A.D. 540.) 1st year, Spring, 1st month, 15th day. The officials petitioned for the appointment of an Empress. The Emperor gave command, saying:—"Let my proper consort, Ishihime, daughter of the Emperor Take-wo hiro-kuni oshi-tate,[9] be appointed Empress."

She bore him two sons and one daughter. The eldest was called the Imperial Prince Yata no Tama-katsu no Ohoye, the middle one was called Wosada Nunakura Futo-damashiki no Mikoto,[10] the youngest was called the Imperial Princess Kasanuhi [otherwise called the Imperial Princess Satake].

2nd month. A man of Pèkché named Kwi-chi-pu came over as an emigrant. He was settled in Yamamura, in the district of Sofu no Kami, in the province of Yamato. He was the ancestor of the present Kochifu[11] of Yamamura.

3rd month.—The Yemishi and the Hayato, both bringing their people with them, came and rendered allegiance.

Autumn, 7th month, 13th day. The capital was removed to Shikishima, in the district of Shiki, in the province of Yamato. It was accordingly called the Palace of Kanazashi in Shikishima.

8th month. Koryö, Pèkché, Silla and Imna all sent envoys together to render tribute. The men of T'sin and of Han, etc., the emigrants from the various frontier nations were assembled together, settled in the provinces and districts, and enrolled (XIX. 4.) in the registers of population. The men of T'sin[12] numbered in all 7053 houses. The Director of the Treasury was made Hada[13] no Tomo no Miyakko.

9th month, 5th day. The Emperor made a progress to the shrine of Hafuritsu[14] at Naniha. He was accompanied by Kanamura, Ohotomo no Ohomuraji, Inamochi, Kose no Omi, and Okoshi, Mononobe no Ohomuraji. The Emperor inquired of the Ministers, saying:—"How many troops would be required to conquer Silla?" Okoshi, Mononobe no Ohomuraji and the rest addressed the Emperor, saying:—"With only a few soldiers it would not be easy to chastise Silla. Formerly, in the sixth year of the reign of the Emperor Wohodo, Pèkché sent envoys petitioning that the four districts of Imna, viz. Upper Tari, Lower Tari, Syata and Muro might be granted to him.[15] Kanamura, Ohotomo no Ohomuraji readily agreed with the request contained in this petition, and granted the demand. In consequence of this, Silla has cherished resentment for many years. Its chastisement should not be lightly undertaken." Now Ohotomo no Kanamura staid in his house at Sumiyoshi,[16] and, on the pretence of illness, did not attend Court. The Emperor sent Magariko, Awomi no Ohotoshi, courteously to make kind inquiries. The Ohomuraji humbly thanked the Emperor, and said:—"That which ails me is nought else than this. The Ministers now say that it was I who lost Imna. Therefore I was afraid, and did not come to Court." So he made a present to the messenger of a saddle-horse, and showed him great friendliness and honour. Awomi no Ohotoshi made a faithful report to the Emperor, who commanded, saying:—"Thou, hast long shown the utmost fidelity: be not moved by what people may say." He acquitted him of all guilt, and showed him increasing favour.

This year was the year Kanoye Saru (57th) of the Cycle.

(A.D. 541.) (XIX. 5.) 2nd year, Spring, 3rd month. The Emperor took to him five concubines. The senior concubine was the Imperial Princess Kurawakaya hime, younger sister of the Empress. She bore to him the Imperial Prince Iso no kami. The next was also a younger sister of the Empress, named the Imperial Princess Hikage.

The statement made here that she was the Empress's younger sister is clear. This is the daughter of the Emperor Hinokuma no Takada.[17] And yet in enumerating the consorts the name of her consort-mother and the name of the Imperial Princess do not appear. I do not know what writing it is taken from. Some future inquirer may discover.[18]

She bore to the Emperor the Imperial Prince Kura. The next was the daughter of Soga no Oho-omi, Iname no Sukune. Her name was Kitashi hime. She had seven sons and six daughters. The first was called the Imperial Prince Ohoye. He became Tachibana no Toyohi no Mikoto.[19] The second was called the Imperial Princess Ihane. [Also called the Imperial Princess Ime.] At first she was priestess to the great Deity of Ise, but was afterwards dismissed, being convicted of an intrigue with the Imperial Prince Mubaragi.[20] The third was called the Imperial Prince Atori. The fourth was called Toyomike Kashikiya no Mikoto.[21] The fifth was called the Imperial Prince Mariko. The sixth was called the Imperial Princess Ohoyake. The seventh was called the Imperial Prince Iso no Kami-be. The eighth was called the Imperial Prince Yamashiro. The ninth was called the Imperial Princess Ohotomo. The tenth was called the Imperial Prince Sakurawi. The eleventh was called the Imperial Princess Katano. The twelfth (XIX. 6.) was called the Young Imperial Prince Tachibana ga moto. The thirteenth was called the Imperial Princess Toneri. The next (concubine) was a younger sister of Kitashi hime by the same mother, named Wonane-gimi. She bore four sons and one daughter. The first was called the Imperial Prince Mubaragi. The second was called the Imperial Prince Katsuraki. The third was called the Imperial Princess Hasetsukabe Anahobe. The fourth was called the Imperial Prince Hasetsukabe Anahobe. [Otherwise called the Imperial Prince Amatsuka no ko: one writing has, "otherwise called the Imperial Prince Sumuto."] The fifth was called the Imperial Prince Hasebe.

One writing has:—"The first was called the Imperial Prince Mubaragi. The second was called the Imperial Princess Hasetsukabe Anahobe. The third was called the Imperial Prince Hasetsukabe Anahobe, otherwise called the Imperial Prince Sumuto. The fourth was called the Imperial Prince Katsuraki. The fifth was called the Imperial Prince Hasebe." One writing says:—"The first was called the Imperial Prince Mubaragi. The second was called the Imperial Prince Sumuto. The third was called the Imperial Princess Hasetsukabe Anahobe. The fourth was called the Imperial Prince Hasetsukabe Anahobe, also called the Imperial Prince Amatsuka no ko. The fifth was called the Imperial Prince Hasebe." In (XIX. 7.) the original record of the Emperors there are many old characters, which underwent frequent alterations in the hands of the compilers. Later men, in learning to read them, modified them to suit the meaning, and, owing to their being handed down by repeated copying, errors eventually arose, by which the order was disturbed, and elder and younger mistaken for one another. We have now investigated old and new, and restored the truth. In cases where it was difficult to ascertain it, we have selected and followed one (MS.?) and noted down carefully the variants. All other (passages) follow the same rule.[22]

The next (consort) was the daughter of Kasuga no Hifuri no Omi, by name Nukako. She bore the Imperial Princess Kasuga no Yamada, and the Imperial Prince Tachibana no Maro.

Summer, 4th month. The second Kanki[23] of Ara named I-thăn-hyé, and the Té-pu-son Ku-chhyu-yu-ri, the Syang-syu-wi[24] of Kara named Kachyön-hyé, the Kanki of Cholma named San-pan-hyé, the Kanki's son, the junior Kanki of Tara named I-tha, Ko-tha son of the Kanki of Să-i-ki—these Kanki, together with Kibi no Omi, the (Japanese) Commissioner for Imna, proceeded to Pèkché, and together heard the Imperial edict read. Syöng-myöng,[25] King of Pèkché, addressing the Kanki of Imna and the others, said:—

"The Emperor of Japan decrees that Imna shall be wholly (XIX. 8.) re-established. Now by what means is this to be done? Why should not each of you with the deepest loyalty develop the sage purpose?"[26]

The Kanki of Imna and the others answered and said:—"Already two or three times proposals have been made to Silla, but no answer has been received. Let the present intention be again communicated to Silla, and if there is still no reply, it will now be well that all of us should send envoys to go and lay the matter before the Emperor. It will then depend on the Great King's will whether Imna is to be established or not. We shall humbly receive his instructions. Who shall dare to offer a word of objection? Now the territory of Imna is conterminous with Silla, and it is to be feared that this will prove disastrous to Chhak-syun, etc.

By etc. is meant Tök-kwi-than and Kara. The reference is to the disaster of the conquest of Chhak-syun and the other provinces.

King Syöng-myöng said:—"In former times, during the reigns of my ancestors, King Sok-ko[27] and King Kwi-syu,[28] the Kanki of Ara, Kara, and Chhak-syun first sent envoys and entered into communication. We became knitted together by a cordial friendship, and they were treated as children or younger brothers. It was my hope that they should flourish continuously. But now they have been deceived by Silla and have caused the Emperor to be wroth, and Imna to be angry. This is the fault of me, the incompetent one, for which I am profoundly sorry. I therefore sent Maro,[29] the Ha-pu Chung-cha-phyöng, and Mèno, the Syöng-pang Kap-syo, to Kara to meet the Imna authorities, and, having sworn together, thereafter earnestly and perseveringly to concert measures for the establishment of Imna, without forgetfulness either morning or evening. Now the terms of the Emperor's commands are—(XIX. 9.) 'Let Imna be at once established.' I therefore wish to consult with you as to the means of setting up Imna and the other provinces. Let this matter be well weighed by you. Moreover I shall send for Silla to the Imna frontier, and ask whether he means to obey or not. Upon receiving his answer we can send envoys together to report to the Emperor and humbly receive his instructions. If, however, before the return of the envoys, Silla watches an opportunity and invades Imna, I will go to its assistance, so that there is no need for anxiety. Let us, however, make good preparation to defend ourselves; let us be watchful and not forgetful. As to what you specially tell me, viz. that you fear disaster for Chhak-syun, etc., it is not (merely) the aggressiveness of Silla which has made this possible. Tök-kwi-than lies on the border between Kara and Silla, and for several successive years has been harassed and defeated. Imna has not been able to render it assistance, and it has therefore suffered ruin. South Kara, being a very small place, was unable promptly to make defence, and knew not whom to rely upon. Therefore it has come to ruin. As to Chhak-syun, the upper and lower classes practise double-dealing so much so as to wish voluntarily to join Silla and to hold secret communication with that object. Therefore it has come to ruin. Viewed in this light, the downfall of these three provinces had very sufficient causes.

Formerly Silla asked help from Koryö, and with its assistance invaded Imna and Pèkché, but to this day without conquering them. How then could Silla alone destroy Imna? If you and (XIX. 10.) I, the incompetent one, flow join our powers, and with united hearts place our inward trust in the Emperor, Imna will assuredly be established."

Each received presents according to his station, and they took their way homewards joyfully.

Autumn, 7th month. Pèkché, hearing that the (Japanese) authorities of Ara were intriguing with Silla, sent Pirimakko, Nasol of the Senior division, the Nasol Syön-mun, the Nasol of the middle division, Mok-hiöp Mè-syun, and Ki no Omi,

The Nasol Ki no Omi was probably the son of Ki no Omi by a marriage with a Corean woman, who therefore remained in the country and was made Nasol by Pèkché. It is not clear who his father was. Other cases all follow this rule.

the Nasol Mimasya, on a mission to Ara, to summon to them the agents of Silla and Imna, and to concert measures for the establishment of Imna. He separately reproved Kahachi no Atahe, the chief Japanese authority of Ara, roundly for intriguing with Silla.

The Pèkché "Original Record" has Kapuchipi Atahe Akyöninasăcharomato. This is not clear.

Addressing Imna, he said:—"In past times, my ancestors, Kings Sokko and Kwisyu,[30] were first joined in amity with the former Kanki. They became as it were brethren. I therefore look upon you as my children or younger brothers, and you regard me as a father or elder brother. Together we serve the Emperor, and unitedly repel hostile violence, procuring up till now the peace of the country and the integrity of the State. When I think of the friendly language of my ancestors and the (XIX. 11.) former Kanki, it seems to me like the shining sun. From that time to this, I have sedulously maintained friendship with my neighbours and have always dealt honestly with the allied countries. My affection for them passes that of flesh and bones.[31] It was the constant prayer of me, the inept one, that such a fair beginning might have a fitting end. I cannot understand why people should lightly give credit to vague rumours and for a space of several years should have impulsively abandoned their purpose. It may be said of such, in the words of the men of old, that 'they repent when it is too late.' But if, as regards the present, they swear to the gods as far as the cloud-spaces above, and down to the region within the springs[32] below, and amend their faults so as to accord with the past, revealing all that they do without the least reserve, so that their loyalty penetrates to the spirits, and if they take themselves severely to task, this may again be accepted. We are told that of those who stand in the position of successors, honour is to him who keeps well in the rut made by his predecessors, and makes the hall and roof to prosper, thereby accomplishing a meritorious service.[33] I therefore wish to go back and reverence the kindly feeling of the friendship of former ages, and, in respectful obedience to the terms of the Emperor's decree, rescue from Silla the provinces torn off by it, viz. South Kara, Tök-kwi-than, etc., and restoring them to their original (XIX. 12.) connection and making them transfer to Imna their substance, strive to play the part to them of father or elder brother, constantly doing homage to Japan. It is this which deprives my food of flavour, and robs me of peaceful slumber, my mind being full of anxious thought while I regret the past and practise self-discipline for the present.

Now all the world knows Silla's blandishing words and subtle deceptions. You, out of an indiscriminating confidence in them, have already fallen a prey to the designs of others. At the present moment, where the frontier of Imna borders on Silla, let there be permanent defensive preparations. How can your watchfulness be relaxed? Here it is to be feared lest you, having fallen into and become entangled in the nets and pitfalls of slanderous deceit, should ruin your country and overturn your State, becomin yourselves the captives of others. When I, the incompetent one, reflect on this, I am full of anxious thouht, and can find no rest.

