even in pause; cf. §29s and 65 e. In the 1st sing. imperfect the e-sound occurs in two words for Ḥaṭeph-Pathaḥ, under the preformative א; אֱזָרֶה Lv 2633, Ez 512, 1214 and וְאֵסָ֣עֲרֵם Zc 714 (in accordance with §23h).—Before the full plural ending וּן (see §47m) the Ṣere is retained in pause, e.g. תְּדַבֵּר֑וּן ψ 582 (but Gn 3220 תְּדַבְּר֣וּן), cf. 2 K 619, Dt 123; so before Silluq ψ 583, Jb 2111 and even before Zaqeph qaṭon Dt 75. Instead of תְּקַטֵּ֫לְנָה, forms like תְּקַטַּ֫לְנָה are also found, e.g. Is 316, 1318, in both cases before a sibilant and in pause. Also פַּלַּג ψ 5510 occurs as the 2nd sing. imperative (probably an intentional imitation of the sound of the preceding בַּלַּע) and קָרַב (for qarrabh) Ez 3717.
[52o] 3. The infinite absolute of Piʿēl has sometimes the special form קַטֹּל given in the paradigm, e.g. יַסֹּר castigando, ψ 11818; cf. Ex 2119, 1 K 1910 (from a verb ל״א); ψ 402 (from a verb ל״ה); but much more frequently the form of the infinitive construct (קַטֵּל) is used instead. The latter has also, in exceptional cases, the form קִטֵּל (with ă attenuated to ĭ as in the perfect), e.g. in 1 Ch 88 שִׁלְחוֹ; perhaps also (if not a substantive) קִטֵּר Jer 4421; and for the sake of assonance even for infinitive absolute in 2 S 1214 (נִאֵץ נִאַ֫צְתָּ). On the other hand, שִׁלֵּם Dt 3235 and דִּבֵּר Jer 513 are better regarded as substantives, while דִּבֶּר Ex 628, Nu 31, Dt 415 (in each case after בְּיוֹם), Ho 12 (after תְּחִלַּת), in all of which places it is considered by König (after Qimḥi) to be infinitive construct, is really perfect of Piʿēl.
[52p] The infinitive construct Piʿēl, with the fem. ending (cf. §45d), occurs in יַסְּרָה Lv 2618; זַמְּרָה ψ 1471; with ת of the fem. before a suffix צַדֶּקְתֵּךְ Ez 1652. On the verbal nouns after the form of the Aram. inf. Pa‛il (קַטָּלָה), see §84be.
[52q] 4. In Puʿal ŏ is sometimes found instead of ŭ in the initial syllable, e.g. מְאָדָּם dyed red, Ex 255, &c., Na 24, cf. 37 שָׁדְּדָה; Ez 164, ψ 7220, 8011. According to Baer’s reading also in תְּרָצְּחוּ ψ 624, and so also Ben Ašer, but Ben Naphtali תְּרַצְּחוּ. It is merely an orthographic licence when ŭ is written fully, e.g. יוּלַּד Ju 1829.
[52s] 6. A few examples occur of the participle Puʿal without the preformative (מְ), e.g. אֻכָּל Ex 32; יוּלָּד (for מְיֻלָּד) Ju 138; לֻקָּח 2 K 210; סֹעֲרָה Is 5411. These participles are distinguished from the perfect (as in Niphʿal) by the ā of the final syllable. For other examples, see Is 3024, Ec 912 (where יוּקָשִׁים, according to §20n, stands for יֻקָּ׳ = מְיֻקָּ׳); but, according to the Masora, not Ez 2617, since הַֽהֻלָּ֫לָה as Mil‛êl can only be the perfect. The rejection of the מְ may be favoured by an initial מ, as in Is 182.7 (but also מְמֻשָּׁךְ); Pr 2519 (where, however, read מוֹעֶ֫דֶת); so also in the participle Piʿēl מָאֵן Ex 727, 92 (always after אִם, but cf. also הַמֵּאֲנִים Jer 1310, where, however, הַמָּֽאֲנִים = הַמְמָֽאֲנִים is to be read, with Brockelmann, Grundriss, p. 264 f.) and מַהֵר Zp 114 (and Is 81.3?). Notice, however, Barth’s suggestion (Nominalbildung, p. 273) that, as the active of forms like אֻכָּל only occurs in Qal, they are perfect participles of former passives of Qal (see e), and in Jer 1310, 2332, perfect participles of Piʿēl.—On מְרֻבַּע Ez 452, see §65d.