Opponents of imperialism should meet—Imperialists thought ready to retreat—“Eventual independence” means prolonging our military occupation German Government does not intend to cross our purposes—The Powers should guarantee the neutrality of the Philippine Islands—Great Britain's attitude and interest—The fight against the treaty will be for delay.
As Secretary of the Interior, Schurz attempted to arrest devastation of forests—Perhaps the first Secretary to do so—“That horrible Philippine business”—“It will soon be our duty, I think, to cry aloud and spare not.”
Denies Gage's declaration that if Bryan were elected he could force payment in silver of all the public debt, etc.—The currency law used for partisan purposes—If otherwise possible, the Republicans could prevent the action feared—Retraction suggested.
The attempt to frighten the people for partisan interests—The difference between 1896 and 1900—How to prevent the alleged danger—Schurz misrepresented Gage's inconsistencies—The silver question superseded by questions of great and immediate importance.
The political drift and fear of Bryan's financial views—Importance of control of next House of Representatives—McKinley and a Democratic House would be more advantageous for sound money and anti-imperialism—Other benefits of such an outcome—To defeat Bryan and elect a Democratic House is feasible.
Agrees as to advisability of a Democratic House—The policy of “criminal aggression” originated and has been carried forward by the Executive—Doubts efficiency of a small Democratic majority in House—McKinley's reëlection will be represented as a popular endorsement of all that he has done—Philippine policy characterized—Agrees that anti-imperialists should vote for Democratic Representatives.
Has always appreciated the great achievements of the English people—English treatment of the Boers—That the Boers are less civilized is no excuse—The judgment of civilized mankind—American sympathy with the Boers.
General impression of Adams's address—Adams's attitude toward Sumner—Sumner's relations with Grant—Sumner and Fish—Sumner and the treaty of Washington—The Administration and the chairmanship of the Committee on Foreign Relations—Sumner's personal qualities—“The White-House crew.”
Regrets Schurman's unwillingness to serve as a member of the anti-imperialistic committee—Roosevelt not informed as to many things in the Philippines—Volunteer private agencies as a source of information—Schurz's attitude toward anti-imperialistic agitation—No effort should be spared to inform the American people of the facts—Adams and the conservative purposes of the anti-imperialistic committee.
The New York Times and Carnegie's letter to Roosevelt—Roosevelt reported to be all right as to the Philippine question—If so, he should proclaim his faith—What good might result—Barbarities in the Philippines—How we might be relieved of the disgrace—Roosevelt should compel the investigation to be thorough and should declare that what has been done in the Philippines was not to serve the ends of a selfish war of conquest—Roosevelt's opportunity, if he acts promptly—Begs Carnegie to suggest these things to Roosevelt—Schurz's irksome task.
Thanks for compliments on article on negro problem—The unreasonableness of race prejudice—Doubts the wisdom of consulting Booker Washington about appointing colored persons to office—Agreements and disagreements with Roosevelt.
How the South received the article on the negro problem—Recent visit to Hampton, Virginia—Improvement in Southern views as to negro education—Growing sentiment in behalf of Philippine independence—Taft as spokesman of the opposition.
American pride in having aided Cuba to become free and independent—The contrast as to the Philippines—Only partisanship prevents changing Philippine policy—The undemocratic attitude of our Government toward the Philippine question and those who petitioned for a change of policy—The response of the Republican platform and of President Roosevelt—The meaning of it all—The contrast offered by the Democratic party.
Congratulates Parker on decision to abstain from speaking during the campaign—Suggests that Parker's letter of acceptance contain a strong endorsement of the civil service plank of the Democratic platform.
Thinks it better to leave Hay's and Root's addresses unanswered—Unable to speak in the campaign, but will write some things—The importance of having a Democrat of high character as candidate for governorship of New York.
Regrets inability to address the Massachusetts Reform Club—Glad Storey has accepted the presidency of the Anti-Imperialist League—The two things that Roosevelt has really at heart—Expects a Republican split on the tariff.
Congratulations on the Portsmouth peace conference—Suggestions as to how Roosevelt could help in the gradual diminution of the oppressive burdens imposed upon the nations of the world by armed peace—Roosevelt's wonderful opportunity—“The ardent wish still to witness in my day at least a hopeful beginning of so great and beneficent a work.”
“I am not clear either what can be done or what ought to be done”—Advantages of large armaments—No analogy between international law and private or municipal law—Disarmament not a hopeless cause—Doubtful about the increase of war navies—“Peace second to righteousness.”
Schurz explains his precise meaning—Admits that there may be just and beneficial wars—The armed Powers did nothing to prevent the Armenian atrocities—The mad race in building war-ships—To change this is not easy, but possible—A perfect plan not a prerequisite of an attempt to bring about a change—The grandest opportunity of the age.