It has come to my ears that during the meetings at which Silla and Imna concerted their plans, there were manifested portents of trees and serpents. This is notorious to everybody. Now (ill) luck sent by the Powers of Evil[34] is for the sake of making people correct their conduct; natural catastrophes[34] are given for men's instruction. It is just in this way that Bright Heaven communicates to us as a lesson tokens of the former spirits. When misfortune has reached a climax, one may have remorse; when ruin has come, one may think of establishing himself again, but what avails it?

If you will now be guided by me and give obedience to the Emperor's command, Imna may be restored. Why should you apprehend ill-success? If you desire to hold permanently your original territory, and long to rule over your old subjects, here lies the means of doin so. Should you not be watchful?"

(XIX. 13.) King Syön-myön further addressed the Japanese authorities of Imna, saying:—"The Emperor's decree amounts to this:—'If Imna falls, you are left without resources; if Imna is established, you will in that case have succour. You should therefore join us in setting up Imna and restoring it to its former position, so as to provide a help for yourselves and a kindly maintenance for your people.' Receive with respect the Imperial orders; let your hearts be filled with awe and dread, and make a vow to devote your earnest efforts. Thus it may be hoped that Imna may be rendered prosperous, and long serve the Emperor, as in former times. Let us first consider what is in the future, and then let us take repose. If you, the Japanese authority, in full reliance on the Imperial decree, lend aid to Imna, this will assuredly be attended by the Emperor's approval, and you personally will reap rewards.

Moreover, the high Japanese officials, having been long resident in the Land of Imna, close to the Silla frontier, are acquainted with the state of affairs in that country. They have not only for this year, but long been poisoning Imna, and devising means of defence against Japan. The reason they have not made up their minds to more active measures is that near, they are ashamed in the eyes of Pèkché, and afar, they fear the Emperor. So they beguile the Court with feigned service, and maintain a false appearance of amity with Imna.

In thus stimulating to action (you) the (Japanese) authorities of Imna, it is my desire that before they have annexed Imna, and while they still maintain a feigned appearance of submissiveness, you should now seize the opportunity of their being unprepared, and raising all your forces conquer them. The Imperial decree urging us to establish South Kara and Tök-kwi-thăn does not date merely from a few tens of years ago, and yet Silla has not once listened to this order, as is well known to you. Now, can anything be better than, in respectful faith in the Emperor, to endearour to establish Imna? I fear, however, lest you, too readily trusting to blandishing speeches and lightly accepting false statements, may cause the ruin of (XIX. 14.) the land of Imna and bring dishonour on the Emperor. Be warned against this, and do not be deceived by others."

(A.D. 542.) 3rd year,[35] Autumn, 7th month. Pèkché sent Ki no Omi Nasol Mimasa and Kwi-nyön, Nasol of the middle division to come and report to the Emperor on the administration of Imna in Lower Kara,[36] and to present at the same time a memorial.

(A.D. 543.) 4th year, Summer, 4th month. Ki no Omi, Nasol Mimasa[37] of Pèkché and the rest took their departure.

Autumn, 9th month. King Syöng-myöng of Pèkché sent Chin-mu Kwi-mun, Nasol of the Former Division, the Hotök Kwi-cha Kwi-nu and Makamu, Sitök of the Mononobe, with it present of Punam[38] products and two slaves.

Winter, 11th month, 8th day. Tsumori no Muraji was sent to Pèkché with a message from the Emperor to the following effect:—"Let the Pèkché prefects and governors of castles resident in that part of Lower Kara which belongs to Imna be joined to the Japanese jurisdiction." He also bore an Imperial decree, which commanded as follows:—

"For more than ten years past you have presented memorials saying that Imna should be established. But notwithstanding these representations the matter still remains unaccomplished. Now Imna is the roof-tree of your country. If the roof-tree is broken, who shall erect a house with it? Our reflections rest (XIX. 15.) in this. You ought speedily toestablish Imna. If you establish Imna speedily, it is necessary to say that Kahachi no Atahe[39] and his followers will of their own accord retire."

On this day King Syöng-myöng, having heard the Imperial decree, asked the opinion in succession of his three Chief Ministers, his Treasurer, and his high officials, saying:—"The Imperial edict runs so: What is now to be done?" The three Chief Ministers and the rest answered and said:—"Our prefects and governors of castles in Lower Kara should not leave our jurisdiction. As to establishing the country (of Imna), the Imperial decree should be at once complied with."

12th month. King Syöng-myöng of Pèkché again published the former Imperial decree to all his officials, saying:—"The Emperor's decree is to this effect. Now what is next to be done?" The senior Minister Sa-chhèk-kwi-nu, the middle Minister Mok-hyöp-ma-na, the junior Minister Mok-yun-kwi, the Tök-sol Pi-ri-mak-ko, the Tök-sol Tong-syöng-to-thyön, the Tök-sol Mok-hyöp-mè-syun, the Tök-sol Kuk-syu-ta and the Na-sol Yön-pi-chyön-na counselled alike, saying:—"Thy servants are by nature stupid, and have no good scheme at all to propose. It is best to carry out the Imperial instructions for the establishment of Imna. Thou shouldst now summon the agents of Imna and the Kanki of the various provinces, and concert along with them a common policy, which should be laid before the Emperor in proof of thy good intentions. Kahachi no Atahe, Yanasa and Mato are still resident in Ara-Imna, and (while this is so) it is to be feared that it will be hard to establish it. Add therefore a further memorial, praying that they may be removed to their original place."

King Syöng-myöng said:—"Your advice, my Ministers, is thoroughly in accordance with my feelings."

Accordingly, in this month he sent the Si-tök, Ko-pun to summon the Agent of Imna and the Agent of the Japanese (XIX. 16.) authority. They both answered and said:—"When New Year's Day has passed, we will go and hear (what the King of Pèkché has to say)."

(A.D. 544.) 5th year, Spring, 1st month. The Land of Pèkché sent messengers to summon the Agents of Imna and of the Japanese authorities. They both answered and said:—"The season has come for worshipping the Gods: when the festival is over we will go.

This month Pèkché sent messengers a second time to summon the Agents of Imna and of the Japanese authorities. Neither the Japanese authorities nor Imna sent their Agents, but sent mean persons, so that Pèkché was unable to concert with them measures for the establishment of Imna.

2nd month. Pèkché sent the Si-tök, Ma-mu, the Si-tök Ko-pun-ok and the Si-tök, Să-na-no-chhă-chyu to Imna with the following message to the Japanese authorities and the Kanki of Imna:—"I sent Ki no Omi, the Nasol, Mi-ma-sa,[40] the Nasol, Kwi-nyön, and Mononobe no Muraji, the Nasol, Yong-ka-ta, to have an audience of the Emperor. Mi-ma-sa and his colleagues returned from Japan with a decree which declared as follows:—'Do ye, in concert with the Japanese authorities residing there, speedily prepare a good plan such as may meet our wishes. See that you are vigilant, and be not imposed upon by the wiles of others.'

Moreover Tsumori no [the 'Original Pèkché Record' has 'Tsumori no Muraji Kwi-ma-nu-kwé' There is here a corruption, and the name cannot be made clear] Muraji, when he returned from Japan, communicated an Imperial message, and inquired respecting the administration of Imna. I therefore desired, in concert with the Japanese authorities and the Imna Agents, to come to a decision regarding the government of Imna, which I might report to the Emperor. I sent for them three times, but until now they have not arrived. For this reason I have been unable to discuss with you a plan for the government of Imna, and make my report to the Emperor. It is now my intention to invite Tsumori no Muraji to remain, and by another quick messenger to send the Emperor a full report of the condition of affairs. This messenger will be despatched to Japan on the (XIX. 17.) 10th of the 3rd month. On his arrival the Emperor will undoubtedly ask questions about you. I would therefore recommend you, the chief Japanese authority and the Kanki of Imna, each to despatch messengers in company with my messenger to go and receive such commands as the Emperor may give."

Pèkché separately addressed Kahachi no Atahe [the "Original Pèkché Record" has Kahachi no Atahe Inasămato. There is here a corruption, and the correct name is unclear], saying:—"From former times until now I have heard of nothing but thy misdeeds. Thy ancestors [the 'Original Pèkché Record' has, 'Thy predecessor Na-han-tha-kap-pè-ka-nap-chik-kï-kap-pè, otherwise called Na-ka-tha-kap-pè-eung-ka-ki-mi.'[41] This is a corruption and not clear] have all fostered wicked lies, and, led away by Wi-ka-ka Kimi, have placed implicit faith in his statements. [The Pèkché 'Original Record' has, 'Wi-ka Kimi's personal name was Yupiki.'] Without sorrow for thy country's disasters or regard for my wishes they recklessly indulged in violence and oppression. Expelled on this account, thou and thy people came to reside in Imna, where thou hast constantly preached evil. The daily increasing ruin of Imna is due to thee. Although but an insignificant person, thou art like the small fire which burns up the hills and moors, and extends to the villages and hamlets. Owing to thy evil deeds, ruin is impending over Imna, with the result that eventually the Miyake of the various provinces west of the sea will become unable permanently to render service to the Emperor. I am now sending an address to the Emperor praying that he may remove thee and thy people, and send thee back to thy former place. Thou also wilt go and hear (the Emperor's decision)."

Further, addressing the chief Japanese authority of Imna and the Kanki of Imna, he said:—"In regard to the matter of establishing Imna, how could any one do so without borrowing the Emperor's power? It was therefore my intention to apply to the Emperor and request of him an army with which to succour the Land of Imna. The provisions for this army would be supplied by me. Whilst the number of the troops was still undecided, it was naturally impossible to make any fixed arrangements for the transport of provisions. It was therefore my request that we should meet and consider together what was best to be done, and having selected the (XIX. 18.) most advantageous course, to report to the Emperor accordingly. Therefore I sent repeated summonses to you, but since you steadily refused to come, it was impossible to advise with you."

The chief Japanese authority answered and said:—"The reason why the Imna Agent did not go in compliance with thy summons was because I would not allow him to do so. When I sent a report to the Emperor, the return messenger brought the following instructions from His Majesty:—'We are about to send Ika no Omi [corrupt—not clear] to Silla and Tsumori no Muraji to Pèkché. Do thou await the Imperial message which they will bring, and meanwhile refrain from taking the trouble of going to Silla or Pèkché.' Such were the Imperial instructions. When I heard of Ika no Omi's embassy to Sil]a, I sent after him to inquire the Emperor's message. He said, 'Let the Japanese Omi and the Agent of Imna proceed to Silla, and apply to Silla to receive communication of the Emperor's orders.' Nothing was said about going to Pèkché to learn his commands. Afterwards Tsumori no Muraji eventually arrived, and when passing through this place, mentioned this subject, and said, 'My present mission to Pèkché is for the purpose of getting rid of the Pèkché prefects and governors of castles resident in Lower Kara. I have only heard of this question, and know nothing of any instructions to Imna and the Japanese authorities to meet Pèkché, in order to hear the Emperor's commands.' This is why we have not gone, and Imna is not responsible."

Hereupon the Kanki of Imna said:—"In accordance with the summons of thy messenger, it was our desire to proceed (to Pèkché). But the chief Japanese authority would not allow us to be despatched, and that was why we did not do so. As for the instructions which the Great King, prompted by his feelings, has addressed to us, with the object of establishing Imna, it is impossible for us adequately to express our joy at seeing them."

3rd month. Pèkché sent the Nasol, A-mang-teung-mun, Kama, the Nasol of Hö-syé,[42] and Kapi, the Nasol of Mononobe, to present a memorial to the Emperor, as follows:—

"The Nasol, Mi-ma-sa, the Nasol, Kwi-nyön, and their colleagues came to thy servant's frontier state bearing an Imperial decree, which said:—'You should concert a good plan along with the Japanese authorities resident there, and speedily establish Imna. Be on your guard, and do not allow yourselves to be deceived by others.' Moreover Tsumori no Muraji and his colleagues came to thy servant's frontier state, bearing an Imperial message in which inquiry was made as to the establishment (XIX. 19.) of Imna. I received the Imperial command with reverence, and without presuming to delay, desired to concert measures along with them. I therefore sent messengers to summon the Japanese authorities [the Pèkché 'Original Record' has, 'Sent to summon Wi-ho-phi no Omi.' This is, perhaps, Iku-ba no Omi] and Imna. They all answered and said:—'The new year has come. Please let it pass, and then we will go.' A long time elapsed, and yet they did not arrive. I again sent messengers to summon them. They all answered and said:—'The festival time has come. Please let it pass, and then we will go.' A long time elapsed, and yet they did not arrive. I again sent messengers to summon them. But inasmuch as they sent mean men, it was impossible to concert plans. Now Imna's failure to come in answer to my summons was not their own idea, it was the work of the unprincipled sycophancy of Ahyön-Ya-na-sa and Cha-ro-ma-to [two men's names: they have already occurred above[43]]. Now Imna treats Ara as an elder brother, and simply follows its wishes, while the people of Ara regard the Japanese authority as Heaven, and are implicitly guided by its wishes. [The Pèkché 'Original Record' has, 'Treats Ara as a father, and regards the Japanese authority as the origin.] Now Ikuba no Omi, Kibi no Omi, and Kahachi no Atahe are all simply at the beck and nod of Yanasa and Mato. Yanasa and Mato are only mean persons of no family, yet they exercise absolute authority over the Japanese administration. Moreover they restrain Imna and prevent it from sending envoys. For these reasons I was unable to concert measures with them and make answer to Your Majesty. I therefore detained Kwi-ma-nu-ki [probably Tsumori no Muraji?] and sent another messenger, swift as a flying bird, with this report to Your Majesty. But if you allowed those two men [Yanasa and Mato] to remain in Ara, they would carry on their manifold intrigues, making it impossible for Imna to be established, and assuredly preventing the states west of the sea from doing their service. It was my humble petition that these two men might be removed and sent home, and that you should take measures for the establishment of Imna by instructions to the Japanese authorities and to Imna. Therefore thy servants (XIX. 20.) sent the Nasol, Mimasa and the Nasol, Kwinyön along with Kwi-ma-nu-ki to present this memorial and to hear Your Majesty's answer. Hereupon Your Majesty gave command, saying:—'It was not by our wishes that Ikuba no Omi and the others [by the others are meant Kibi, Otokimi no Omi and Kahachi no Atahe] went to Silla. Formerly, when In-chi-mi [not clear] and the Kanki of Aro were in office, that country was harassed by Silla, and the people were unable to attend to their husbandry. Pèkché is so far distant that it was unable to help them in their need. Ikuba no Omi and the others therefore went to Silla, and just obtained leave for them to plough and sow. Is it necessary to repeat what We have already told thee, viz., that if Imna is established, Yanasa and Mato will withdraw of their own accord.'

I received Your Majesty's Commands with humility. Joy and dread mingled in my bosom. Silla, however, was deceiving the Imperial Court, and knew how to set at naught the Imperial Commands. In spring, Silla seized Chhăk-syun, and having expelled my guards of Mount Kunyé, at length kept possession of it. The part bordering on Ara was cultivated by Ara; the part bordering on Mount Kunyé was cultivated by Silla. Each cultivated for themselves, and there was no mutual encroachment. But Yanasa and Mato passed over and cultivated the territory of others. In the sixth month they ran away to Inchimi. Afterwards, when Kose no Omi came [the Pèkché 'Original Record' has, 'After I detained Inchimi, when Kose no Omi came.' All this is not clear], Silla ceased to encroach on and harass the territory of others, and there were no complaints from Ara of being unable to attend to husbandry owing to the harassments of Silla. Thy servant was formerly told that Silla, every spring and autumn, assembled troops in large (XIX. 21.) numbers with the object of invading Ara and Hasan,[44] or as some say, to invade Kara. Lately I received a letter, in consequence of which I sent troops for the protection of Imna. This shows that there has been no negligence. I repeatedly despatched resolute soldiers to their help when occasion demanded, and it was owing to this that the Imna people were able to carry on their agricultural operations in due season, and that Silla did not dare to molest them. Yet it was reported to Your Majesty that Pèkché was so far distant that it was unable to help them in their need, and, therefore, Ikuba no Omi and the others went to Silla, and just obtained leave for them to p1ough and sow. This is deceiving the Celestial Court above, and multiplying wicked intrigues. The deception is here plain enough. There must be many other cases besides of lying in order to deceiYe the Celestial Court. So long as Ikuba no Omi resides in Ara I fear it will be impossible to establish the land of Imna. He ought speedily to be removed. This state of things is viewed by thy servant with profound apprehension. Cha-ro-ma-to, although the son of a Corean mother, holds the position of Ohomuraji and takes precedence among the Agents of Japan, entering the ranks of the noble and honourable. And yet he now wears the cap of the Silla official rank of Namanyé,[45] from which it may be readily seen that he is devoted to that country body and soul. When his conduct is maturely observed, there is no sign at all of awe or dread. Therefore I formerly reported to Your Majesty his evil deeds, setting them out fully for your information. Now he still wears a foreign dress and daily goes to the Silla borders, journeying back and forward publicly or privately without any fear whatever. The downfall of the Tök[46] country was owing to no other cause (XIX. 22.) than this. Hamphi, Kanki of the Tök country, was false to the Land of Kara, and had a secret understanding with Silla, so that Kara fought from without. Hence its (Tök's) downfall. Now supposing that the Kanki, Hamphi had been prevented from entering into a secret understanding with Silla, the Tök country, small as it is, would certainly not have come to ruin. In regard to Chhăk-syun again, the case is the same. If the Ruler of Chhăk-syun had been prevented from holding secret understandings with Silla, and inviting aggression, would this State have come to destruction? When I consider one after another the disasters of the downfall of these various provinces, all are owing to men with secret understandings and double hearts. Now Mato and the others are on terms of great intimacy with Silla. They have at last put on their dress, and frequent Silla morning and evening, secretly preparing treason. I fear, therefore, that Imna will, on this account, come to permanent ruin. If Imna is ruined, thy servant's country stands alone and exposed to danger, and though I am desirous of continuing my allegiance, how will this be possible? It is my humble prayer that Your Majesty, in the exercise of your profound reflection and distant foresight, will promptly remove them to their former place and thus give peace to Imna."

Winter, 10th month. The Pèkché envoys, the Nasol, Teung-mun, the Nasol, Kama, and the rest took their departure.

The Pèkché "Original Record" has, "Winter, 10th month. The Nasol, Teung-mun and the Nasol, Kama returned from Japan. They said there was no Imperial reply in respect to the matter of Kahachi no Atahe, Yanasa and Mato, which they had represented to the Emperor.

11th month. Pèkché sent messengers to summon the Omi of the Japanese Residency and the Agents of Imna, saying:—"The Nasol Teung-mun, Kama, the Nasol of Kose, and Kapi, the Mononobe Nasol, whom I sent on a mission to the Emperor's Court, have returned from Japan. Now let the chief Japanese authority, with the Agents of the Land of Imna, come and hear the Emperor's orders, and let us consult together respecting Imna." Accordingly, Kibi no Omi, the chief Japanese authority, the lower Kanki of Ara, the Tè-pu-son Ku-chhyu-yu-ni, the Syong-syu-wi[47] of Kara, named Ko-chyön-hyé, the Lord of Sol-ma, the Lord of Să-i-ki, the son of the Lord of San-pan-hyé, the I-syu-wi[48] of Tara, named Heul-kön-chi, (XIX. 23.) the Kanki of Chă-tha, and the Kanki of Ku-chha[49] proceeded to Pèkché. Hereupon, King Syöng-myöng of Pèkché notified to them the general purport of the Emperor's decree, saying:—"I sent the Nasol, Mimasa, the Nasol, Kwi-nyön, and the Nasol, Yong-ka-ta to the Court of Japan, upon which the Emperor gave command that Imna was to be speedily established. Moreover, Tsumori no Muraji, by the Emperor's order, inquired what was to be done with Imna. I have, therefore, sent for you, and I beg of you each to give your advice as to the best further means of establishing Imna." Kibi no Omi and the Kanki[50] of Imna said:—"The establishment of the land of Imna rests simply with the Great King. It is our desire and hope, in obedience to Your Majesty,[51] to join in making a representation to the Emperor and hearing his instructions." To this King Syöng-myöng said:—"The land of Imna has, from of old time, bound itself to be to our Pèkché as a son or younger brother.[52] Now, Inchimi, of the Japanese Miyake [the name of the Japanese Omi resident in Imna], has already smitten[53] Silla, and is now preparing to send an expedition against me. This, again, is a result of his fondness for listening to Silla's empty boasts and vaunting language. Now the object of sending Inchimi[54] to Imna was never that it should be invaded and destroyed [not clearj. From old time until now Siila has been without principle, eating its words and breaking its faith. In this way it has brought our faithful ally, the Land of Chhăk-syun, to ruin. I hope to have the satisfaction of making it repent it, and I have therefore sent for you. Let us all take to heart the Emperor's gracious message. It is my hope and desire that (XIX. 24.) the Land of Imna may thus be set up and continued as in former days, and that we may long be brethren. I have been informed that on the frontier between the two countries of Silla and Ara there is a great river,[55] which makes it easily defensible. I intend to take advantage of this to construct six fortresses along it, and humbly to petition the Emperor for 3000 troops—5oo for each fortress. Adding to these my own soldiers, we shall make it impossible (for the Silla people) to cultivate the rice-fields. By harassing them in this way, it is to be hoped that the five fortresses of Mount Kunyé will fling down their arms and surrender of their own accord, while the Land of Chhăk-syun will be restored again. For the troops which I shall request of the Emperor, I will provide clothing and food. This is the first part of the plan which ! wish to submit to the Emperor.

Moreover, in respect to the stationing of prefects and governors of castles in South Kara, is it that I wish to oppose the Emperor, and cut off the channel of paying tribute? I only hope to render effective aid against manifold disaster, and to overthrow a powerful enemy. But who is there who does not contrive to attach himself to these bands of violent men? The Northern[56] enemy is great and strong, and my country is small and weak. If I did not station in South Kara prefects and governors of castles for its government and protection, it could not be defended against such a powerful foe, and it would also be impossible therewith to restrain Silla. I therefore propose to retain them in their stations for the harassment of Silla, and the preservation of Imna. If this be not done, I fear (XIX. 25.) that I shall come to ruin and be unable to render allegiance to the Emperor. This is the second part of the scheme which I wish to submit to the Emperor.

Moreover, the Emperor may decree the establishment of Imna, but so long as Kibi no Omi, Kahachi no Atahe, Yanasa, and Mato continue to reside in Imna, he will be unable to do so. I shall therefore request that these four men be each sent back to their respective homes. This is the third part of the plan which I wish to submit to the Emperor.

Let us all together, you the Omi of the Japanese Miyake, you the Kanki of Imna, and myself, despatch envoys with a joint message to His Majesty, praying to hear his gracious instructions."

Hereupon Kibi no Omi and the Kanki said:—"The triple scheme propounded by the Great King is entirely in accordance with our humble sentiments. We pray that we may be allowed to return and respectfully advise with the Oho-omi[57] [meaning the Oho-omi of the Japanese Administration in Imna] of the Japanese Administration, the King of Ara, the King of Kara, as to their all sending envoys with a joint message to the Emperor. This is truly an occasion such as only comes once in a thousand years. Ought it not to be profoundly considered and maturely planned?"

12th month. The following report[58] was received from the province of Koshi:—"At Cape Minabe, on the northern side of (XIX. 26.) the Island of Sado, there arrived men of Su-shēn[59] in a boat, and staid there. During the spring and summer they caught fish, which they used for food. The men of that island said they were not human beings. They also called them devils, and did not dare to go near them. The people of the village of Umu, on the east of the island, having gathered acorns,[60] were preparing to cook them for eating, and having covered them over with ashes, were roasting them, when the shells turned into two men, which hovered over the fire at a distance of more than a foot. After a time they fought together, to the great wonder of the villagers. They took them and placed them in the courtyard, when they flew as before, and went on fighting. A certain man divined from this, saying:—'We shall assuredly be enchanted by devils.' Not long after, as he had said, they were plundered by them.[61] Thereupon the men of Su-shēn removed to Segaha Bay. The God of this bay is a dreadful God, and no one dares to approach him. Half of those who drink of that water when thirsty die, and their bones are piled up on the rocky steeps. The common people call this God Mishihase[62] no Kuma."

(A.D. 545.) 6th year, Spring, 3rd month. Hasuhi, Kashihade no Omi, was sent on a mission to Pèkché.

Summer, 5th month. Pèkché sent the Nasol, Ki-neung,[63] the Nasol, Yong-ka-ta, and the Sitök, Chhă-chyu with a memorial to the Emperor.

Autumn, 9th month. Pèkché sent Po-ché,[64] Ho-tök of the Middle Division, and others to Imna with a present of valuable products of Wu for the Omi of the Japanese Government there, and for all the Kanki, each in proportion to his rank.

(XIX. 27.) This month Pèkché made an image of Buddha sixteen feet high,[65] and drew up a written prayer, saying:—"I understand that it is extremely meritorious to make a Buddha sixteen feet high. By the merit which I have now acquired in reverentially constructing one, I pray that the Emperor may obtain exceeding virtue, and that all the land of the Miyake[66] belonging to the Emperor may receive blessings. I also pray for the moral enfranchisement[67] of all living creatures under Heaven. Therefore I have made this image."

Winter, 11th month. Hasuhi, Kashihade no Omi, returned from Pèkché, and said:—"Thy servant, when sent on his mission, departed with all his family, and arrived at the shore [shore means the seashore] of Pèkché. The sun went down and we took lodging for the night. One of my children suddenly disappeared, and we could not tell where he had gone to. That night there was a great fall of snow, and we could not search for him until morning. Then we found the footprints of a tiger in a row one after another. Thy servant accordinly, having girded on his sword and put on his armour, went out in search. Coming to a cliff, he drew his sword, and said:—'I, having respectfully taken charge of the silken threads and (XIX. 28.) cords,[68] with weary toil by land and sea, my hair combed by the wind, my bath the rain, with the grass for my mat and thorns for my carpet, came hither, all because I loved my child, and wished to make him succeed to his father's office. Thou (too), O Dread Deity! hast parental love as one feature of thy character. Now to-night my child disappeared. Following up his traces, I sought for him as far as this place, and without fear of losing my life I intend to have my revenge. For this I have come. Upon this that tiger advanced before me and opened his mouth in order to devour me. But I, Hasuhi, swiftly stretched out my left hand and seized that tiger by the tongue, while with my right I stabbed it to death. Then I stripped off its skin and returned with it.'"

This year Koryö was greatly troubled by civil disturbances, and large numbers of people suffered execution.

The "Pèkché Original Record" says:—"12th month, 20th day. The Syé faction and the Chhu faction of the Land of Koryö fought at the King's Court with beat of drum. The Syé party were beaten, but did not disband their troops. On the third day, all the Syé party's children and grandchildren were taken and put to death. On the 24th, King Hyang-kang, of the land of Koma,[69] died."

(A.D. 547.) 7th year, Spring, 1st month, 3rd day. The envoys from Pèkché, Kwi-nyön, Nasol of the Middle Division, and his companions took their departure. They received a present of seventy-four good[70] horses and ten ships.

Summer, 6th month, 12th day. Pèkché sent Nyang-Yöp-nyé, Nasol of the Middle Division, and others, to present tribute.

Autumn, 7th month. A report was received from the district of Imaki in the province of Yamato, saying:—"In the spring of the 5th year (of the reign), Miya [this is a personal (XIX. 29.) name], Kahara Tami no Atahe, went up to an upper story to view the prospect. He saw a good horse, bred from the mares which carry the food for the Emperor's table sent by the fishermen of the Land of Kiï. When it saw a shadow it neighed loudly: it nimbly sprang over its mother's back. He approached and bought it. He kept it for several years. When it grew up, its action was like that of the startled wild goose or the soaring dragon. It differed from the flock and excelled the crowd. It was obedient to control, and its paces were in due proportion.[71] It leaped over the ravine at the Hill of Ohochi, which is eighteen rods[72] in width. Miya, Kahara Tami no Atahe, is a man of the village of Hinokuma."

This year Koryö was greatly disturbed: more than 2000 people were killed in battle.

The "Pèkché Original Record" has:—"Koryö on the 3rd day of the 1st month established as king the son of the second queen. He was eight years of age. The King of Koma[73] had three wives. The true queen had no children, and the heir to the throne was the son of the second consort, whose father's family was of the Chhu faction. The junior wife had also a child. Her father's family was of the Syé faction. When the King of Koma took ill, the Syé faction and the Chhu faction each tried to set up the son of the respective consorts. The result was that of the Syé faction more than two thousand men were slain."

(A.D. 547.) 8th year, Spring, 4th month. Pèkché sent Chin-mo-syön-mun, Tök-sol of the Former Division, the Nasol, Kama and others to ask for auxiliaries, and offered (as hostage) Wön, son of Tong-syöng, (Nasol?) of the Lower Division, exchanging him for the Tök-sol, Mun-hyu-ma-na.

(A.D. 548.) (XIX. 30.) 9th year, Spring, 1st month, 3rd day. The Pèkché ambassador, Chin-mo-syön-mun, Tök-sol of the Former Division, and his colleagues, asked leave to depart. Accordingly an Imperial command was given, saying:—"In regard to the auxiliaries asked for by you, help will be assuredly sent you. Hasten to carry back this answer to your king."

Summer, 4th month, 3rd day. Pèkché sent the Han-sol of the Middle Division, Nyang Yöp-nyé and others with a message to the Emperor, saying:—"The Tök-sol, Syön-mun and his colleagues have arrived at thy servant's frontier state with an Imperial message, informing me that the auxiliary force which I asked for would be sent when occasion demanded. I have humbly received this gracious pronouncement, and my joy is unbounded. Now, a prisoner taken in the expedition of the Castle of Ma-chin [1st month, 3rd day. Koryö led an army and laid siege to the Castle of Ma-chin][74] has reported thus:—'It was on the invitation and at the instigation of the Land of Ara and of the Japanese authorities (in Corea) that this expedition against Pèkché was undertaken.' Judging from the facts, this appears likely. I wished, however, to examine thoroughly this statement, and three times sent to summon them. But neither of them came, and I am therefore profoundly anxious. I humbly pray the August Emperor [the western frontier states all style the Emperor of Japan the August (lit. to be feared) Emperor] first to consider this, and for the time being to delay the auxiliaries[75] which I asked for until thy servant sends an answer."

The Emperor's command was as follows:—"We have listened attentively to thy representation. When we consider what thou dost complain of, we, too, are vexed that the Japanese authorities and Ara should not have come to the assistance of a neighbour in his difficulty. But it is incredible that they should have gone so far as to send a secret message to Koryö. If we had ordered it so, of course they would have sent one, but in the absence of any order from us, how could they find it possible to do so? I beg that the king, loosing his collar and slackening his girdle, will possess his soul in (XIX. 31.) peace and avoid profound suspicions and fears. In accordance with our former instructions, let him join forces with Imna, and let them together each defend the territory which they hold in fee against the northern enemy.[76]

We are about to send a number of men to re-people the territory of Ara, left vacant by the fugitives."

6th month, 3rd day. An envoy was sent to Pèkché with an Imperial message, saying:—"What is the news since the Tök-sol, Syön-mun took his departure? We are informed that thy country has suffered from the Koma brigands. It would be well earnestly to take measures in concert with Imna, and defend yourselves as heretofore."

Intercalary 7th month. 12th day. Nyang-Yöp-nyé, the Pèkché envoy, and his colleagues took their departure.

Winter, 10th month. Three hundred and seventy men were sent to Pèkché to assist in constructing a fortress[77] at Tök-i-sin.

(A.D. 549.) 10th year, 6th month, 7th day. The Syang-tok, Mun-kwi and the Ko-tök, Ma-chha-mun asked permission to take their departure. Accordingly the Emperor commanded, saying:—"We are about to send to inquire into the truth of the statement that Yanasa and Mato have been privately sending emissaries to Koryö. The army asked for will be countermanded as requested."

(A.D. 550.) 11th year, Spring, 2nd month, 10th day. An envoy was sent with an Imperial message to Pèkché [the "Pèkché Original Record" says:—"3rd month, 12th day. The Japanese Ambassador Apita, with three ships, arrived at the capital"], saying:—"With regard to the purport of the memorial presented by the Syang-tök, Mun-kwi and the Ko-tök, Ma-chha-mun, We have given instructions on each point, so that it is as plain as looking at something on the palm of one's hand. It is Our desire that you should take them thoroughly to heart, and we hope, moreover, that you will give them your whole attention, so that after the envoy's return all may be with you the same as usual. It is Our present wish merely to make plain Our answer, and therefore We send a messenger to you.

(XIX. 32.) Moreover, We are informed that you have a trusty Minister, the Nasol, Ma-mu, who serves as a channel of communication between you and your people, and who, being a man after Your Majesty's heart, acts as your assistant. If you wish that your State should be undisturbed, that it should permanently occupy the position of a Miyake, and long continue to serve the Emperor, all that is necessary is that Ma-mu be appointed your chief Envoy to Our Court."

The Emperor made a further decree, saying:—"We are informed that your enemies of the North commit outrages, and we therefore send you thirty sets[78] of arrows, which we hope will serve for the defence of one place."

Summer, 4th month, 1st day. The Japanese representative[79] resident in Pèkché being on the point of leaving [the "Pèkché Original Record" says:—"4th month, 1st day. The Japanese Apita went away"], King Syöng-myöng, of Pèkché, addressed him, saying:—"As to the matter of Imna, it shall be vigorously defended, in accordance with the Imperial instructions; as to Yanasa and Mato, whether they are to be called to an account or not, I shall simply obey the Imperial orders." He accordingly sent a present of six Koryö slaves for the Emperor, and to his representative he gave a separate gift of one slave. [All these were slaves captured at the siege of Irim.]

16th day. Pèkché sent Phi-ku-keun, Nasol of the Middle Division, and Chyak-kan-na, Si-tök of the Lower Division, with a present for the Emperor of ten Koma captives.

(A.D. 551.) 12th year, Spring, 3rd month. The Emperor gave the king of Pèkché a present of 1000 bushels of seed-wheat.

This year, King Syöng-myöng of Pèkché, commanding an army in person, together with troops from the two countries, [by the two countries Silla and Imna are meant], invaded Koryö, and conquered the territory of Hansyöng.[80] Thence he again moved forward his army and attacked Phyöng-yang.[81] Six (XIX. 33.) districts in all were eventually restored to their former territorial dependence.

(A.D. 552.) 13th year, Summer, 4th month. The Imperial Prince, Yata no Tama-katsu no Ohoye, died.

5th month, 8th day. Pèkché, Kara, and Ara sent the Tök-sol of the Middle Division, Mok-hyöp-keum-ton, and Asăpita, of the Kahachi Be,[82] to make representation to the Emperor, saying:—"Koryö and Silla, having established friendly relations and joined their powers, design to overthrow thy servants' countries, together with Imna. Therefore we humbly request an auxiliary force, so that we may first attack them unawares. The number of the troops is left to the Emperor's decision."

The Emperor commanded, saying:—"We have now heard all that the King of Pèkché, the King of Ara, the King of Kara, and the Omi of the Japanese Government[83] have conjointly by their envoys represented to Us with regard to the state of affairs. Let them continue, along with Imna, to unite their hearts and strength as heretofore, and they will be undoubtedly blessed with the protection of High Heaven, and can, moreover, place their trust in the spirits of the August Emperors."

Winter, 10th month. King Syöng-myöng ot Pèkché [also called King Syöng] sent Kwi-si of the Western Division, and the Tal-sol, Nu-ri Sa-chhi-hyé, with a present to the Emperor of an image of Shaka[84] Butsu in gold and copper,[85] several flags and umbrellas, and a number of volumes of "Sutras." (XIX. 34.) Separately he presented a memorial in which he lauded the merit of diffusing abroad religious worship, saying:—"This doctrine is amongst all doctrines the most excellent. But it is hard to explain, and hard to comprehend. Even the Duke of Chow[86] and Confucius had not attained to a knowledge of it. This doctrine can create religious merit[87] and retribution[88] without measure and without bounds, and so lead on to a full appreciation of the highest wisdom.[89] Imagine a man in possession of treasures to his heart's content, so that he might satisfy all his wishes in proportion as he used them. Thus it (XIX. 35.) is with the treasure of this wonderful doctrine. Every prayer is fulfilled and naught is wanting. Moreover, from distant India it has extended hither to the three Han,[90] where there are none who do not receive it with reverence as it is preached to them.

Thy servant, therefore, Myöng,[91] King of Pèkché, has humbly despatched his retainer,[92] Nu-ri Sa-chhi, to transmit it to the Imperial Country, and to diffuse it abroad throughout the home provinces, so as to fulfil the recorded saying of Buddha: 'My law shall spread to the East.'"

This day the Emperor, having heard to the end, leaped for joy, and gave command to the Envoys, saying:—"Never from former days until now have we had the opportunity of listening to so wonderful a doctrine. We are unable, however, to decide of ourselves." Accordingly he inquired of his Ministers one after another, saying:—"The countenance of this Buddha which has been presented by the Western frontier State is of a severe dignity, such as we have never at all seen before. Ought it to be worshipped or not?" Soga no Oho-omi, Iname no Sukune, addressed the Emperor, saying:—"All the Western frontier lands without exception do it Worship. Shall Akitsu Yamato alone refuse to do so?" Okoshi, Mononobe no Ohomuraji, and Kamako, Nakatomi no Muraji, addressed the Emperor jointly, saying:—"Those who have ruled the Empire in this our State have always made it their care to worship in Spring, Summer, Autumn and Winter the 180 Gods of Heaven and Earth, and the Gods of the Land and of Grain. If just at this time we were to worship in their stead foreign Deities, it may be feared that we should incur the wrath of our National Gods."

(XIX. 36.) The Emperor said:—"Let it be given to Iname no Sukune, who has shown his willingness to take it, and, as an experiment, make him to worship it."

The Oho-omi knelt down and received it with joy. He enthroned it in his house at Oharida, where he diligently carried out the rites of retirement from the world, and on that score purified his house at Muku-hara and made it a Temple. After this a pestilence was rife in the Land, from which the people died prematurely. As time went on it became worse and worse, and there was no remedy. Okoshi, Mononobe no Ohomuraji, and Kamako, Nakatomi no Muraji, addressed the Emperor jointly, saying:—"It was because thy servants' advice on a former day was not approved that the people are dying thus of disease. If thou dost now retrace thy steps before matters have gone too far, joy will surely be the result! It will be well promptly to fling it away, and diligently to seek happiness in fhe future."

The Emperor said:—"Let it be done as you advise." Accordingly officials took the image of Buddha and abandoned it to the current of the Canal of Naniha. They also set fire to the Temple, and burnt it so that nothing was left. Hereupon, there being in the Heavens neither clouds nor wind, a sudden conflagration consumed the Great Hall (of the Palace).

This year Pèkché abandoned Han-syöng and Phyöng-yang. Silla took advantage of this to make an entrance and to settle in Han-syöng. These are the present Silla towns of U-to-pang[93] and Ni-mi-pang [these names of places are unclear].

(A.D. 553.) (XIX. 37.) 14th year, Spring, 1st month, 12th day. Pèkché sent Kwa-ya Chhă-chyu, Tök-sol of the Higher Division, the Hah-sol. Nyé-se-ton, and others to ask for troops.

15th day. The Pèkché Envoys, Mok-hyöp-keum-ton, Tök-sol of the Middle Division, and Kahachi Be no Asăpita took their departure.

Summer, 5th month, 7th day. The following report was received from the province of Kahachi:—"From within the sea at Chinu, in the district of Idzumi, there is heard a voice of Buddhist chants, which re-echoes like the sound of thunder, and a glory shines like the radiance of the sun." In his heart the Emperor wondered at this, and sent Unate[94] no Atahe [here we have only Atahe, and the personal name is not given, probably owing to the error of some copyist] to go upon the sea and investigate the matter.

This month Unate no Atahe went upon the sea, and the result was that he discovered a log of camphor-wood shining brightly as it floated on the surface. At length he took it, and presented it to the Emperor, who gave orders to an artist to make of it two images of Buddha. These are the radiant camphor-wood images now in the Temple of Yoshino.

6th month. Uchi no Omi [the personal name not given] was sent on a mission to Pèkché with a present of two good horses, two travelling barges, fifty bows, fifty sets[95] of arrows, and an Imperial message, saying:—"As to the troops asked for by the King, his wishes shall be complied with." A separate (XIX. 38.) Imperial order was given, saying:—"The men learned in Medicine, in Divination,[96] and in the calendar,[97] have to take it in turn to come up (to the Japanese Court) and to go down. The year and month having just now come for the above classes of men to be relieved, let them be sent with the Envoy on his return, so that they may be mutually exchanged. Let Us also be furnished with books of divination, calendars, and drugs of various kinds."

Autumn, 7th month, 4th day. The Emperor visited the Palace of Magari in Kusunoki.

By order of the Emperor, Soga no Oho-omi, Iname no Sukune, charged Ō-shin-mi[98] to keep an account of the shipping-tax. He was accordingly made Chief over the ships, and the style[99] was granted him of Funa no Fumibito. He was the ancestor of the present Funa no Muraji.[100]

8th month, 7th day. Pèkché sent Kwa-ya, Nasol of the Higher Division, with a man of Silla named Mun-hyu-thè-san, Ko-tök of the Lower Division, and others, who presented a memorial to the Emperor, saying:—"Last year thy servants jointly sent Uchi no Omi, the Tök-sol Chhă-chyu, with a High Official of Imna, to report to Your Majesty on the various Miyake beyond the sea. I have humbly awaited Your Majesty's gracious commands as the herbs in spring look up for the refreshing showers. This year there is the unexpected news that Silla and Koma have made a common plan, saying:—'Pèkché and Imna resort frequently to Japan, doubtless in (XIX. 39.) order to ask for troops wherewith to invade our territories. If this be true, it will be the ruin of our country. We must be on the alert and watch. It may be hoped that we shall anticipate the Japanese troops and conquer Ara before they have started. We can then cut off their communications with Japan.' Such is their plan. When thy servant heard this he was profoundly alarmed, and straightway dispatched a swift messenger and a light-sailing vessel speedily with a memorial informing you of this. I would humbly implore of the Celestial bounty that there may be speedily sent to our assistance in time for the autumn season, an army in two divisions, front and rear, one after the other, wherewith to make secure the Miyake beyond the sea. If they are later than this, our efforts will be as vain as the endearour to bite one's navel.

Thy servant will bear the expense of providing food and clothing for the troops which are sent, from the time of their arrival in his country. A similar arrangement would hold good on their arrival in Imna. But if their provisions are insufficient, thy servant will assuredly send supplies in aid and prevent there being any deficiency."

A separate memorial said:—"Ikuba no Omi, having reverently received the Imperial commands, came and comforted thy servant's frontier state. Ever attentive morning and evening, he sedulously discharged his various functions. Therefore the frontier States beyond the sea all celebrated his goodness, and wished that he might live for ten thousand years to give peace to the lands beyond the sea. Unfortunately he died, to our deep regret. And now who is there to direct the affairs of Imna? I humbly beg of the Celestial bounty that some one be sent to replace him and continue his service, so that Imna may have peace.

(XIX. 40.) Moreover, the lands beyond the sea are very scarce of bows and horses. From old times until now, they have received them from the Emperor, and have therewith defended themselves against their powerful enemies. I humbly pray the Celestial bounty to bestow on us a large supply of bows and horses."

Winter, 10th month, 20th day. Yö-chhyang, son of the King of Pèkché [King Wi-tök, son of King Myöng], led forth all the troops of the kingdom against the land of Koryö. Having thrown up entrenchments on the Pèk-hap[101] plain, he allowed his soldiers to sleep and eat. Looking out that evening over the great and fertile plain, with its level surface extending far and wide, where few traces of man were to be seen, and not a dog was heard to bark, he all at once heard a sudden sound of fife and drum. Yö-chhyang was greatly astonished, and having beat his drums in response, kept strict watch all that night. At early dawn he got up and.saw the broad plain covered everywhere with flags and banners, as a hill is covered with green foliage. When it became clear, a horseman appeared, wearing a gorget, two others carrying cymbals, and two with leopards'[102] tails stuck on them—in all five horsemen. They advanced bit alongside of bit, and inquired, saying:—"Some boys told us that in our plain strangers were staying. How could we avoid going out courteously to receive them? We now wish that you should speedily become acquainted with us, and therefore, according to etiquette, we would ask your name, (XIX. 41.) age and rank." Yö-chhyang answered and said:—"My name is the same name;[103] my rank is that of Han-sol, and my age is twenty-nine." Pèkché having in turn made inquiry, an answer was given after the same manner. Finally marks[104] were set up, and they fought together. Thereupon Pèkché, with his spear, thrust down from his horse the Koryö warrior, and having cut off his head, raised it aloft on the point of his spear, returned to camp, and showed it to the troops. The Koryö generals were very indignant, while the shouts of joy of the Pèkché men were like to rend asunder Heaven and Earth. Next some of the generals of auxiliary troops beat their drums, and engaging quickly in the fight, drove back the King of Koryö to the top of Mount Tong-syöng.

(A.D. 554.) 15th year, 1st month, 7th day. The Imperial Prince, Nunakura Futo-dama-shiki no Mikoto, was raised to the position of Prince Imperial.

9th day. Pèkché sent Mok-hyöp Mun-chhă, Si-tök of the Middle Division, and Wal-cha Pun-ok, Si-tök of the Former Division, to Tsukushi, to communicate with Uchi no Omi, Saheki no Muraji, and his colleagues. They said:—"The Tök-sol, Chhă-chyu, with the Han-sol, Sè-ton, and the rest, arrived on the 4th day of the Intercalary month of last year and stated that the Omi [i.e. Uchi no Omi] and his colleagues would come in the first month of this year. But although they said so, it is still doubtful whether you are coming or not. Moreover, what of the number of the troops? We pray that (XIX. 42.) you will inform us of their number, so that we may prepare cantonments in advance."

In a separate communication, they said:—"We have just heard that thou, by command of the August Emperor, hast arrived in Tsukushi in charge of the troops bestowed on us by him. Nothing could compare with our joy when we heard this. The campaign of this year is a much more dangerous one than the last; and we beg that the force granted to us may not be allowed to be later than the first month."

Hereupon Uchi no Omi answered in accordance with the commands of the Emperor:—"Accordingly there is being sent an auxiliary force to the number of 1000 men, 100 horses, and 40 ships."

2nd month. Pèkché sent General Sam-kwi, Han-sol of the Lower Division, with Mononobe no O,[105] Nasol of the Senior Division, to ask for auxiliaries. They took the opportunity of offering Mak-ko, son of Tong-syöng,[106] in exchange for the Nasol Wön, son of Tong-syöng, whose turn it had previously been,[107] and Wang Yang-kwi, a man learned in the five classics, in exchange for the Ko-tök, Ma Työng-an, and the Buddhist priest Tam-hyé, and eight others in exchange for To-sim and six others.

Separately, in obedience to the Imperial commands, they brought the Si-tök, Wang To-nyang, a man learned in divination, the Ko-tök, Wang Po-son, a man learned in the calendar, the Nasol, Wang-yu-neung-tha, a physician, the Si-tök, Pön-nyang-phung, and the Ko-tök, Pyöng-yu-tha, herbalists, the Si-tök, Sam-keun, the Kyé-tök, Kwi-ma-chhă, the Kyé-tök,[108] Chin-no, and the Té-tök,[109] Chin-tha, musicians, all which persons were exchanged according to request.

3rd month, 1st day. The Pèkché envoys Mok-hyöp Mun-chhă, Si-tök of the Middle Division, and his colleagues took their departure.

Summer, 5th month, 3rd day. Uchi no Omi proceeded to Pèkché in command of a naval force.

Winter, 12th month. Pèkché sent Mun-să Kan-no, Han-sol of the Lower Division, who presented a memorial, saying:—"Thy servants, Myöng, King of Pèkché, the various Omi of Wa[110] resident in Ara, and the Kanki of all the provinces of Imna, beg to report to Your Majesty the unprincipled conduct of Silla, who, having no dread of the Emperor, has formed an alliance with Koryö, and designs to destroy the Miyake North of the Sea. Thy servants having consulted together, sent Uchi no Omi and others to ask for troops wherewith to make war on Silla. Accordingly the Emperor (XIX. 43.) sent Uchi no Omi in command of a force, which arrived in the sixth month. Thy servants were profoundly rejoiced, and on the ninth day of the twelfth month sent an expedition to attack Silla. Before this thy servant had sent Mononobe no Mak-ka-mu no Muraji,[111] Governor of the Eastern Quarter, in command of the troops of that Quarter, to lay siege to the castle of Hamsan. The people brought over by Uchi no Omi, along with Mak-ka Wi-sa-kwi, Tsukushi no Mononobe, who were skilled in shooting fire-arrows, under the protection of the August spirits of the Emperors, set fire to the castle and took it at sunset on the ninth day of the month. Therefore I have sent a special envoy in a swift ship to make this report to Your Majesty."[112]

In a separate address he said:—"If it were Silla alone, the troops under the command of Uchi no Omi would be sufficient. But now Koma and Silla have joined their hearts and united their strength, so that success will be difficult. I humbly pray that all the troops of the Island of Tsukushi may be at once sent to the assistance of thy servant's country, and also to the assistance of Imna. In that case we shall be successful."

He further represented as follows:—"Thy servant despatched a separate force of 10,000 men to the assistance of Imna, and at the same time sent information of this to Your Majesty. Now matters are in a critical condition, and I report them by a fast-sailing[113] vessel. I beg moreover to present to Your Majesty two rolls of brocade of superior quality, one of woollen carpet, 300 axes, with two men and five women belonging to the captured castle,[114] of such trifling value that I fear to look back on them."[115]

When Yö-chhyang was considering his plan of campaign against Silla, an old man[116] remonstrated with him, saying:—"Heaven does not yet grant it. Disaster is to be feared." Yö-chhyang said:—"Old man! why be so timid? I serve a (XIX. 44.) great country. How can there be any cause for apprehension?" So he eventually invaded the Land of Silla, and built the fortress of Kuta-mura.[117] His father, King Myöng, was distressed that Yö-chhyang should have so long to bear the sufferings of the campaign, deprived for lengthened intervals of sleep and food, his own parental affection feeling many a want, while his son's filial care was reduced to scanty limits. Accordingly he went out to join him and comfort him in his toil. Silla, hearing that King Myöng was coming in person, set on foot the whole armed force of the kingdom, intercepted him by the way, and crushed him. At this time Silla said to Koto [also called Kokchi] a groom-slave of Sachi-mura:[118]—"Thou Koto art a vile slave: King Myöng is a famous Prince. If now the mean slave were made to slay the famous Prince, he might hope to transmit his name to posterity, and not be forgotten in the mouths of men."

27th day. Koto accordingly took King Myöng, and with repeated obeisances, said to him:—"I beg leave to cut off Your Majesty's head." King Myöng answered and said:—"A king's head should not pass into the hands of a slave." Koto said:—"By our country's law, those who break their oaths, even were they called kings, must fall into the hands of slaves."

One book has:—"King Myöng sat down on a chair, and having taken off the sword which hung at his girdle, gave it to Kokchi to slay him therewith."

King Myöng looked up to Heaven, sighed deeply, and with tears gave his consent, saying:—"Whatever way I turn my thoughts, pain always enters my marrow. Nor on reflection is there any means by which there is a possibility of my life being saved." So he held forward his head, and submitted to have it cut off. Koto cut off his head and so killed him. He then dug a grave and buried him.

(XIX. 45.) One book says:—"Silla buried King Myöng's skull, but the other bones were sent with due ceremony to Pèkché. Now the King of Silla buried King Myöng's bones[119] at the bottom of the stairs of the Northern Hall of his Palace, and gave this Hall the name of To-tang."[120]

Yö-chhyang, finding at last that he was surrounded, attempted to make his way through, but could not. His troops were taken with consternation, and knew not what to do. Now there was a skilful archer, a Miyakko of the Land of Tsukushi. He advanced, bent his bow, and taking aim, shot down one of the bravest of the Silla horsemen. The penetration of the arrow which he shot was such that it went through the bow of the saddle on which he rode, both before and behind, and reached the joining of the armour[121] he had on. Then he went on shooting arrows one after another like rain, more and more fiercely, without any remission, and shot to the ground the troops by whom they were surrounded. By this means Yö-chhyang and his generals were enabled to escape (XIX. 46.) back by a by-road. Yö-chhyang complimented the Kuni no Miyakko on having shot down the troops who had encompassed them, and conferred on him the honorary name of Kurani no Kimi.[122]

Upon this the Silla generals, satisfied that Pèkché was completely worn out, wished at length to take measures for the destruction of the remainder. But there was one general who said:—"This would be a mistake. The Emperor of Japan has frequently attacked our country on account of Imna: much more should we certainly invite upon ourselves future mischief if we should proceed to take steps for the destruction of the Miyake of Pèkché." This project was therefore dropped.

(A.D. 555.) 16th year, Spring, 2nd month. Yö-chhyang, son of the King of Pèkché, sent Prince Hyé [Prince Hyé was the younger brother of Wi-tök[123] with a message to the Emperor, saying:—"King Syöng-myöng has been slain by brigands" [slain by Silla in the 15th year of the reign, and therefore this report to the Emperor]. When the Emperor heard this he was indignant, and sent an envoy to meet him at the port with a message of condolence. Hereupon Kose no Omi inquired of Prince Hyé:"Dost thou wish to remain here or to proceed to thine own country?" Hyé answered and said:—"Trusting in the influence of the Emperor, it is my hope to revenge myself on the enemies of the King my father. I pray him to bestow his compassion on me and grant me a numerous armed force so that I may wipe out my disgrace, and repay my enemies. Whether I go or whether I remain, how should I dare to do otherwise than simply obey his commands?" Presently Soga no Omi condoled with him, saying:—"King Syöng had a wonderful mastery of the Law of Heaven, and the principles of Earth:[124] his fame was spread abroad through the four quarters (XIX. 47.) and the eight points of the compass. We hoped that he would long maintain peace, and rule over the frontier States west of the sea, and that for a thousand, nay for ten thousand years he would render allegiance to our Emperor. But to our surprise, in a morning, he passed upwards and was lost in the infinite. Like flowing water, he returns not again, but remains at rest in the dark dwelling. Oh! what a cruel grief, what a heartrending sorrow! Who is there possessed of feeling who does not lament his death? For what special fault, moreover, has this calamity come? But now what art shall be used to give tranquillity to your country?"

Hyé answered and said:—"Thy servant is by nature foolish, and knows not great counsels, much less the causes of good or ill fortune, or of the ruin or preservation of a State."

The Minister Soga said:—"Formerly, in the reign of the Emperor Oho-hatsuse,[125] thy country was hard pressed by Koryö, and was in an extremely critical position, like that of a pile of eggs. Thereupon the Emperor commanded the minister of the Shintō religion reverently to take counsel of the Gods. Accordingly the priests,[126] by divine inspiration, answered and said:—'If after humble prayer to the Deity, the founder of the Land,[127] thou goest to the assistance of the Ruler who is threatened with destruction, there will surely be tranquillity to the State and peace to the people.' Prayer was therefore offered to the God, aid was rendered, and the peace of the country was consequently assured. Now the God who originally founded this country is the God who descended from Heaven and established this State in the period when Heaven and Earth became separated, and when trees and herbs had (XIX. 48.) speech.[128] I have recently been informed that your country has ceased to worship him.[129] But if you now repent your former errors, if you build a shrine to the God and perform sacrifice in honour of his divine spirit, your country will prosper. Thou must not forget this."

Autumn, 7th month, 4th day. Iname no Sukune Soga no Oho-omi and Hodzumi no Ihayumi no Omi were despatched to the five districts of Kibi to establish the Miyake of Shirawi.

8th month. Yö-chhyang of Pèkché addressed his Ministers, saying:—"I[130] now desire, for the sake of the King, my deceased father, to leave the world and practise religion." The Ministers and the people answered and said:—"We have now received the instructions intimating to us Your Majesty's wish to be allowed to retire from the world and to practise religion. Ah! whose fault was it that firm plans were not made in the first place, of which neglect so great evils have been the consequence? From the foundation of this kingdom until the present year Koryö and Silla have vied with each other in their efforts to destroy it. To what country, therefore, could our national line of sovereigns now be entrusted? In principle Your Majesty's instructions ought unquestionably to be complied with. For if the words of the old man had been attended to, how should we have arrived at our present condition? We beseech Your Majesty, therefore, to repent your former errors. But do not take the trouble to retire from the world. If you wish to fulfil your vow, let a number of the people of the Land be made to enter religion." Yö-chhyang answered and said:—"Be it so." Accordingly he applied to his Ministers for advice. They at length consulted together upon the matter, and caused one hundred persons to enter religion. They also made a large number of banners and umbrellas and meritorious things of all kinds, etc., etc.

(A.D. 556.) 17th year, Spring, 1st month. Prince Hyé of Pèkché asked leave to return home. He was accordingly presented with a very large supply of weapons and good horses. Moreover, gifts were liberally bestowed (on his followers), so that they uttered respectful exclamations (of gratitude).

Hereupon Abe no Omi, Saheki no Muraji, and Harima no Atahe were sent in command of a naval force of the Land of Tsukushi to escort him to his country. The Lord of Hi[131] in Tsukushi was sent separately [the Pèkché "Original Record" says:—"Son of the Lord of Tsukushi and younger brother of (XIX. 49.) the Middle Lord of Hi"] in command of 1000 valiant soldiers to escort him to Mite [name of a port], and he was accordingly made to guard the strong positions on the way to the port.

Autumn, 7th month, 6th day. Soga no Oho-omi, Iname no Sukune[132] and others were sent to the district of Kojima in Hither Kibi[133] to establish a Miyake, of which Midzuko, Katsuraki no Yamada no Atahe, was made Tadzukahi.[134]

Winter, 10th month. Soga no Oho-omi, Iname no Sukune and others were sent to the district of Takechi in Yamato to establish the Miyake of Ohomusa of Coreans [by Coreans is meant Pèkché people] and the Miyake of Womusa[135] of Koryö men. The Miyake of Ama in the Land of Ki was established in the Land of Ki. [One writing says:—"The Coreans of various places were made serfs of the Miyake of Ohomusa and the Koryö men were made serfs of the Miyake of Womusa. It was in consequence of the appointment of the Coreans and Koryö men as serfs that these places were styled Miyake."[136]]

(A.D. 557.) 18th year, Spring, 3rd month, 1st day. Prince Yö-chhyang of Pèkché succeeded to the throne. He was styled King Wi-tök.

(A.D. 560.) 21st year, Autumn, 9th month. Silla sent the Namal[137] Michi Kwichi with an offering of tribute. His entertainment was unusually liberal. The Namal was rejoiced thereat, and (XIX. 50.) so took his departure. It was said:—"In the case of tribute Envoys the State is all-important and private considerations are despised. On an ambassador depend the lives of the people, and it is a governmental abuse when a mean person is selected for this position. Such a course is quite unjustifiable. It is desired that sons of good families should be selected as ambassadors, and not persons of mean extraction."[138]

(A.D. 561.) 22nd year. Silla sont the Keup-pöl-kan,[139] Ku-nyé-cheul, with an offering of tribute. He was entertained by the official charged with the reception of strangers on a lower scale of ceremony than usual. The Keup-pöl-kan was enraged, and took his departure.

This year the Tè-sa,[140] Notyö, was sent again to present the former tribute at Oho-kuni in Naniha. In arranging the precedence of the various frontier States, the entertainers, Nukadabe no Muraji and Katsuraki no Atahe, made him take rank below Pèkché and introduced him in this order. The Tè-sa was angry. He went away and refused to enter the (XIX. 51.) official residence. He went on board ship and returned to Anato.[141] At this time the official building at Anato was being repaired. The Tè-sa inquired:—" For what guest is this construction?" The chief builder, Oshikatsu, Kahachi no Mumakahi no Obito, mockingly said:—"It is for the lodging of the ambassador who is being sent to call the Western Land to an account for its rude conduct.'" The Tè-sa, on returning to his country, reported this speech, and therefore Silla built a fortress on Mount Araphasă as a defence against Japan.

(A.D. 562.) 23rd year, Spring, 1st month. Silla destroyed the Miyake of Imna.

One writing says:—"21st year. Imna was destroyed. The general term Imna includes the provinces called separately Kara, Ara, Săiki, Tara, Cholma, Kochhi, Chătha, Sanpanha, Kwison, and Imnyé, in all ten provinces."[142]

Summer, 6th month. An edict was issued, as follows:— "The Silla people, a tribe of wretches in the West, have, in defiance of Heaven and devoid of right feeling, disregarded the favour We have shown them. They have broken Our Miyake, poisoned Our black-haired people, and massacred the population of Our districts. When Our ancestor, Okinaga Tarashi hime no Mikoto,[143] a wonderful sage of clear intelligence, made a tour throughout the Empire, showing her anxiety on behalf of all the people and nourishing her myriad subjects, she pitied the (XIX. 52.) condition of Silla, which was then reduced to an extremity, and spared the head of its king, which was about to fall. She granted to Silla strong positions, and bestowed on it honours it was not entitled to. In what respect did Our ancestor, Okinaga Tarashi hime no Mikoto, show a want of consideration for Silla, or Our people an unfriendly feeling towards that country? Yet Silla with long spears and strong bows has oppressed Imna. With serrated tusks and hooked talons they have committed ravage amongst the living souls, rending their livers and hacking off their feet with insatiable delight, scorching their bones in the sun, and burning their dead bodies without saying to themselves that it was cruel. From the Noble House down to the people of Imna, using all their knives and expending their last chopping-block, they have butchered and made mince-meat of them. Within the shores of the land, who is now left to be called a servant of the King?[144] Who is there that eats grain, the food of man, or drinks water, his beverage, who can bear to hear these things without being grieved in his heart? Much more the heir to the Throne and the Oho-omi! For the former, bound as he is by hereditary friendship, it is an occasion to weep tears of blood and cherish feelings of revenge. In the case of the latter, there is towards officials charged with the frontier screen the gratitude due to those who rub themselves smooth[145] from crown to heel (in their country's service). Heirs in their generation to the virtues of previous governments, and themselves destined to hold high dignity in a later reign, if they cannot, by making drip their gall and drawing out their bowels,[146] join with Us in slaying the traitors, thus wiping off this bitter outrage against Heaven and Earth, and doing vengeance on the enemies of a Lord and father, even in my grave I shall be indignant that the right rule of conduct of vassal and child has not been realized."[147]

(XIX. 53.) In this month, a certain person slandered Uta-yori, Mumakahi no Omi, saying:—"Uta-yori's wife met me at Sanuki.[148] Her saddle-pad was different from ordinary ones. When I examined it closely, I saw that it was the Empress's saddle." He was accordingly handed over to the judicial authority, who put him to the most severe examination. Uta-yori, Mumakahi no Omi, accordingly declared upon oath, saying:—"This is false, and not true. If this is true, let calamity from Heaven surely befall me." At last he fell prostrate on the ground under the torture, and died. No long time after his death, there were sudden misfortunes in the Palace. The judicial officer then arrested his sons, Morishi and Nasehi [Morishi and Nasehi are personal names], and when about to cast them into the fire [Casting into the fire was no doubt the ancient mode of punishment], uttered a charm, saying:—"Not by my hand are they cast." Having uttered this charm, he was about to fling them into the fire, when Morishi's mother made a prayer, saying:—"If my child is flufig into the fire, a great calamity will indeed follow. (XIX. 54.) I beseech thee, let him be given over to the Hafuri, to be a slave in the service of the Gods." In accordance, therefore, with his mother's supplication, he was permitted to be confiscated to the service of the Gods.

Autumn, 7th month, 1st day. Silla sent envoys to offer tribute. These envoys knew of the destruction of Imna by Silla, but, ashamed of the offence against national gratitude, they did not dare to ask leave to depart. Eventually they remained, and did not return to their own land, but were made to take rank as subjects of the State. They were the ancestors of the Silla men of the village of Uno in the district of Sarara in the province of Kahachi.

In this month, the General-in-Chief, Ki no Womaro no Sukune, was sent forth in command of an army by way of Tari, and the Associate General, Nihe, Kahabe no Omi, by way of Mount Kö-cheung, to demand of Silla its reasons for attacking Imna. At length they arrived at Imna. Toni, Komo-tsume Be no Obito, was sent to Pèkché to concert a plan of military operations. Toni accordingly lodged in his wife's house, and lost a letter and a bow and arrows by the way. Silla thus gained a thorough knowledge of the military plans, and having promptly raised a large army, brought on itself overthrow, and rendered submission and allegiance. Ki no Womaro no Sukune? having gained the victory, marched his army into the Pèkché camp, where he addressed an order to the troops, saying:—"It is the excellent advice of antiquity that in victory one should not forget defeat: that in safety it is necessary to bethink oneself of danger. On the frontier which we now hold, wolves meet in mutual intercourse. Such being the case, ought we to be heedless and not to think of disaster? Even in times of peace, the sword should not be laid aside. For a wise (XIX. 55.) man's warlike preparation ought not to be relaxed. I pray you, be very watchful, and zealously observe this command."[149] The soldiery all entrusted their hearts to him, and applied themselves to their duties. Nihe, Kahabe no Omi, advanced alone, aud in successive engagements captured all that opposed him. The Silla men again raised the white flag, flung down their arms, and bowed their heads in submission. Nihe, Kahabe no Omi, never having had any skill in military matters, raised the white flag in reply, as a simple intimation to advance alone. The Silla commander said:—"General Kahabe no Omi now wishes to surrender," and advancing his troops, made an onset. With all their pointed weapons they hastened to the attack, and routed the vanguard. The wounded were very numerous. Tahiko, Yamato no Kuni no Miyakko, conscious that help was impossible, abandoned his troops and took to flight. The Silla commander, his hooked spear in hand, pursued as far as the castle-moat, and flourishing his spear, struck at him. But Tahiko, inasmuch as he was mounted on a swift horse, leaped across the castle-moat, and narrowly escaped with his life. The Silla commander stood on the edge of the moat, and exclaimed, saying:—"Kusunichări"[150] [a Silla word of uncertain meaning]. Hereupon Kahabe no Omi at length withdrew his forces, and retreating, hurriedly encamped on the plain. Upon this his troops all held him in contempt, and there was none to yield him obedience. The commander advanced in person within the camp, and took them all prisoners, viz. Nihe, Kahabe no Omi, and his men, as well as his (XIX. 56.) wife, who accompanied him. At this time, between father and child, husband and wife, there was no mutual commiseration. The commander inquired of Kahabe no Omi, saying:—"Which is more dear to thee—thine own life, or that of thy wife?" He answered and said:—"Why, for the love of one woman, should I accept disaster? There is nothing dearer than life," and eventually granted her to be his concubine. The commander at length ravished her in a public place. She afterwards returned, and Kahabe no Omi wished to approach her and talk to her. But she was deeply mortified, and refused to consort with him, saying:—"Thou, my former lord, having for no good reason sold thy handmaiden's person, with what countenance could I now live with thee?" And she persisted in her refusal to speak to him. This lady was the daughter of Sakamoto no Omi, and her name was Mumashi hime. Ikina, Mitsugi no Kishi, who was captured at the same time, being a man of mettle, utterly refused to submit.' The Silla commander drew his sword, and making as if to kill him, compelled him with threats to take off his trousers, and then told him to present his hinder part towards Japan, and call out with a loud voice, "Let the Japanese generals bite[151]— —!" But he cried out, saying:—"Let the King of Silla bite— —!" No matter how much they tortured him, he went on shouting as before, and he was accordingly put to death. Moreover his son Wojiko embraced his father, and so died. So hard it always was to shake Ikina's determination to stick to his own language. Accordingly, he alone was lamented by all the generals. Moreover, his wife Ohobako[152] was taken captive at the same time. In her grief she made a song, saying[153]:—

Standing by the fortress
Of the Land of Kara,
(XIX. 57.) Ohobako
Waves her head-scarf,
Turning towards Yamato.

Someone composed a song in response, saying:—

Standing by the fortress
Of the Land of Kara,
Ohobako
Is seen to wave her head-scarf,
Turning towards Naniha.

8th month. The Emperor sent Sadehiko, Ohotomo no Muraji as general-in-chief in command of an army of several tens of thousands of men to attack Koryö. Accordingly Sadehiko, acting on plans laid by Pèkché, routed Koryö. Their King climbed over a wall, and so made his escape. Sadehiko at length followed up his victory, and entered the palace, where he took possession of and brought away with him all the valuables, presents, curtains of seven-fold woof, and an iron house.[154]

An old book says:—"The iron house was on the top of the western storied building of Koryö: the woven curtains were hung in the private chamber of the Koryö King.

The curtains of seven-fold woof were offered as a present to the Emperor; while to the Oho-omi, Soga, Iname no Sukune, there were sent two suits of armour, two swords mounted in gold, three copper bells with chasings, two flags variously coloured, a beautiful woman called Hime[155] [Hime is a name], and also her attendant, Atako. Hereupon the Oho-omi at length took to him these two women and made them his wives, lodging them in the palace of Karu no Magari.

The iron house is in the Temple of Chōanji, but we do not know in what province this temple is. One book says:—"11th year.[156] Ohotomo no Sadehiko, along with the Land of Pèkché, repulsed Yang-hyang, King of (XIX. 58.) Koryö, at the capital city of Pi-chin-nyu."

Winter, 11th month. Silla sent Envoys tooffer presents and at the same time to bring tribute. The Envoys found out all about the Government being indignant against Silla on account of the destruction of Imna, and did not dare to ask leave to depart, fearing lest they might be executed.[157] They did not return to their own country, and were made to rank as (Japanese) subjects. These men were the ancestors of the present Silla men of Hani-iho in the district of Mishima in the province of Settsu.

(A.D. 565.) 26th year, Summer, 5th month. Some Koryö men, Tu-mu-ri-ya-phyé and others, emigrated to Tsukushi. They were settled in the province of Yamashiro, and were the ancestors of the present Koryö men of Une-hara, Nara, and Yamamura.

(A.D. 567.) 28th year. There were floods in the districts and provinces, with famine. In some cases men ate each other. Mutual assistance was rendered by transporting grain from the neighbouring districts.

(A.D. 569.) 30th year, Spring, 1st month, 1st day. An edict was issued as follows:—"The institution of serfs[158] is a custom of old standing. But for more than ten years past, there have been many whose names have been omitted from the lists, and who have avoided their tasks. Let Itsu [Itsu was nephew of Ō Chin-ni[159] be sent to revise the lists of the serfs of Shirawi."

Summer, 4th month. Itsu revised the serfs of Shirawi, and in accordance with the edict, settled the lists, so that land-families[160] were formed. The Emperor, by way of compliment to Itsu on his success in settling the lists, gave him the title of Shirawi no Obito, and moreover appointed him Tadzukahi under Midzuko [Midzuko is mentioned above].[161]

(A.D. 570.) 31st year, Spring, 3rd month, 1st day. Iname no Sukune, Soga no Oho-omi, died.

(XIX. 59.) Summer, 4th month, 2nd day. The Emperor made a progress to the Palace of Shibagaki in Hatsuse.

Moshiro, Yenuno no Omi, a man of Koshi, came to the capital and addressed the Emperor, saying:—"Envoys from Koryö, suffering by reason of the winds and waves, lost their way, and missing their harbour, drifted at the mercy of the current, until they suddenly reached the shore. This was concealed by the ruler of the district. Therefore I make it known to Your Majesty."

The Emperor made an order, saying:—"This is the first time since our taking over the Imperial functions, now many years ago, that men of Koryö, losing their way, have reached the coast of Koshi. Though suffering from being cast away and submerged, yet their lives have been preserved. Is not this an instance of the wide extension of wise counsels, of perfect virtue majestically displayed, of benign influences universally pervasive, of vast blessings far diffused? Let the proper functionaries erect a hall in the district of Sagaraka in the province of Yamashiro, let them cleanse it and render cordial entertainment and help."

In this month the Imperial carriage arrived back from the Palace of Shibagaki in Hatsuse, and Arako, Atahe of the House of Eastern Aya,[162] and Naniha, Katsuraki no Atahe, were sent to meet and bring in the Koryö Envoys.

5th month. Katabeko, Kashihade no Omi, was sent to Koshi to entertain the Koryö Envoys. The Chief Envoy, knowing perfectly well that Kashihade no Omi had been sent by the Emperor, addressed Michi no Ushi, the ruler of the district of Koshi, saying:—"After all, as I suspected, thou art not the Emperor. Thou hast prostrated thyself in doing obeisance to Kashihade no Omi, which is abundant evidence that thou art a subject. And yet before, deceiving me, thou didst take the tribute and appropriate it. Let it be promptly (XIX. 60.) given back, and waste no words in palliation of thy conduct." Kashihade no Omi, learning this, sent men to require from him the tribute, which was all given up, and on returning to the capital reported on his mission.

Autumn, 7th month, 1st day. The Koryö envoys arrived at Afumi.

This month Saru, Kose no Omi, and Kishi no Akabato were despatched from the Port of Naniha, towing a barge (up the river) to Mount Sasanami, where they decorated a boat and went to meet them at Mount Kita[163] in Afumi. Finally they brought them into the official residence at Komahi in Yamashiro. Accordingly Komaro, Yamato noAya no Saka no Uhe no Atahe, and Ohoshi, Nishikori no Obito, were sent to escort them. The Koryö envoys were again entertained in the official residence of Sagaraka.

(A.D. 571.) 32nd year, Spring, 3rd month, 5th day. Sakata, Mimiko no Iratsumi was sent on a mission to Silla to demand an explanation of the reasons for the destruction of Imna.

In this month Koryö sent presents and likewise a memorial, but several tens of days elapsed without their having an opportunity of presenting it. They were compelled to await a lucky day.

Summer, 4th month, 15th day. The Emperor took to his bed, sick and ill at ease. The Prince Imperial had gone away, and was not present, but was summoned by a messenger on a swift horse, and introduced into the bed-chamber. The Emperor took him by the hand, and gave command to him, saying:—"Our illness is very grave. That which comes after devolves on thee. Thou must make war on Silla, and establish Imna as a feudal dependency, renewing a relationship like that of a husband and wife just at it was in former days. If this be done, in my grave I shall rest contented."

(XIX. 61.) On this day the Emperor at length died in the inner chamber. His years were many.[164]

5th month. He was temporarily interred at Furuichi in Kahachi.

Autumn, 8th month, 1st day. Silla sent as Envoys of condolence Mi-cheul-chă-sil-syo and others to make lament at the place of temporary interment.

This month Mi-cheul-chă-sil-syo and the rest took their departure.

9th month. The Emperor was buried in the Misasagi of Sakahi at Hinokuma.

  1. Heaven-land push-open wide-court.
  2. Kimmei. Legge renders this by "reverential, intelligent." Vide "Shooking," p. 15.
  3. No true wolf exists in Japan, but Canis hodophylax is a sort of lame counterfeit of the European beast."—Dickins, in Satow and Hawes' "Handbook of Japan," p. [40]. Of the Ohokami, lit. "Great God," by which the Chinese character for wolf is rendered, Dickins says, "If it exists, nothing is known of it to science."
  4. i.e. his being recommended to the Emperor in a dream.
  5. Sie.
  6. A brother had died four years before, aged seventy, and another had just died, aged seventy-three. Kimmei is said to have died A.D. 571, at the age of sixty-three, or eighty-one, by another account. Evidently the chronology is not yet quite satisfactory.
  7. An allusion to the Chinese saying, "Talent will show itself: like an awl in a bag, the point comes through." Vide Giles, p. 1309.
  8. The Empress's speech is composed almost wholly of sentences from Chinese authors.
  9. Senkwa Tennō. She was therefore his niece, daughter of his half-brother by the father's side.
  10. Bindatsu Tennō.
  11. The traditional Japanese rendering of the Corean name Kwichipu.
  12. T'sin and Han are the Chinese dynasties so called. These men must have been recent emigrants from China to Corea, or their near descendants who had not yet been merged in the general population. This statement throws light on Japanese ethnology. It shows that not only the upper classes, as appears from the "Seishlroku," but the common people contained a large foreign (Chinese and Corean) element.
  13. T'sin is called Hada in Japanese.
  14. Hafuri means a Shinto priest, tsu is probably the genitive particle.
  15. See above, p. 7.
  16. Or Suminoye, near Sakai.
  17. Senkwa Tennō.
  18. These genealogies present much that is obscure and contradictory. The "Kojiki" varies. One thing, however, is clear, that the Emperors at this time married their own half-sisters and other near relations.
  19. Yōmei Tennō.
  20. Or lbaragi, or Uberagi. He was her half-brother by the father's side, and cousin by the mother's side.
  21. Suiko Tennō.
  22. It is difficult to say anything of the authorship of this note. It is clearly not from the pen of the compiler of the "Nihongi." The word I have rendered "modified" is engrave (or carve)—alter (刊改), which looks rather as if block-printing were referred to. This would bring the writer down to the thirteenth century or thereabouts. The "original record of the Emperors" is very like the title of one of the parts of Shōtoku Daishi's "Kiujiki." See below, XXII. 32. The Japanese commentators give no help here.
  23. The Corean pronunciation of the Chinese characters would be Hanki, but here and below Kanki is no doubt the correct word.
  24. Syang-syu-wi means "highest rank."
  25. The "Tongkam" calls him Syöng. It has only a few words under this year, and nothing is said of the events here related.
  26. Notwithstanding the respectful terms in which the King of Pèkché speaks of the Emperor of Japan, it would be a mistake to suppose that their relations were those of suzerainty. The King of Pèkché made war without consulting Japan, and several times during this century received investiture from the reigning Chinese Dynasty, as in 528 and 570. Possibly the Japanese historians may have garbled the documents before them so as to make them read more respectful to the Mikado. But for the period we have now come to it is not necessary to take this view. The kinglets of Corea very likely were not sparing of cnmplimentary phrases which cost them nothing. A Chinese author mentions the fact that at this period the Coreans styled Japan 大國, or the Great Country.

    I am inclined to think that the word Japan in this passage has been introduced retrospectively. If this had been the official designation of the country at this time, it would in all probability have been used in the letter addressed to the Emperor of China in Sulko's reign.

  27. Probably King Syoko.
  28. Kusyu.
  29. From this it would appear that Maro is a Corean name as well as Japanese. It also occurs in Keidai Tennō's reign. Ha-pu means "lower division." Chung-cha-phyöng is the name of a high office in Corea.
  30. See above, p. 43.
  31. i.e. I love them more than a brother.
  32. i.e. the yellow springs, or Hades.
  33. "When a deceased father, wishing to build a house, had laid out the plan, if his son be unwilling to raise up the hall, how much less will he be willing to complete the roof!"—Legge's "Shooking," p. 371.
  34. 34.0 34.1 The Japanese interlinear version has tsuchi no wazawahi and ame no wazawahi, i.e. calamities of earth, and calamities of Heaven. There seems here a confusion between ill omens and the calamities they portend.
  35. "Third year" is not in the original. The "Shūkai" inserts it, no doubt rightly.
  36. 下韓. The interlinear Kana has Arushi Kara Kuni. Arushi is meant for the Corean word arē, "below."
  37. Ki no Omi was a Japanese with a Corean title.' See above, p. 44.
  38. Described as Namban, or southern barbarians, i.e. the Malay Archipelago.
  39. See above, XIX. 10. He was the Japanese authority of Ara who was intriguing with Silla.
  40. Ki no Omi was the Nasol Mimasa.
  41. Kimi is probably the Japanese word for "lord."
  42. This may be Japanese, in which case Kose is the pronunciation. Mononobe is Japanese. The frequency with which Japanese names occur in the names of Pèkché officials is significant of the influence exercised by Japan in the peninsula at this period.
  43. See above, p. 54. They are intended for Japanese names, but I do not recognize them.
  44. 荷山. The interlinear Kana reading is Nomure, where mure is for the Corean moi, mountain.
  45. Nama was a Silla official rank.
  46. The Tök country is doubtless the same as Tök-kwi-than frequently named above. e.g. XVII. 18.
  47. This means Upper-head-rank, and is probably a Corean title.
  48. Second-head-rank, probably a title.
  49. Called Ko-chha below, year 23 of this reign.
  50. This term apparently includes all the personages above described.
  51. .
  52. This phrase is used loosely for "a dependant."
  53. The "Shukai" thinks we should read for "smitten," "conspired with".
  54. Probably Isumi was his name. The interlinear Kana gives this rendering.
  55. The Naktong gang.
  56. Koryö is meant. The old reading for "northern" is "this," the Chinese characters for these two words strongly resembling each other.
  57. The Omi was therefore only a subordinate officer.
  58. Apparently made by the provincial recorders whose appointment is noted above, p. 307 of Vol. I.
  59. "An old name for the 女愼, Tungusic ancestors of the Manchus."—Giles. The interlinear Kana has Mishi-hase or Mish-muse or Mishimu-mase.
  60. The fruit of the shii, or Quercus Cuspidata.
  61. Apparently by the Manchus.
  62. Mishihase is the Japanese rendering of Su-shēn. Kuma means bear.
  63. Perhaps identical with the Kwi-nyön mentioned above.
  64. Written with the same characters as are used for the Sanskrit Bôdhi, wisdom.
  65. The "Shukai" quotes from a Chinese author:—"Ming Ti, an Emperor of the Later Han Dynasty, saw in a dream a man of gold of great stature with a nimbus round his head. One of his Ministers explained that there was a God in the western quarter whose name was Buddha. He was sixteen feet high and of a yellow golden colour. Upon this the Emperor sent to India to make inquiries respecting the Buddhist doctrine, which resulted in paintings (of Buddha)being made in China." Numerous other cases are found of Buddhas of this height.
  66. i.e. the Japanese territory in Corea.
  67. Vimokcha. See Eitel's "Handbook of Buddhism," 2nd edition, p 201.
  68. i.e. the Emperor's missive.
  69. Written 狛. Koryö is meant. A king of Koryö named Anwön died in this year, according to the "Tongkam." The interlinear Kana has "Nuta," which I can make nothing of.
  70. i.e. broken in.
  71. i.e. it had a good mouth and easy paces.
  72. The rod is usually of ten feet.
  73. The Chinese character is 狛, as before. See above.
  74. The "Tongkam" mentions an invasion of Pèkché by Koryö in this year. Koryö was driven back with great loss by the help of an auxiliary force from Silla. The last statement sounds rather strange in view of the relations of Pèkché and Silla described in the above pages.
  75. If, as the "Tongkam" states, an invasion of Pèkché by Koryö had been repulsed by the help of Silla auxiliaries, there was a still better reason why Pèkché should no longer require a Japanese force for operations against Silla.
  76. Koryö.
  77. Or fortresses.
  78. According to the "Yengishiki" a set of arrows was sometimes ten, sometimes fifty.
  79. 王人, i.e. royal man.
  80. The present capital, commonly called Söul. This expedition is mentioned in the "Tongkam."
  81. Phyöng-yang was the capital of Koryö.
  82. Apparently a Japanese. The Interlinear Kana has Ashihita.
  83. In Corea.
  84. Sakyamuni.
  85. Copper with a small admixture of gold.
  86. See "Mayers' Handbook," p. 21.
  87. Sanskrit, Punya.—Giles.
  88. Either good or bad. Here in a good sense.
  89. Bôdhi.
  90. Buddhism had been introduced into Koryö A.D. 372, from the Ch'in country in Western China. It penetrated to Pèkché in 384.:—"Tongkam," Vol. IV. pp. 4-7.
  91. This is the right name.
  92. The character used means the vassal of a vassal, and implies an acknowledgment of Japan's suzerainty.
  93. 牛頭方 and 尼彌方. Uto means Ox-head, and was no doubt taken from the name of the Mountain U-to-san. A commentator says:—"Silla and Koryö together attacked Pèkché and took Han-syöng and Phyöng-yang. Han-syöng was made Utopang and Phyöng-yang Ni-mi-pang."
  94. Or Misobe.
  95. See above, p. 64.
  96. By the "Yih-King," or Book of Changes.
  97. The first mention of calendars in the "Nihongi."
  98. Of Corean extraction.
  99. Lit. surname.
  100. Secretary of Shipping.
  101. Pèk-hap means "lily."
  102. The Interlinear Kana has naka tsu kami, i.e. the God of the middle. The wolf and tiger are also called Gods.
  103. i.e. as your own. The Koryö and Pèkché kings were of the same family originally.
  104. Flags to indicate the field of combat—the lists.
  105. O is , i.e. Crow. Mononobe is Japanese. How the Corearns pronounced it is altogether uncertain.
  106. A former King of Pèkché.
  107. To serve as hostage. See above, p. 62.
  108. Tenth rank, green girdle.
  109. Eleventh rank, yellow girdle.
  110. The use of Wa for Japan in this passage is curious. If it is genuine, probably the earlier use of Nippon is retrospective.
  111. A curious mixture of Japanese and Corean in this name. In the rest these messages it seems to be the King alone who is speaking.
  112. The "Tongkam" says:—"Silla and Koryö having formed an alliance, the King of Pèkché was angry, and in person led a force of infantry and cavalry with which he laid siege to the Castle of Kosan-san."
  113. I take , grass, to be a mistake for , fast.
  114. See above, p. 64.
  115. The "Tsū-shō" commentator suspects a lacuna here.
  116. Or plural.
  117. Apparently a Japanese name.
  118. A Japanese name. For mura the Interlinear Kana has Sukiri or Sukur, apparently a rendering of a Corean word meaning village-master. But this would require the addition of , master. Perhaps this character has been accidentally omitted.
  119. The skull is no doubt meant.
  120. Tang means hall. To is apparently in allusion to Koto, the King's excutioner. The "Tongkam" has also an account of these events. But it makes the King of Pèkché to have been killed in battle.
  121. The Interlinear Kana has kabuto, helmet, which is manifestly absurd.
  122. The Knight of the Saddle-bow.
  123. Wi-tök is the historical name of Yö-chhyang. He was succeeded by his second son, Hyé-chang, who is probably the Prince here referred to.
  124. By the former astronomy is meant; under the latter is included geomancy and physical geography.
  125. Yūriaku Tennō. See Vol. 1. p. 353.
  126. Hafuri.
  127. Oho-na-mochi no Kami.
  128. See Vol. 1. p. 64.
  129. The "Tsū-shō" commentator here quotes the following curious statement from a work called the"Sei-to-ki":—"In the reign of the Emperor Kwammu (782-806) we and Corea had writings of the same kind. The Emperor, disliking this, burnt them and said:—'These speak of the God who founded the country, and do not mention the Gods our ancestors.'" But possibly this only refers to the legend of 檀君, Tan-kun, which the "Tongkam" gives as follows:—"In the Eastern region (i.e. Corea) there was at first no chief. Then there was a divine man who descended under a sandal tree. The people of the Land established him as their Lord. He was called Tan-kun (Sandal-lord), while the country received the name of Chosön (morning freshness). This was in the reign of (the Chinese Emperor) T'ang-Yao (B.C. 2357-2258), the year Mon-shên, The capital was at first Phyöng-yang; it was afterwards removed to Pèk-ak (the white hill). In the 8th year (B.C. 1317) of the reign of Wu Ting, of the Shang Dynasty, he entered Mount Asătal (Asita) and became a God."
  130. Lit. "the small child."
  131. Another reading is Tsukushi no Oho-Kimi, i.e. the Great Lord of Tsukushi.
  132. Only one person.
  133. This rendering follows the "Original Commentary."
  134. The Chinese characters mean "rural or rice-field governor."
  135. Ohomusa and Womusa are respectively Great Musa and Little Musa.
  136. It would appear from this that it was essential to a Miyake to have a number of serfs attached to it. Possibly 韓人 in this passage should be rendered Kara men instead of Coreans.
  137. The "Tongkam" has 奈麻, i.e. Nama, 11th official rank. The Shoku "Nihongi" has also Nama, which is doubtless correct.
  138. This is apparently a remonstrance addressed to Silla for sending as ambassador a man of the eleventh rank.
  139. Seventeenth rank.
  140. Twelfth rank.
  141. Now Shimonoseki.
  142. The "Tongkam" (Vol. V. p. 21) gives the following account of the downfall of Imna:—

    "Autumn, 9th month. (The year is the same, but the month given does not agree with the 'Nihongi' account.)

    Silla destroyed Great Kaya. Kaya was refractory, and the King commanded the I-son I-să-pu to attack it. Să-ta-sya was associated with him in the command. Să-ta-sya was a descendant in the 7th generation of King Nè-mil (or Nè-mul). He was sixteen years of age, and was accounted a national hero. More than 1000 men of his followers came and begged that he might join in the campaign, but the King would not allow it on account of his youth. On their persisting in their request, however, he gave his permission. Să-ta-sya went to Great Kaya in command of 5000 horsemen, and was the first to enter the Sandalwood gate, where he set up a white flag. Those in the castle were struck with consternation, and I-să-pu, approaching with his troops, at length destroyed that country, the territory being constituted the district of Great Kaya. When the army returned and the merits were weighed, Sya was reckoned first, and the King rewarded him with good rice-land and 300 of the captives. These he steadfastly refused. The King, however, insisted, and he then accepted but distributed the land among his troops, reserving only the barren tract of Chhyuk-syön. He released the captives and converted them every one into good subjects (i.e. free men). The nation admired this conduct. He died at the age of seventeen." It will be observed that there is not a word here about Japan.

  143. Jingō Kōgu.
  144. See Legge's "Sheking," p. 360.
  145. An allusion to Mencius's saying, "The philosopher Mih loves all equally. If by rubbing smooth his whole body from the crown to the heel, he could have benefited the Empire, he would have done it. "Legge's "Mencius," p. 340. This, again, refers to the great Yu, who wrought and waded till he had worn away all the hair on his legs.
  146. i.e. by the exercise of the most devoted loyalty.
  147. European scholars will readily endorse the opinion of Motoöri, that such Imperial edicts as the above are inventions of the writers of the "Nihongi," or perhaps of some predecessor. They are not State papers, but rhetorical exercises, and smell unmistakably of the lamp. The "Shoku-nihongi," which continues the history of Japan from the point where the "Nihongi" leaves off, contains a number of genuine edicts of the ancient Emperors. These are very different documents, written, of course, with Chinese characters, but, like the "Norito" and much of the "Kojiki," in such a way as to suggest the Japanese words in the writer's mind and without any endearour to make a display of Chinese learning or elegance of style.

    Motoöri has collected these edicts and published them with a commentary under the title 歴朝詔詞解.

    The present edict is composed almost entirely of phrases taken from Chinese books.

  148. Not the province of that name, but a place in Yamato.
  149. Most of this speech is copied from a passage in a Chinese author.
  150. It cannot identify this with any modern Corean words.
  151. We should expect to find here the word "kiss" instead of "bite." But the fact is that neither the Chinese nor the Japanese have the thing or the word, at least quite in our sense. Kissing, or what we may call so, is in these countries not considered a proper subject of conversation, and does not figure in their literatures. The nearest Japanese equivalent is kuchi suu, i.e. "mouth-sucking." The only instance I can recollect of the use of this phrase is in a letter from Hideyoshi to his son Hideyori, then five years of age. He promises that he will soon come to see him and give him a kiss (kuchi-sui-mōsu-beku sōrō), expressing at the same time a playful jealousy of his allowing other people to kiss him. The Japanese editor of this letter finds it necessary to explain that kissing, or rather mouth-sucking, is a sign of affection.

    Dr. Schlegel, of the University of Leiden, informs me that "a Chinese boy never kisses his mother—they rub their respective noses over the cheeks. Kissing the hand is totally unknown in China."

    The use of the word bite for kiss by the Chinese suggests that the kiss may be a modification of a playful bite, iust as the smile may have had its origin in a sportive showing of the canine teeth. See Darwin's "Expression of the Emotions," p. 255.

  152. The name of a plant.
  153. Another rendering is: "In grief for her, they (i.e. the generals) made a song, saying:—"
  154. Probably a shrine in the shape of a small pagoda, used as a receptacle for relics, says the "Shūkai" editor.
  155. Or Yome.
  156. No doubt an error for 21st year. The "Tongkam" does not mention this war.
  157. See above, XIX. 54.
  158. Lit. Rice. field Be.
  159. Apparently a Corean or Chinese name.
  160. 田戸 or field-house, i.e. families or groups of cultivators.
  161. XIX. 49.
  162. Or Yamato no Aya.
  163. Northern mountain.
  164. Some say 62, others 63 or 81.